Scribd Logo
Upload

Welcome to Scribd!

  • On Some Aspects of The Historiography of Colonial India

    Uploaded by

    Aiswarya Jayamohan
    510 views5 pages
    Ranajit Guha

    Original Title

    On Some Aspects of the Historiography of Colonial India

    Copyright

    © © All Rights Reserved

    Available Formats

    PDF or read online from Scribd

    Did you find this document useful?

    Is this content inappropriate?

    Report this Document
    Ranajit Guha

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF or read online from Scribd
    Flag for inappropriate content
    510 views5 pages

    On Some Aspects of The Historiography of Colonial India

    Uploaded by

    Aiswarya Jayamohan
    Ranajit Guha

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF or read online from Scribd
    Flag for inappropriate content
    of 5
    36 Prefce We believe shat wearenotalone in ur concermabout sich elitism and the ned combat it. Others oo have ben equally bape about the tortion and imbalances generated by this tend in academic work on South Asian questions, We therefore hope thetother scholars wilt ‘in his venture by publishing on cheir own or with s thei esarches om subalten themes, ther eetgue of litnm in thee respective di snd generally by helping us with cheir advice on the content ofthe and subsequent voles of Saher Sabi. Caer op Ranaje Guha On Some Aspects of the Historiography of Colonial India! RANAJIT GUHA 1, The historiography of Indian nationalisin has fora longtime been dominated by elitism—colonialse elitism and bourgeois- nationalist elitism. Both originated asthe ideological product of British rule in India, but have survived the transfer of power and been assimilated to neo-colonalist and neo-nationalist forms of| discourse in Britain and India respectively. Bist historiography ‘of the colonialist or neo-colonilit type counts British writers and institutions among its principal protagonists, but has is imitators in India and other countries too. Elst historiography of the nationalist or neo-nationalist type is primarily an Indian prac ‘but not without imitators in the ranks of liberal historians in Britain and elsewhere 2. Both these varieties of elitism share the prejudice that the making of the Indian nation and the development of the cconsciouinest—nationalism—which informed this process were ‘exclusively or predominantly elite achievements. Inthe colonialist and neo-colonialist hittoriogeaphies these achievements are cre~ dited to British colonial rulers, administrators, policies, instiea- tions and culture: in the nationalist and neo-nationalist ‘writings—to Indian elite personalities, insicuions, activites and ideas. '3. The first ofthese ewohistoriographies defines Indian nation alism primarily as + fanetion of stimulus and response. Based on a ‘The ahora ptt econ ivan wel an Gaza Bhan, Dgsh ly od Rogen Oanopedyay oth conment ost (ere of ts ees "forsale he oer my ny tte 2 pe erotik 38 Seleced Subalers Studies narrowly behaviurnic approach this represent atonal the nam of the activities sad ideas by which the Indian elite responded othe institutions, opportuniten, resource, te gener= ded by colonialism, There are several version of this bistoro- iaphy, but the central modality common to them i to describe Ind sationaliom arasortof Tearing procet through which he "ative elite became involved in polities by eying to negotiate the ‘maze of insitation and the corresponding cultirsl complexintro- daced by the colonial authorities inorder to govern the coxntry. inte he ct go thong th proce we cording ie historiography, no lofey idealism addvessed tothe general good of the ation bu simply the expectation of rewards inthe form of share in the wealth, power and prestige created by and associated ‘with colonial ral; andit was the drive for such rewards withall Concomitant play of collaboration and competion between the ruling power and the native elite as well a between various clements among the later themselves, which, we are tld, wat \ rat constituted Indian nationalism, “t The general orientation ofthe other kindof i phy if represent Indian nationalism a primary ‘entue in which the indigenous elit led the people fom sobjoga- tion to freedom. There ate several versions of hit ioriography hich differ from each other inthe degree of heir emphasison the Tole of individ leader or elite organinations dition ‘he main or motivating fore in tht ventre. However, the modal- ity common to them all isto ophold Indian natioalom at 2 penomenal expression ofthe goodnes of then fe aupect of thie ek install evidence, to look larger than ts collaborations spect, thee role a promoters ofthe cause ofthe people than that as txplates and oppresiors, ther altuism and elfabnegation than ‘heir seramble forthe modicum of power and privilege ranted by the rulers inorder to make tte oftheir support forthe Ra. The hor fii ann as wrtenopasor apt raphy ofthe Indian clit 5 Bait hineriography is of course not without its wes. It helps us vo know more of the stractre of the colonial state the epention of its vtious organs in certain htt creumsances, the nature ofthe aligament of clases which surained iy of some aspect ofthe ideology ofthe elie a the dominant ideology o the Hisoriography of Colonial India 39 perio of che contradictions between the two elites and the com plexties of their mutual oppositions and coalitions; of che role Of some of the more important British and Indian personales and elite organizations, Above all it helps us to understand the ‘eological character of isoriography isl. 6. What, however, historical writin of this kind cannot do x to explain indian nationalism for us. For it fails to acknowledge, fa less interpret, the contribution made by the people on teirown, “that is, independently of the elite to the making and development of rationalism. In this particular respect the poverty of this Fistoriography is demonstrated beyond doubt by is failure to understand and assess the mass articulation of this nationalism except, negatively, asa law and order problem, and positively if stall, cither asa response tothe charisma of certain elite leaders ot in the currently more fashionable terms of vertical mobilization by the manipulation of factions. The involvement ofthe Indian peo ple in vase numbers, sometimes in hundreds of thousands o even millions in nationalist activities and ideas is thus represented 324 diversion from a supposedly ‘real’ political proces, tht i the grinding away of the wheels of the state apparatus and of clive institutions geared to it, or itis simply credited, as an act of ideological appropriation, to the influence and initiative of the lite themuelves. The bankruptcy of tis historiography is clearly ‘exposed when itis called upon to explain such phenomena asthe anti-Rowlate upsurge of 1919 and the Quit India movement of 1942—to name only two of numerous instances of popular initia- tive asserting itself in the course of nationalist ampaigns in ufc oabence of elite cnt, Hw can uch one nd « blinkered historiography help us to understand the profound dse acerene well low trace a le panes whch ‘Chauri-Chaura or the militant demonstrations of solidarity with the RIN mutineers possible ? 7. This inadequacy of cist historiography follows directly from the nartow and patial view of polities to which tis commit- ted by virtue ofits las outlook. In all writings of this kind the parameters of Indian politics are asumed to be or enunciated a: exclusively or primarily those of the institutions ineroducedby the British for the government ofthe country andthe corresponding sets of laws, policies, atitudes and other elements ofthe per structure, Inevitably, therefore, a historiography hamstrung by ‘0 Selected Subalter Seas such a definition can dono more than to equate polices with the aggregation of activises and ideas of thors who were direc involved in operating thes isiutons, that th colonial ler, aed ter dive~thesominant groups in nae society Tovhe eet ‘hae tei mutual wenseons were thought co be al there was to Indian nationalism, ce domain ofthe aes egaded as coincident web colo 8. What cles is lfc outof thisun-historicalhitriography i the flics fhe pepe. For parallel othe domain of le pois there exsed throughout the colonial period another domain of | Inia pls in which the prinipalacton wet ot the dominant [group ofthe indigenous society orth colonia authorities but he subaltern clases and grogp constituting the masof the abouing Population nd the intermediate trata n town and countrythat “sc the people. Thir wat an ettomomous domain, for Ie acither criginated from elite polities nr did its existence depend onthe Incr. le was tradiional only ins fara ts oot col be tuced tack to pre-colonial tines, but it was by no means nchac in the sense of being omoded, Far fom being destroyed ot rendered vitally ineffective, ar was lite politic ofthe edition] ype By the intetsion of colonialism, it consnued to operate vgoroul in spite ofthe later, adjting ill tothe conditions previlog under the Ra andin many respects developing entely sew aine inboth form and coment. As modern asindigenou cit pleat as distinguished by iterclatively greater depth in ine wll a 5." One ofthe more important features of this plies elated Precisely to thos aspects of mobilization which are v0 lide xplained by elathioriography. Mobilization nthe domain of elite politics was achieved vertelly wheres in tha of baleer politics his was achieved horizonaly. Te instrumentation of he focmer was characterized bya relatively greater reliance onthe colonial adaptations of British parliamentary instiatons and the tesdua of semi-eodal political institutions ofthe presalonil Period; that ofthe later relied eather more onthe tadtonl Srgaszaion of kiki and trvicorility or om clan ahointioat depending onthe level ofthe consiouseisa the people melee Ete mebilaton tended tobe relavely more lene aad Constrinalit in orientation, sobaltern mobienticg atively mote violent, The former was, on the while, mo tious and | Hisoriography of Colonial India a controlled, the latter more spontancous, Popular mobilization in the colonial period was realized in its mott comprehensive formin peasant opritings, However, in many Ristori instances involving Tenge maces of te working people and pery boutgeoii ta the arban areas too the figure ef metilization derived veel from the paradigm of poumet lusrgeny. 10, The ideology operative in is domaln, een asa whole, reflected the diversty ft social composition withthe outonkaf isleading elements dominating thatof the othersatany particular and within any particular event, However, inspite of sch rctty one of is ivariant features wat notion of esance fo elite domination Thisfllowed from the subalternty common to All the social constructs of this domain anda sorh datas it sharply from that of elite politic, This Weological element wat of cour not uniform in quality or density in al instances. nthe beat of caver {enhanced the concrete, focut and tension of subaltem politcal action, However, there were occasions when its emphatis on sectional interests daeqlibrated popular move- ments in sich a way a8 to create economic diversions and fectarian elit, and generally eo undermine horizontal alliances i. Yet another set of the dninctvefearres ofthis polities derived from th conditions of exploitation eo which the sbatern clases were subjected in varying degrees as well a from ie ‘elation tothe prodective Ibour of the majority ofits protege tists, that i, workers aod peatants anda the mana and farellee- tual labour respectively ofthe nor-indotial urban poor andthe lower section ofthe petty bourgeise, The experience ofenplo- tation and labour endowed this polities with many idioms, norms hd values which pot itn a category apart foe! ete pois 12. Thess and ether distinctive features (the lit iby o means cahanstive) of the polities ofthe people dd not of corse appeat Slwaysin the pare sate devribed nthe lat three paragraph The inact of living contrdictions modiied them ithe course of their actuslzation in history. However, with all sich modiis- tions hey al helped to demareate te domain of sbalcrn palit ict fom at of elite poliic, The comcuiteace of thes 110 domains or streams, which cane sensed by ination and proved by demonstration as well, was th index ofaoimportnthistrical truth ha ithe fle ofthe Indo ous pk forte atin, ‘There were vast arent the life and consciousness of the people a Selected Subaltere Studies which were never integrated into their hegemony. The srr Achawomy that stose from this is datum of Indian history ofthe colon perod, which noone who ses oo toners ican re without falling into error. "TB. Suck dichotomy did not, however, mean that thew ewo domains were hermetically scaled of from each other and there ‘was no contact between them. On the contrary, there wasa great del of overlap arising precisely from the effort made from time to time bythe more advanced elements among the indigenous lite, especially the bourgeoisie, vo integrate them. Such effort when kee straggle which hd more oes lly defied ai imperialise objectives and were consistently waged, prodoced some splendid result. Linked, om other oceaton, to movement Which ether had no fim anticimperialie objectives at al or had lost them inthe couse of their development and deviated into legals, consitationalist ox some other Kind of compromise with the colonial goverament, they produced some spectacular retreats and nasty reversions inthe form of secarian sf, In either case the braiding together of the two strande of elite and subalicen politics led invariably to explosive situation indicating that the tmasses mobilized by the elite to ight for their own objectives aanaged tobreak away from their control and putthe characterise tc imprne of poplar plies om campaign intatdby he ppt 14. "However, the initiatives which originated from the domain af baler pais were no, on thir pat, powerfl enough to levelop the nationalist movement into a fll-ledged struggle for national liberation. The working class was xl ot sulfcenty mature in the objective conditions ofits social being and in it ‘onsioumess as classforivelf nor was ie ml aed yet with the peasantry. As 2 result it could do nothing to take over and complete the mission which the bourgeoisie had fled to relive ‘The ootcome of ill was thatthe numerous peasant uprisings of the period, some of them ‘massive in scope and rich in and-

    You might also like