Armed Forces & Society

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When the Military Leaves and Places Change : Effects of the Closing of an
Army Post on the Local Community
Meridith Hill Thanner and Mady Wechsler Segal
Armed Forces & Society 2008 34: 662 originally published online 15 October 2007
DOI: 10.1177/0095327X07308634
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http://afs.sagepub.com/content/34/4/662

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When the Military Leaves and

Places Change

Armed Forces & Society

Volume 34 Number 4
July 2008 662-681
2008 Inter-University
Seminar on Armed Forces and
Society. All rights reserved.
10.1177/0095327X07308634
http://afs.sagepub.com
hosted at
http://online.sagepub.com

Effects of the Closing of an Army Post

on the Local Community
Meridith Hill Thanner
Johns Hopkins University

Mady Wechsler Segal

University of Maryland

Fort Ritchie Army Garrison in Cascade, Maryland, slated for closure as part of the 1995
base realignment and closure (BRAC) round, officially ceased military operations on
September 30, 1998. More than eight years later, a confluence of circumstances had
prevented its reuse, and the community had yet to benefit from reuse efforts. To understand how such base closings affect the local community and the character of a place,
an ethnographic case study and a post hoc social impact assessment were conducted.
Told in this article is the story of how one community has responded and adjusted to
the loss of the military, which provides lessons for other communities facing base closings and for federal entities tasked with overseeing and facilitating the process.
Keywords:

BRAC; base closing; community; place theory; ethnography

art of the Department of Defenses (DoDs) response to the broader social structural changes that have occurred since the end of the cold war is the transformation from a large industrial-based military to a smaller technologically based force.
As part of this shift, large military bases built to accommodate the manpower and
equipment needs of the World War II and cold war eras are now seen as redundant
Authors Note: The writing of this article was supported by the U.S. Army Research Institute for the
Behavioral and Social Sciences under Contract W74V8H-05-K-0007. The views expressed in this article
are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the Army Research Institute, the Department of the
Army, or the Department of Defense. The findings reported in this article are from the first authors dissertation research, and she conducted all of the interviews and data analysis; the second author served as
her dissertation advisor. The authors are grateful for comments on this research by the other members of
the first authors dissertation committee: Michael Paolisso, Louis Hicks, David R. Segal, William Falk,
and Kurt Finsterbusch. They would also like to acknowledge and thank Ann-Catherine Ventura for her
help providing final edits and formatting. Finally, they would like to thank Armed Forces & Society editor Patricia M. Shields and two anonymous reviewers, who helped improve the article.
662
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Thanner, Segal / Closing an Army Post and the Local Community 663

and costly. The base realignment and closure (BRAC) process was reintroduced in
the 1980s to bring facility infrastructure in line with present-day troop levels and
operations. To date, with more than two hundred base closures and realignments,
numerous communities have been affected.
Although there have been four rounds of BRAC, with the fifth round underway,
research on the effects to local communities has been scant. While there are two
notable exceptions of studies published on the effects to communities when bases
have increased as a result of BRAC,1 studies (governmental and academic) that have
examined effects of base closings are primarily econometric in nature and examine
only very broad economic changes.2 Furthermore, though an extensive literature
exists on the impacts on communities and workers following other similar events,
such as plant closings and natural disasters,3 relatively little comparable literature
exists on such impacts when a military base closes.
The predominant theme throughout the scant literature on military base closures presupposes that the closing is the primary point of concern; that is, the closing itself is seen
as the significant event. While this event does have a direct and significant effect on the
local community, the focus on the closing assumes that the property will be turned over
to the community and reused in a timely and profitable manner, thus compensating for
the financial loss to the community due to the withdrawal of the military.
This assumption, however, does not adequately acknowledge and thus does not
readily offer a means to address the situation that follows a base closing when the property is not handed over to the community in a timely manner (not necessarily the fault
of the military) and therefore not able to be reused. In the case of the closing of Fort
Ritchie Army Garrison in Cascade, Maryland (the focus of this article), the impacts on
the communitydirect and indirectstem far more from the fact that the transition
period (usually touted by the federal government as taking less than seven years)
lasted more than ten years, with the future ownership and use of the property just
recently resolved.
Fort Ritchie was slated for closure as part of the 1995 BRAC round and officially
ceased military operations three years later on September 30, 1998. Despite the fact
that Ritchie shut its gates more than eight years ago, a confluence of circumstances
including unexpected and extensive unexploded ordnance cleanup and lawsuits filed
by a post-closure tenant and local community membershas prevented its reuse. As of
the end of this research study in May 2006, the property remained the possession of the
U.S. Army, and the community had yet to benefit from reuse efforts.4
When a military base, especially one that has served as a major community
employer, leaves an area, we expect disruptions within the community, particularly
to social institutions (economic and political) and interpersonal relationships (familial and social). Because communities are not monolithic entities but rather dynamic
and multidimensional, we also anticipate that the effects of, and responses to, a base
closure will vary (positively and negatively) within a community. However, the
nature and extent of these disruptions and responses have not been examined in the
literature. Therefore, this case study of Fort Ritchiethe first ethnographic study

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664 Armed Forces & Society

conducted in a community as part of the BRAC processseeks to understand how

a community was affected by the closing of a base and how residents were affected
by and responded during the long transition from a military to a non-military community. This study also further exemplifies the important relationship between
people and places and how particular places give meaning to the lives people live by
highlighting the important concepts of sense of place and place attachment.
The first author of this article spent five months in the community around Fort
Ritchie (or Ritchie as the locals affectionately refer to it) to understand how the
community has been changed by the closing of the base. Primary data were collected
by talking with people connected to Ritchie. Recognizing that much reliance was
placed on the recalling of memories from many years past, data-collection methods
were triangulated by also reading through local newspaper archives (mostly concentrating on the period since February 1995, when it was announced that Ritchie was
on the draft closure list) and published government reports related to the closure.
Also, demographic and economic data were collected and reviewed to quantify some
of the social and economic impacts on the area over time and to conduct a post hoc
social impact assessment (SIA).
Throughout the time spent around Fort Ritchie (with community residents, local
business owners, Army representatives, members of the local redevelopment authority (LRA), and county commissioners), Ritchies importance to those connected to
itboth historically and contemporarilywas evident and appreciable. A secondary, though significant, concern of the research was to understand the reasons
why this place holds such importance in the lives of those around it and how these
feelings, in turn, affected the actions of community members.
This article contains two main sections presenting the results of the research
through (1) conducting a SIA and (2) discussing the implications of the closing as
analyzed using the concepts of place theory. The SIA approach provides a quantitative framework with which to study the various impacts on the community around
Ritchie when the military left; the addition of ethnography enriches the analysis by
providing qualitative context to the numbers. Quantitative impacts were assessed by
reviewing local news articles over several decades, by reviewing related government
and legal documents, and by examining census economic and population data on the
area. The personal and qualitative effects of a base closing on the local community
are illuminated through the ethnographic case study that included the collection of
data via in-depth interviews and conversations with community members and others
related to the closing and reuse process of Ritchie.

Effects of the Closing of the Fort: Post Hoc SIA

SIAs are typically conducted prior to the implementation of policy; they serve as
evaluations of policy alternatives with respect to their estimated consequences on a
number of predetermined impact areas and are based on the synthesis of information

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Thanner, Segal / Closing an Army Post and the Local Community 665

from the literature, information from experts in the field, project-specific data, and
direct experience.5 Though in this circumstance the policy has already been implemented (i.e., Fort Ritchie has been closed), the tenets of SIA can be instructive in
determining what impact areas are important to study and how best to study them.
When undertaking an SIA, the unit of analysis for assessing impacts must be predetermined because this guides the types of impacts examined. In this case study, the
community around Ritchie is the unit of analysis. Taking the community as the
social unit usually presupposes the existence of a community government, which
the community around Ritchie does not have. However, while the fort was still
active, many in the community saw it as a surrogate government that planned community social events throughout the year and provided support to other local institutions, such as the community school and the American Legion. However, the
military did not have any authority or control over those living outside its gates, as
its legal jurisdiction pertained only to its property and its members.
When selecting the community as the unit of analysis, and thus viewing it as a
social system, inputs, structures, activities, and outputs (including quality-of-life
measures) can all be examined. Studying communities in this way includes analysis
of the impact of exogenous policies and projects on the various dimensions that
compose the social system.

Inputs and Outputs: Impacts on the Community

before and after the Closing of Ritchie
Comparing economic and population statistics from 1990, when the military was
still active, to 2000, when the military had withdrawn, shows a number of quantitative impacts of the closing on the area.6
Population size, households, and transience. The community experienced a steep
decline in population from 1990 to 2000 from the time the Army was present to the
time the base was closed (Table 1). For example, with the departure of military personnel and their families, the total population was reduced nearly 50 percent. The
number of total households declined by more than 20 percent, as would be expected
given the departure of the military and its personnel and dependents, with no new
enterprises having been established on post that would precipitate an influx of new
workers and their families into the community.
Several trends are consistent with what would be expected to occur with the
decline of a significant portion of the populationparticularly a military personnel
populationfrom an area. When the military moved out, personnel and their family
members moved too, thus reducing the number of overall households in the community. In addition, since the military is a very transient population (personnel are
often rotated every three to four years), it is not surprising that the proportion of
people in their homes for more than five years increased when the military left.

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666 Armed Forces & Society

Table 1
Socioeconomic Changes in the Community Surrounding Fort
Ritchie from 1990 to 2000 (Communities of Highfield, Cascade, and Fort
Ritchie), Census TractLevel Data
1990

n
Population characteristics
Total population
2,469
White
1,751
African American
542
Female
1,101
Male
1,368
Adult
1,769
Child (younger than 18)
700
Persons 65 or older
194
Males in Armed Forces
483
Females in Armed Forces
57
Educational attainment
Adults with less than high school
272
Adults with high school diploma, no college 473
Adults with some college, no degree
372
Adults with college, professional,
157
or graduate degree
Household characteristics
Total households
686
Living in military quarters
297
Receiving public assistance
35
People in homes more than 5 years
854
Mean household income (year 2000 $)
41,837
Employment characteristics
Employed civilians
768
Unemployed persons
64
Working in Washington County
830
Traveling less than 25 min to work
867
Traveling 25 to 44 min to work
331
Traveling more than 45 min to work
89
Professional, technical
61
Executive, management, administration
68
Sales
81
Administrative support, clerical
128
Production, craft, repair
167
Operation, assembly, transport
87
Non-farm labor
73
Service
92
Farming, forestry, fishing
11

%
change

2000

% of Total
Population

% of Total
Population

1990 n
2000 n

100
71
22
45
55
72
28
8
20
2

1,319
1,222
46
639
680
991
328
213
32
0

100
93
3
48
52
75
25
16
2
0

46.6
30.2
91.5
42.0
50.3
44.0
53.1
9.8
93.4
100.0

11
19
15
6

148
311
229
45

11
24
17
3

45.6
34.2
38.4
71.3

28
12
1
35

538
0
9
801
46,794

41
0
1
61

21.6
100.0
74.3
6.2
11.8

31
3
34
35
13
4
2
3
3
5
7
4
3
4
0

614
21
183
326
150
149
34
71
64
112
226
9
26
51
0

47
2
14
25
11
11
3
5
5
8
17
1
2
4
0

20.1
67.2
78.0
62.4
54.7
67.4
44.3
4.4
21.0
12.5
35.3
89.7
64.4
44.6
100.0

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Thanner, Segal / Closing an Army Post and the Local Community 667

Many, if not most, community members have in fact been in their homes for considerably more than five years. Finally, when the military moved, while the majority
of military personnel moved out of the area as well, the civilian personnel employed
at Ritchie did not, thus accounting for the increase in the proportion of civilians
employed in the area from 1990 to 2000. The temporary renting of part of the base
facilities to the International Masonry Institute also increased the number of civilian
employees in the area.
Racial diversity. Most striking is the decline in the African American population by
92.0 percent, resulting in a percentage that is significantly below the state average. Of
the forty-six African Americans in the area in 2000, most live in the rental housing on
base, with only two African Americans residing in the HighfieldCascade area (representing only 0.2 percent of the CDP population; see Table 2). The decline in the
number of African Americans reduced the diversity within the community. Many
residents saw the diversity brought in by the militarydifferent people from different places with different culturesas very positive for the community, especially the
children, as military and local children attended school together, intermingled, and
became friends. For local adults and their children, the withdrawal of the military
also meant the loss of good friends; though the community was used to the change
of personnel every few years, the closing of the base stopped the entry of new people
and potentially new friends altogether.
Children and schools. Striking too is the decline in the population of children by
53 percent (Table 1). It is this particular decline that has hurt the local elementary
school, Cascade Elementary. Cascade Elementary has a capacity of 468, yet according to Washington County Public School records, it currently has only 140 students
enrolled (thus operating at only 30 percent capacity). The loss of more than half of
its population nearly resulted in the closing of the local school, one of the few
remaining significant social organizations in the community. It is also likely that the
number of teachers and/or administrators declined, though some of these teachers
may have been spouses of military personnel and not local residents.
The loss of military children from the school led to the loss of funding provided
directly to the school by the military on a per-military-dependent basisa loss of
approximately $1,700 per student in Student Impact Aid to Washington County
Schools.7 The school also lost financial support provided by Ritchie in the form of
direct funds and donations (e.g., computers). With the loss of population in general
and the loss of children, the neighboring Blue Ridge Summit Library lost its funding by Washington County. With the perseverance of community members and assistance by more community minded commissioners, however, this funding was
subsequently restored, though not fully, and it must be requested every fiscal year.
Education. The population with advanced degrees declined by 74 percent due to
the nature of operations at Fort Ritchie (military intelligence) that required soldiers

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668 Armed Forces & Society

Table 2
Census 2000 for HighfieldCascade Census Designated Place
(not a Census Designated Place in the 1990 Census)

Total population
Median age (years)
White
African American
Hispanic
Civilian veterans
In the Armed Forces
Government workers
Families in poverty status
Householders who moved into home in 1990 or earlier

% of Total Population

1,141
35.7
1,123
2
7
114
0
3
15
285

98.4
0.2
0.6
13.9
0.0
12.4
5.2
68.0

Note: Data presented in this table are from U.S. Census figures, which, in 2000, do not include statistics
for those residing on Fort Ritchie.

to have advanced degrees, and the reported proportion of the population with a bachelors
degree or higher in 2000 is significantly below the state average. The average household
income, however, from 1990 (adjusted to year-2000 dollars) to 2000 increased by
12 percent, or a little more than $5,000. This might be explained by the fact that
1990 figures took into account the income earned by soldiers working at Ritchie,
income figures that are low relative to civilian earnings. This change in household
income might also be accounted for given the recent interest by professionals
(albeit a small group)in Washington and other areas to the southin purchasing
and renovating older summer homes and hotels in the area. This situation, in particular, has helped some of the local businesses and contractors since the loss of
the military, including the hardware store, which provides hardware and supplies
to this new group of residents.
Employment and travel to work. The loss of the military also seems to have
altered employment and travel to work patterns. When the military base closed,
many civilians who worked for the base and lived in the area did not move their residence, but their place of work moved, for example, to Fort Detrick in Frederick,
Maryland. This serves as an indication of many residents strong sense of place and
attachment to the area and the feeling that the community is home. This can help
account for the 67 percent increase in the number of people who traveled more than
forty-five minutes to work in 2000 as compared to 1990. Still others may have to
travel further now because their job at Ritchie was eliminated and they were unable
to find comparable work closer.
Crime. A particular negative impact cited by many residents in the community with
the closing of the base is the increase in crime. When the military was active, though it

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Thanner, Segal / Closing an Army Post and the Local Community 669

did not have legal authority in the community, its presence still served as a deterrent to criminal activity and made residents generally feel safer and more secure.
With the withdrawal of the military and particularly with the rental of former officer
quarters (some of which are section 8) to people from down the mountain, community residents have noticed increases in graffiti, drugs, vandalism, property damage, and petty theft. Despite an increase in crime, there is still a lack of police
presence by the county. A representative of the Washington County Sheriffs Office
did attend a community meeting to address the rise in crime, yet many residents felt this
was an attempt to simply appease them without altering their actionsfurthering the
communitys perception that those in power look at those on the mountain as on the
fringe of the county.
Community activity and social interaction. A negative consequence was that
when the military left Ritchie, all of the activities and social events, especially events
that drew community members together, ceased. These had included fireworks on
the Fourth of July and the lighting of the Christmas tree in front of Lakeside Hall.
Since no other organization in the community has the resources to fill this gap, this
has reduced community members opportunities to intermingle and connect with
others on a somewhat regular basis. In addition, the initial loss of the use of Ritchies
open space was extremely disheartening to many in the community; while they have
since gained access on a limited basis to walk a predetermined path, many no longer
feel welcome on the grounds of what once was such a hospitable place and integral
part of their community. Moreover, the act of the base closing and the subsequent
actions of LRA to restrict access to the property once the military left led to a loss
of vitality in the community and among its residents.8
When Ritchie closed, there were impacts on other social institutions as well. The
number of parishioners at the local churches declined, especially in one church that
was popular with many military personnel and their families; even though there were
services held on post, many military members enjoyed attending church with local
community members. The loss of the military in the area affected the local American
Legion post, with membership declining by about 25 percent as many members
(including soldiers and auxiliary members and Legionnaires who were civilian
workers at Ritchie) switched to the American Legion post closer to their new
employment at Fort Detrick.
At the time of the announcement in 1995 that Ritchie would close, there were a
reported 7,000 retirees living in the area.9 As a group, they were affected by the loss
of the amenities and services they were entitled to use on Ritchie, requiring them to
either pay more to use these same services in the local community or drive further
to other military posts to which they had access (e.g., Fort Detrick). The general
sense is that they were unhappy with the loss of use of services on Ritchie and did
not like the fact that they had to drive further to receive military benefits. However,
retirees, like most others affiliated with Ritchie, did not move from the area.

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670 Armed Forces & Society

Along with the obvious overwhelming feelings people had toward Ritchie, people
also express a true love for the area around the base. I love the area was a common refrain when asked about living on the mountain. One county commissioner
also noted that folks love the area so much. And when the jobs left, most folks did
not, they kept their homes and simply traveled farther to work. This stability is also
shown in the fact that people living in the CascadeHighfield area have been in their
current homes for a much longer period than the state average. Many people cite the
peacefulness, the remoteness, the serenity, and the unassuming beauty of the area as
reasons why they love living where they do, in addition to the fact that many families
have been up on the mountain for generations. Simply put, for many, the mountain is home. Alongside those residents who have lived in the area their whole lives
are military retirees who served at Ritchie and on retirement chose to settle in the
area because they loved it so much when they were stationed there.

Important Social Impacts

Aside from lost friendships and the loss of racial diversity in the community, the
transition period has had particularly important positive and negative social effects
on the community. Interviews with residents reveal two main effects. First, the fight
to save Ritchie, and the subsequent battles fought to protect the remaining social
institutions (the school and the library), brought community members together in a
new way. With a common agendafirst to try to save the base and then to try to save
the community more broadlynew social networks were formed, new residents to
the area became integrated more quickly, and a cognizant recognition of the love of
place (of Ritchie and the community) emerged.
However, the transition period has been rather divisive within the community and
has forced groups of people who were once friendly to take sides regarding the
planned reuse of Ritchie. The length of time and the delays in the process have frustrated everyone. Many, such as those in the business community, see the new redevelopment plan as a good thing, a way to move forward, and as the only viable reuse
option. Others, however, such as those affiliated with the local community organization (the Cascade Committee) and those involved in a local lawsuit to fight the
plan, are concerned that the plan is too much for their little area; this group in particular is attempting to protect the Camp Ritchie historic district, citing the negative
impacts this new plan will have on their quality of life up on the mountain.
Another issue brought up by some who have been on the mountain their whole lives
is the expressed disdain for the involvement in local affairs of people who are not
native to the area, especially some of the members of the Cascade Committee who
have been in the area less than ten years. The very active stance taken by the founding member of the Cascade Committee and several of its Steering Committee
members regarding the reuse of Fort Ritchie is similar to what Falk describes (in his
ethnography of a small southern rural community) as the effect of the arrival of

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Thanner, Segal / Closing an Army Post and the Local Community 671

newcomers on local politics. As he suggests, and as is the case in the present study,
to newcomers, most of whom have migrated from larger, ostensibly more sophisticated places, local politics probably appears a vestige from some bygone era, definitely small town and small time. Falk finds that newcomers, who may be better
educated and more used to arguing openly for what they want, begin to appear
more at county meetings and eventually may run for political office themselves.10
Interestingly, when asked about the community and local politics, one Ritchie community newcomer likened the current situation to that found in a small southern
town or coal mining town where a handful of families [who have been on the mountain for generations] . . . attempts to control the life of the community. These
feelings by both sides add to the divisiveness within the communitya divisiveness,
unfortunately, that can only hurt the community. Unable to present itself with one
clear and focused voice, the community lessens its power to demand and achieve
what it wants.

Impacts on Local Businesses

The neighborhoods around Ritchie are primarily residential, with some small
businesses, while Blue Ridge Summit is a mix of residences and small businesses.
While no businesses closed as a direct result of the fort closing, some were hit hard.
For example, around Ritchie are what used to be either summer homes or hotels for
the elite of Washington and Baltimore. Over the years, many of these old homes have
been converted to apartment houses, and when Ritchie was active, mostly military
personnel, either singles or families, occupied these apartments. This cottage industry provided a nice stable living for the landlords since the military reliably provided
the subsidy (housing allowance) for the military personnel to pay rent. When Ritchie
closed, the rental market declined as supply far exceeded demand.
Another business, the pizza shop right outside the main gate, also did not fare
well. And while Rockys is still in business, the original owner sold it and moved
back to Italy, citing that since the closing of the base, business had declined to the
point that it was not worth keeping the shop: The Fort hurt business when it closed
. . . [and] Im not the only one. All of the businesses in the area have felt the pinch.
Other businesses also suffered. A local storeowner and caterer said that his customer base was about 35 percent military, and when the military left, he had to find
ways to make up for this loss. Another local storeowner cited an approximate 20 percent hit when the military moved out. He too sought ways to compensate. Both men,
fortunately for their businesses, have been able to establish relationships with the
LRA by providing supplies and or services directly to the board. The local barbershop also took a financial hit when the base closed, estimating that business declined
by about 35 percent with the closing; like other businesses, the shop owners had to
adapt to the situation to stay in business, for example, by extending their hours to
accommodate civilian workers who now worked at Detrick and could no longer
come in during the day but rather in the evening on their way home.

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672 Armed Forces & Society

One business, however, profited by the closing of the fortthe local bar located
just down the street from the main gate of Ritchie. One of the reasons for this, cites
the owner, is the fact that Ritchie had three outlets on post for beer and liquor; when
the military moved out, therefore, so too did the competition.

Effects of the Closing of the Fort: An Ethnographic

Assessment of Ritchie the PlaceImplications for Meaning,
Memory, and the Exercise of Power
Ritchie is a place both real and imagined. It is a place of the present built of brick
and mortar, a place of the past conjured in the memory, and a place of the future that
is yet to be determinedit is a remarkable unwindable spiral of [geography], material form and interpretive understandings [and] experiences, quite distinguishable from
its backdrop.11 These three defining features create an unwindable spiral in the sense
that they are interconnected and irreducible (i.e., one feature cannot be collapsed into
another for analytical or explanatory purposes).12 The concept of the unwindable spiral is akin to Durkheims conception of a social fact: something sui generis that is created by, yet external to, human activity and that can only be understood as a whole
(a whole that is greater than the sum of its parts).13 This unwindable spiral of Ritchie
as a place is at once a bounded geographical area, populated with buildings and structures and open spaces and filled with special meaning by those around it. These meanings are interwoven with, and unwindable from, its geography and material forms.
Ritchie is a place that was made by those around it through the attributions of
meanings (the sense of place people have about it) given to it over time, meanings
that are more or less embedded in historically contingent and shared cultural understandings of the terrain.14 For example, as an active military post, Ritchie was a safe,
beautiful, accessible place that encouraged interactions among community members
and served as the proverbial town square. It served as the cultural center of the community, providing safe open spaces for community members to use on a daily basis
and hosting events open to the public on special occasions such as the Fourth of July
and Christmas. In this way, Ritchie, though not intentionally designed for this purpose, was a place that engaged community members in ways that they would otherwise not have had the opportunity to interact. Ritchie was part of the daily rhythm
of life for many residentsas a place of work, a place of recreation, or a place of
interaction. It was thus part of the routine, the mundane, the profane. And it was
through these mundane, everyday, taken-for-granted uses that Ritchie became a
placea literally socially constructed place that emerged from the social relations
and, more importantly, social uses it encouraged and that were embedded in it.
Ritchie served as a unifying source of collective identity for the community;
when asked where they lived, people often would not say in Cascade or Blue Ridge
Summit but rather would say around Fort Ritchie. The base, with all that it offered
and all that it represented, contributed to the collective well-being of the community.

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Following its closure, however, the meanings attached to the base changed, and
many began to see Ritchie as unsafe, wasting away, and inaccessible. When stripped
of this important social institution, a place of collective good, the community was
left with a collective sense of anomie.
It is also a place through which important social processes have worked over time,
including collective action, power, and inequality. As part of the story of Ritchie, these
processes inform an understanding of how the community outside its gates reacted to
the announcement of the closing and responded in the subsequent years of transition.
Ritchie, thus, as a place of physical and interpretive realms, has mattered for the social
processes and historical change in the local community, a community albeit composed
of groups with different nested interests, whether economic development, continuation
of the quality of life of the rural village, or historic preservation.
When Ritchie was placed on the initial BRAC closure list, it became a place where
networks were formed and collective action took hold in an attempt by some in the community to fight the closure; some meetings were even held on post at Lakeside Hall.
Save the fort and save Ritchie became protest rallying cries. The threat of the loss of
Ritchie (the loss of place) evoked emotions in residents who felt connected and
attached to it and whose senses of place and community identity were threatened.15
This threat also highlighted divisions in the community between those who wanted to
fight the closure and those who felt they had no power to effect change.
The decision to close Ritchie by those involved with the federal BRAC process
meant that some entity at the local level had to assume responsibility for the reuse
of the base. As there was no formal governing body at the community level (a role
that was often assumed by the base commander and the commanders deputies when
Ritchie was active), this meant that an entity had to be created specific for this purpose. The Washington County Commission assumed this role and created the LRA.
This reuse authority, primarily composed of area business leaders, was not representative of the community in the sense that no member of the board resided in the
immediate local area and many community members felt that other non-business
concerns were not given due consideration by the LRA (e.g., historic preservation
and environmental impact). Furthermore, the LRA was not democratically elected,
as all members were appointed by the County Commission, a commission that itself
was composed of commissioners who were elected by a wider geographical area and
who did not share the views of the small community around Ritchie. This initial step
undertaken by the County Commissionof appointing members to the LRA
reflected the way things were traditionally done in the county: without input or representation from local residents, particularly those up on the mountain outside Ritchies
gates. When the military moved out and Ritchie officially closed, community members
were not only physically kept off the base initially but also kept out of much of the
reuse process. They were both spatially and symbolically separated from the decisionmaking process. For example, locals were not invited to sit on the LRA or PMDC
boards, and they were not allowed access to information or documentation or

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674 Armed Forces & Society

decision-making processes (at least not without resistance). These activities continued to reproduce (to reify) the power and privilege of those involved with the County
Commission. The local redevelopment board also took up residence on post in the
Castlean impressive structure that served as the post headquartersthus reinforcing the sense of who was now in charge and in power.
Social and political inequalities were thus once again reified; that is, inequitable relationships, which have been created through social interactions over time, have come to
be seen and thus treated as natural, absolute, and beyond the control of any one person.16
This traditional divide between those in power occupying the political seats in
Hagerstown sixteen miles down the mountain and those up at Ritchie exemplifies
C. Wright Millss power elite argument. While the local redevelopment board in Washington
County, Maryland, is not a national power and not part of the power elite, it is nonetheless in a structural position above others in the populace, and the County Commission
makes decisions and controls political and financial interests that have consequences for
the populationa power, in this case, ordained and supported by the U.S. military. The
County Commission too represents the interests of families who have been in the area
for a long period and who have interests and values different from those newer to the
area; the newcomers challenge the power and status held by the local elite. Operating
throughout were the interests of both local and distant elites, elites, it could be argued,
who represented wider geographical areas and interests and who did not share the same
concerns as the smaller group of local residents on the mountain.
The reuse process of a place that once encouraged engagement of diverse community members now created estrangement and further heightened divisions among
the populace. While in some cases segregation can encourage community solidarity
(by bringing like-minded people together), in this case it led to further divisions
among members of the community with different interests and motivations. And
while closing the base was not as devastating as predicted, the subsequent transition
period has been fraught with frustration, conflict, and distress. Furthermore, because
there are competing factions within the community, the community is essentially
without a clear direction during this transition period.
Despite this, residents on the whole (regardless of vested interests), especially
longer-term residents, continue to express not just their strong feelings for Ritchie
and their community but also an actual love of the place. This finding is not unlike
that discussed by Falk and others,17 where residents of a place (as rundown or flawed
as it may seem to outsiders) are able to separate the place from the sometimes negative events that surround and involve it. How people are related to the place over
time, how they are rooted in it, and how they remember it are much stronger sources
of identity and attachment. The power of certain places for their residents is the creation of the feeling of simply being home, with memories good and bad, which
cannot be taken away and which grounds those people to that particular spot.18
Over time, the meanings Ritchie held for those connected to it changed based on
how they knew it before (how they remember it), how they see it presently, and what

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they hope it will become in the future. In this transitional battle, Ritchie simultaneously evokes memories and embodies history. People remember it as a place of historical significance, where World War II spies trained, and as a place of good times
and fun gatherings, memories that are stabilized by the attachments people have to
it.19 Ritchie has in a sense become a place of greater respect and reverence and has
been elevated from the profane to the sacred. This is due, in part, to the ghost, to the
memory, of Ritchie, which evokes an emotive response to those who walk its
grounds. This happens because a place, such as Ritchie, is constituted in large measure by the ghosts sensed to inhabit and possess it.20 This process, then, makes
spaces into places and places personed; places are experienced through the social
senses and the social meanings attached. And when we, through ghosts, make space
place, we treat that spirited space with ritual care. . . . We treat a place as a shrine.
It becomes sacred, elevated above the profane.21 This process was evident in the way
some residents spoke about Ritchie and the way they reacted to losing it.
The ghosts associated with such places have real consequences for social life and,
in the case of Ritchie, affect how certain groups of people have responded to the
most recent reuse efforts proposed by the local redevelopment board. For example,
some, who seem to attach more sacred ghosts to Ritchie, have chosen to fight the
current plans (via a lawsuit) to preserve the rural and historic quality of the community (and to protect their property from either possible eminent domain seizures by
the county when the community roads will likely have to be widened and from possible higher property taxes that often come with increased development). Still others,
perhaps with a less sacred perception of the place, have chosen to counter these measures with a petition of hundreds of signatures delivered to the County Commission
in support of the development of Ritchie, development that promises to bring in a
larger customer base for area businesses. Though these groups have different motivations for their actions, both believe that their actions may be futile; they see those
in the political seats in Hagerstown as continuing to view them, on the whole, as on
the fringe and without much influence in the political realm.
Ritchie too has different meanings attached to it by those who knew it when it was
active and by the newcomers who have moved into the community since its closing.
To this newcomer group, in particular, Ritchie has always been something more
sacred, something of historical significance, and something worth saving for posterity. This group has economic ties that extend beyond the local community; their
interests are focused more on the preservation of the quiet quality of life they bought
into and not on economic development, as is the case with local business owners
whose livelihood is more dependent on the condition of the local economy.
This then elaborates the Marxian notion that what you see and what you value
depend on where you stand in the socialpoliticaleconomic strata.22 Furthermore,
individuals occupying similar social positions are likely to become involved in a
common struggle when their social position is challenged. Thus, a class consciousness develops among persons of similar economic and social interests to preserve

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676 Armed Forces & Society

these interests.23 Class in this case is equated to group interest and not business or economic position in the bourgeoisieproletariat sense. For example, while, for Marx, the
factory was the classic locus for the categorization of classesbetween those who own
the means of production (the bourgeoisie) and those who do not (the proletariat)in the
current case classes are constituted by those who are in a structural position of power to
determine how Ritchie should be reused and those who are not.
While members of the local business group have strong connections to Ritchie, they
also have strong connections to preserving their economic way of life and helping their
community economically survive in the face of a changing economic market. It is not
surprising therefore that a division has occurred between the newcomers and longerterm residents with regard to supporting the current redevelopment plan. This plan has
been developed by what Gieryn calls professional place makers, entrepreneurs more
interested in the exchange or profit value of an area than its use value (which is often
more the concern of community members). These place makers have the ability and
the means to recreate completely what once was, either by preserving parts of the
old or by completely remaking it into some place new altogether. Generally, these
place makers are from outside the community, unaware and often unconcerned with
the attachments people have and the ghosts affiliated with certain sacred places;
accordingly, without community input and representation, as in this case, the future
of a place is often left to those with the deepest pockets and not those with the deepest attachments.

Conclusion
The main aim of this research was to learn how a local and somewhat isolated
community responded when the military base (which was also the largest local
employer) closed. In particular, we were interested in examining how the closing
was perceived and interpreted by various local actors, ranging from local residents
and business owners to military personnel and local political leaders. To understand
what peoples lives had been like when the base was fully operational and what their
lives were like as the base anticipated closing and then actually closed required
spending time in this placein the community around the basewith the people
connected to it. The ethnographic case study, including spending months in and
around the community, allowed us to more fully understand the dynamics associated
with this forced social change.
Spending time with those associated with and affected by the closing of Ritchie
and listening with care to their varied stories enabled identification of the rich points
in their stories, reflecting on the essence of these rich pieces of data and identifying
and further exploring emerging themes. Examining news articles, government and
related policy documents, and census data enriched the analysis. Gathering information from multiple sources led to a fuller understanding of the main event (the

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Thanner, Segal / Closing an Army Post and the Local Community 677

closing) and the events that followed. This approach has not yet appeared in the academic literature on military base closings. While Lutz has constructed the complex
and compelling story of the community surrounding Fort Bragg in Fayetteville,
North Carolina, the circumstance that she was studying was quite different: the base
was expanding. However, her methods of investigation, including the importance of
learning through the lens of the experience of the people, helped to guide our
approach.24
After exploring all relevant theoretical approaches, we chose to employ place
theory. While this theory has the limitation of being somewhat imprecise in its theoretical statements, it also has the advantage of allowing considerable latitude in
how to employ it. (Indeed, as Gieryns conceptualization of place as an unwindable
spiral suggests, in the most sociological way, not everything can be disaggregated
into and best understood via a multivariate statistical scheme.) It was axiomatic that
place matters, but it is important to analyze what about place matters and what has
been unique about this particular place of Ritchie. Moreover, we wanted to know
what could be learned from analyzing this place to advance both sociological theory
and applied practical matters related to other base closings.
We also have been guided by the desire to examine social relations, especially
among those on and off the base. Our findings show that power is central to how
these people behavewith respect to one another and to the place itself. In particular, this research demonstrates that those with power perceive things much differently than do those without. Although it is well known that base closings are highly
political decisions, our research shows what this has meant for the local communities most directly affected by them. In particular, while the decisions as to which
bases to close are argued and decided in our nations capital, those in the hinterland
feel their consequences most heavily.
C. Wright Mills (although writing more than fifty years ago) grasped this notion in his
statement concerning the power elite: that power (actual and perceived) resides in the
political, economic, and military domains of American society and that those in power
both distant and localshape and make decisions that have consequences for ordinary
people. His arguments help to elucidate how power relations and the distribution of
power and resources affect how people in a particular place respond when that place
is taken awayregardless of whether that place is a military base, a factory, or a coal
mine. Related to the notion of power is that of class (or group) interest; this study
highlights how group interests (social or economic) bring individuals together to
preserve those interests regardless of the groups relative position in the formal political structure.
Furthermore, this study exemplifies how the material and symbolic elements of a
placeincluding its geography, history, economy, and cultureinteract to influence
local patterns of meaning and action. In addition, the importance of the political
dynamic within the area and the structure and capacity of the local governing body are
highlighted. It is the understood character of this place that helps us appreciate the
actions (or inactions) by community residents from the time of the announcement of

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678 Armed Forces & Society

the closure and subsequently. These various elements and their meanings set the tone
of local life and encourage (or discourage) different patterns of social action and
responses such as choosing to stay and fight, choosing to stay and acquiesce, or
choosing to leave. In this case, the historical pattern of political disenfranchisement
felt by those on the mountain (by those living in this remote and somewhat secluded
geography) muted residents initiatives to try to fight the base closing, despite the
fact that they were extremely saddened by the prospect of losing a place so distinctive and important to the community. Their silence most certainly did not mean
assent, though outsiders unfamiliar with the historical dynamics between those on
and those off the mountain may have viewed their silence differently. Sociologically
speaking, this understanding furthers an appreciation for how a place can affect, for
example, the exercise of power or the distribution of resources. As demonstrated
through the course of this research, the exercise of power was rather limited by those
living on the mountain, particularly longer-term residents, although the newcomers, through their actions, have begun to alter this obvious imbalance of power.
Given the predominant sense by many on the mountain that they could not make
a difference once the government made the decision to close Ritchie, akin to findings in other similar situations such as plant and mine closings,25 residents around
Ritchie showed little resistance, with some exemplifying dejected acceptance and
complacency. The power (or perceived power) public decision makers have in
shaping the closure and reuse process, including whether or not to involve particular citizen groups in the decision making, also affected community response.
This is similar to Portzs findings in his examination of the political dynamic of three
communities facing major economic dislocations (e.g., industrial closings).26 He observes
that such events (or even the threat of them) leads different groups of people, with different motivationsfrom workers to plant managers to local government officialsto
respond in different ways. The overall effect of the plant closing on the community, however, relies on the strength of the local economy and the ability of the local government to
creatively meet the demands and needs of its constituents within such a constraining
environment. As found in our research, while the local economy was relatively stable (and,
in fact, growing in some sectors), a local government structure was lacking. The
County Commissioners attempted to compensate for this with the development of
the LRA. However, it was not an elected decision-making body and was seen as
unrepresentative and unresponsive to local concerns. The County Commission itself
was seen by many residents as representing areas down the mountain and not the
local community near Ritchie. The LRA did not have the credibility it needed by
community members to fulfill the function of a local government agency looking out
for its constituents.
The balance of power and the understanding of who was and who was not involved
in community decision making can help clarify why some citizens responded and how
and why others did not. Hirschmans theory on the intersection of exit and voice,
though focusing on behavior in response to actions taken by firms and organizations
rather than communities, also adds some insight into this finding.27 In particular, he

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Thanner, Segal / Closing an Army Post and the Local Community 679

suggests that when an event occurs, individuals have three response choices: exit
(quit), voice (speak out to try and effect change from within), or loyalty (go along).
Loyalty to the organization also helps to slow the exit process and promote voice.
With respect to those involved with the closing and reuse of Ritchie, these same
processes seemed to play out. Few quit and left the area as a result of the governments decision to close the fort. In fact, as a result of loyalty to the area, as discussed at length throughout this article, many chose to speak out and try and fight
the closing. However, while loyalty does promote voice, it does not guarantee it; as
shown, despite the love of the place, many, due to power imbalances and other feelings of disenfranchisement, chose to stay silent, thus giving the appearance of
simply going along with the LRA.
Case studies, though allowing for rich and detailed contextual analysis of real-life
events and the attendant social conditions and relationships, are often limited by the
fact that they are retrospective, with a heavy reliance on memory recall from those
involved. This study, similar to many case studies, addresses events ex post facto and
thus, to compensate, employed multiple methods of gathering information including a
review of historical documents and records and economic and demographic statistics.
In light of the fact that a case study of any kind has not yet been conducted within a
community that has experienced a base closing, it is unclear as to whether the findings
from this study are generalizable to other like places. However, given that our findings
are akin to other studies examining comparable events (e.g., plant closings), it is not
unreasonable to proceed with future research that hypothesizes similar outcomes under
similar conditionsor dissimilar outcomes given variations in conditions. Certain
characteristics could be used to predict the extent to which outcomes might be similar
or not: geography, how isolated the community is, the political or decision-making
structure in the area, and so on. For example, we might expect that a community with
a more representative local government body would have more legitimacy with residents and provoke less resistance. Furthermore, the geographic isolation of the area
around Ritchie clearly contributed to its lack of faith in the political entities that
existed; residents of a less isolated area are likely to feel more in common with surrounding communities and their electedand even appointedrepresentatives.
The particular lessons of this studythough drawn from the story of how one community has responded and adjusted to the loss of a military postcan be instructive to
other communities facing base closings. In addition, these insights might well serve those
federal entities tasked with overseeing and facilitating the process of aiding communities
faced with a base closure in the transition from a military to a non-military place.

Notes
1. Louis Hicks and Curt Raney, The Social Impact of Military Growth in St. Marys County,
Maryland, 19401995, Armed Forces & Society 293 (2003): 353-71; and Catherine Lutz, Homefront: A
Military City and the American 20th Century (Boston: Beacon, 2001).

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680 Armed Forces & Society

2. Mark A. Hooker and Michael M. Keeter, Measuring the Economic Effects of Military Base
Closures, Economic Inquiry 39, 4 (2001): 583-98; and C. J. Krizan, Localized Effects of Californias
Military Base Realignments: Evidence from Multi-Sector Longitudinal Microdata (Washington, DC: U.S.
Bureau of the Census, Center for Economic Studies, 1999).
3. Scott D. Camp, Worker Response to Plant Closings: Steelworkers in Johnstown and Youngstown
(New York: Garland, 1995); W. F. Cottrell, Death by Dieselization: A Case Study in the Reaction to
Technological Change, American Sociological Review 16, 3 (1951): 358-65; Jeanne Prial Gordus, Paul
Jarley, and Louis A. Ferman, Plant Closings and Economic Dislocation (Kalamazoo, MI: W. E. Upjohn
Institute for Employment Research, 1981); Lee V. Hamilton, Clifford L. Broman, William S. Hoffman,
and Deborah S. Renner, Hard Times and Vulnerable People: Initial Effects of Plant Closing on
Autoworkers Mental Health, Journal of Health and Social Behavior 31 (June 1990): 123-40; John
Portz, The Politics of Plant Closings (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1990); and Kai Erikson,
Everything in Its Path: Destruction of Community in the Buffalo Creek Flood (New York: Simon &
Schuster, 1976).
4. In October 2006, the majority of the base was sold to a private developer, following the resolution of
several pending court cases filed by private citizens and the lifting of an injunction on the sale of the base.
5. Kurt Finsterbusch, Understanding Social Impacts: Assessing the Effects of Public Projects
(Beverly Hills, CA: Sage, 1980).
6. Data were gathered from the U.S. Census Bureaus Neighborhood Change Database19702000
Tract Data, Short Form Release (developed by GeoLytics and the Urban Institute). This database contains
nationwide tract-level data from the 1970, 1980, 1990, and 2000 decennial censuses, with variables and
tract boundaries consistently defined across census years, thus allowing for comparisons over time for
exactly the same geographical area. The information presented is based on data from the rather small census tract geographic boundary that includes Fort Ritchie, Cascade, and Highfield (the base itself and the
two small communities just outside its gates). It does not, however, include the small neighborhood of
Blue Ridge Summit, Pennsylvania, which lies adjacent to, and is a part of what would be defined as the
community around, the base. Nevertheless, the data provide a real sense of the quantitative changes that
have occurred in the community over time.
7. Amy Giancoli, BRAC Would Impact Schools, The Record Herald, March 6, 1995.
8. The local redevelopment authority is the local organization, in this case the PenMar Development
Corporation, tasked with reuse planning and implementation efforts.
9. Laura Ernde, Hit List Battle Set to Begin, Morning Herald, March 2, 1995.
10. William W. Falk, Rooted in Place (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2004), 196.
11. Thomas Gieryn, A Space for Place in Sociology, Annual Review of Sociology 26 (2000): 471.
12. Thomas Gieryn, Truth-Spots: How Place Lends Legitimacy in the Arts & Sciences (paper presented at the University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, March 13, 2006).
13. Emile Durkheim, The Rules of the Sociological Method, ed. Steven Lukes, trans. W. D. Halls
(New York: Free Press, 1982).
14. Gieryn, A Space for Place, 473.
15. M. T. Fullilove, Psychiatric Implications of Displacement: Contributions from the Psychology
of Place, American Journal of Psychiatry 153 (1996): 1516-23; and Yi-Fu Tuan, Sense of Place: Its
Relationship to Self and Time, in Reanimating Places: A Geography of Rhythms, ed. Tom Mels (Burlington,
VT: Ashgate, 2004), 4555.
16. George Ritzer, Classical Sociological Theory (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1992).
17. Falk, Rooted in Place; and William S. McFeely, Sapelos People: A Long Walk into Freedom
(New York: Norton, 1994).
18. Falk, Rooted in Place.
19. John Logan and Harvey Molotch, Urban Fortunes: The Political Economy of Place (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1987).
20. Michael Mayerfeld Bell, The Ghosts of Place, Theory and Society 26 (1997): 813.

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Thanner, Segal / Closing an Army Post and the Local Community 681

21. Ibid., 820.

22. Karl Marx, A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy (1859; repr., New York: International,
1970); and Ritzer, Classical Sociological Theory.
23. Marx, A Contribution.
24. Lutz, Homefront, 1.
25. Camp, Worker Response; Dale A. Hathaway, Can Workers Have a Voice? The Politics of
Deindustrialization in Pittsburgh (University Park: Penn State University Press, 1993); and Carolyn C.
Perrucci, Robert Perrucci, Dena B. Targ, and Harry R. Targ, Plant Closings: International Context and
Social Costs (New York: Aldine De Gruyter, 1988).
26. John Portz, The Politics.
27. Albert O. Hirschman, Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations, and
States (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1970).

Meridith Hill Thanner is on the Research Faculty of the Department of Emergency Medicine, Johns
Hopkins University, Office of Critical Event Preparedness and Response. She has published articles
related to the design and delivery of substance abuse treatment for criminal populations, the provision of
faith-based services to underserved populations, and the impact of diversion programs on juvenile and
adult drug offenders. Her research focuses on preparedness and response efforts by those in the public
health and medical fields in the event of a catastrophic (natural or manmade) occurrence.
Mady Wechsler Segal is professor of sociology, distinguished scholar teacher, and associate director of
the Research Center on Military Organization at the University of Maryland. Her recent research and
teaching focuses on military families and on diversity in the military. She is writing about the well-being
of military families and trends in the representation of African American and Hispanic men and women
in the military. She has recently coauthored What We Know About Army Families: 2007 Update.

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