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Culture Documents
M.H.E. Weippert
Editor-in-Chief
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VOLUME 68
Leidenboston
2014
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Contents
Acknowledgements.........................................................................................
vii
43
77
vi
contents
Index....................................................................................................................
Keywords.......................................................................................................
Personal and Divine Names....................................................................
Geographical and Place Names..............................................................
Textual Sources...........................................................................................
Words and Terms in Ancient Languages............................................
247
247
251
253
255
258
Acknowledgements
This book contains contributions of an interdisciplinary colloquium of
the TOPOI project, which was held at the Freie Universitt Berlin in June
2009. The topic of this conference revolved around the question of the
co-relation between the political systems of ancient states, the social
organisation and the topographical structure of their cities and the ways
of influence of political changes on it. In this colloquium we were looking
for a dialogue between philology, history and archaeology.
We would like to thank TOPOI for the opportunity to hold the colloquium, and the volume contributors for their cooperation. We are also
grateful to Heather D. Baker and Markham J. Geller for advice and critique
on earlier versions of the Introduction. Moreover, we wish to express our
gratitude to the editors of Culture and History of the Ancient Near East
for giving us the opportunity to publish the colloquium proceedings in
the series, and to Katelyn Chin and Karen Cullen from Brill for their
devoted work and cooperation during the preparation of the manuscript
for print.
Introduction:
Urban Topography as a Reflection of Society?
Natalie N. May and Ulrike Steinert
This book presents a collection of articles which address interconnections
between aspects of the topographical structure of ancient cities and the
social-political organisation of ancient cities and states, as well as cultural
perceptions of urban spaces. The introductory chapter sets a theoretical
framework for the volume by presenting an overview of past scholarship
on urban topography as an expression of social structures, focusing on
key disciplines involved in this research in the last decades. Although
the approach to the topographical organisation of a city as a mirror of its
social organisation has been very popular in disciplines such as archaeo
logy (e.g. Herzog 1997, 13; Heinz 1997) and social geography (see e.g. the
work of L. Wirth (1938) and Soja (2000), its application can still lead to
new insights in many fields of research, as this volume intends to show.
At the same time, it has to be emphasised that the relation between
(urban) space and society works in two directions, as a kind of dialectic
process: urban space reflects or expresses social relations and can influence peoples behaviour, but on the other hand, urban space is formed
and changed by social agents, and the social meanings and conceptions
of the environment are generated through peoples social interactions and
practices in it (see e.g. Carmona et al. 2010, 133).
The contributions in this volume present and compare semantic, pictorial, and archaeological information spanning over various geographical
areas and chronological periods of the ancient Near East and Classical
Antiquity, the latter exemplified by articles on Athens and Rome (Jan
Stenger and Darja terbenc Erker). The research in this book is based on
a broad interdisciplinary approach encompassing a variety of sources and
societies. The volume embraces archaeological, iconographic and written
materials, starting with third millennium Sumer, Akkadian sources of the
entire Mesopotamian tradition, evidence from the Syro-Hittite city-states,
ancient Israel, Greece and Rome. Many of its contributions explore fields
which have not been extensively investigated, and which open up new
horizons in the study of urban space. Previously explored topics, such as
city gates of the ancient Near East and the Pomerium, are addressed from
introduction
and foundation of cities, especially Assyrian royal residences (Kar-TukultiNinurta, Kalhu, Dur-Sharruken, Nineveh, but also Samaria).3
In antiquity, a correct foundation procedure was an important guarantee of the citys prosperity. Darja terbenc Erker shows how in Rome the
negative status of the Aventine hill in the foundation legends is connected
with the marginal position of this area as a home to foreign cults in the
religious topography of the city. In Mesopotamia all the cities known to
have been deliberately founded are either Assyrian capitals, or the outposts of the Assyrian expansion. Nothing is known of the last ones except
the very fact of their foundation. As for the new Assyrian capitals, the
main guarantee of a new capitals prosperity was a proper inauguration
ritual (e.g. Fuchs 1994, 73; Bull inscription lines 97100).
Weber (1958), following Aristotle (Aristot. pol. 2, 2, 3, and esp. 3, 1, 12)4
denied that ancient Near Eastern cities were cities. For Aristotle the city
meant primarily the political and social structure of the Greek polis, which
ancient Near Eastern cities naturally lacked. Modern research (infra)
departed from Webers perception of the Oriental cities. Nevertheless,
the great diversity in attitudes to the cities of the Classical world and those
of the Near East in modern scholarship did not disappear, since unlike
the Greek polis Oriental cities were not communities of citizens.5 But
do the city plans of Classical and Near Eastern cities indeed mirror the
differences in their political organisation? The layouts of ancient Near
Eastern cities as a reflection of social organisation were scrutinized
by Marlies Heinz (1997), but her important study is exclusively based
on the archaeological record. The present volume is an attempt to investigate the topography of ancient cities as a mirror of society drawing primarily on the written sources.
Early research into ancient cities put very much effort into defining
what the city is (e.g. Childe 1950; cf. Herzog 1997). But as has been pointed
out by Childe himself, The city is a phenomenon which is notoriously
3For the Assyrian capitals these are contemporary royal inscriptions (for Kar-TukultiNinurta see Grayson 1987, 278, A.0.78.25, lines 2530; for Kalhu/CalahGrayson 1991, 288,
A.0.101.30the so-called Banquet Inscription of Ashurnasirpal II; for NinevehLuckenbill
1924, 94ff., The Palace without a Rival etc.; for Dur-SharrukenFuchs 1994, 3744 Zyl.,
lines 3377 etc.).
4See Liverani (1997: 86, 9193) for an overview of the research stream that followed
these views.
5For the discussion of collective governance in Mesopotamia see Liverani 1997, 9193
and van de Mieroop 1997: 120139; cf. most recently Fleming 2004, 170ff. concerning the
evidence of the Mari texts.
introduction
difficult to define (Childe 1950, 12), and differing solutions and criteria
have been suggested in different fields.6 Comparative approaches include
Childe (1950) and Lewis Mumford (1961). Childe set up a list of features
including considerable size, high population density, the production of
agricultural surpluses, the existence of monumental or public buildings,
full-time craft specialisation, systems of counting and record-keeping, writing systems, officials, priests, and foreign trade.7 Cross-cultural research of
the last decades has led scholars to question the universality of many of
Childes criteria for identifying a city.8
Although factors such as site size and population density have often
been used as defining criteria for cities in archaeology, history and the
social sciences (e.g. L. Wirth 1938, 8; Sjoberg 1960, 83; Kostoff 1991, 37;
Owen / Preston 2009, 3), other approaches note the high range of variation in the size of urban settlements and emphasise instead the concept
of centrality: in these approaches the term urban is reserved for central
settlements which perform special (political, economic, social) functions
in relation to a hinterland (e.g. Trigger 1972; Nvak 1999; Hansen 2008)
or as population centres offering specialized services to a wider society
(Renfrew 2008, 31).9 Similarly, Paul Knox (1995, 8f.) defines the social role
of cities as centres of authority, as places which generate discourses and
collective beliefs that offer settings for the gathering of high-level information and for establishing and monitoring implicit contracts. Thus, crucial
criteria for defining a city include internal diversity, public institutions
and socio-economic differentiation (Marcus / Sabloff 2008, 12ff.).10
6For instance in sociological approaches, cities are seen as places providing meaning to their inhabitants, expressed in the concept of placeness, i.e. as places with which
people connect a sense of belonging (to a community), home, shared identity (see e.g.
Orum / Chen 2003).
7Similar features were discussed by Mumford (1961) and include the division between
rich and poor, the institution of property, and a social make-up constituted by a heterogeneous collective entity.
8See e.g. Bard 2008; Hansen 2008; Hirth 2008: there are societies with cities, but without writing systems (and vice versa); there are cities without monumental architecture;
city and state are not necessarily linked to each other (there are examples of cities existing
without a state and vice versa). Some cities are open structures without fortifications. For
the latter criterion see also L. Wirth 1938.
9Scholars who concentrate on functions and roles of cities reflected e.g. in public
buildings include Eric Wolf (1966, 11), who defined cities as settlements in which a combination of functions are exercised. The diversity of activities and functions performed in
cities is often linked with the existence of centralised authority and social hierarchy, but
hierarchy by itself cannot be taken as a criterion for urbanism (Owen / Preston 2009, 3).
10Taking into account the variability of ancient cities, several classifications of city
types bound to their functions have been developed, see e.g. E. Wirth 1975, 51ff. Richard
introduction
introduction
Studies of urban form show that the plans of cities in different cultures
and periods can exhibit similarities as well as differences, which have been
interpreted in different ways.19 It has been observed that the relationship
between forms of social organisation and spatial patterns is complex and
that it is often not directly mirrored in the archaeological data, because
not all social processes are reflected in material culture (Heinz 1997, 113;
Keith 2003, 59ff.). The spectrum of explanations brought forward points
to the multiplicity of interrelated factors (e.g. environmental, ecological, cultural, socio-political, economic, historical) influencing and having
impact on urban form (cf. Morris 1994).
One explanation for similarities in urban structures is the common need
to accommodate similar functions in a limited area with a limited crosscultural variation in the uses of buildings. Urban structures, which are
likely to reflect urban functions, include the following examples assembled by Renfrew (2008, 46):20 fortifications (military), temples and cult
buildings (religious), royal palaces (political), areas of craft production,
places of public assemblies.
It has been established that there are no mono-causal explanations
for similarities of forms in urban built space.21 Since the 1980s symbolic
and interpretative approaches have come to view human behaviour as
semiotics (e.g. Barthes 1986; Eco 1986; Gottdiener & Logopoulos 1986), and in the history
of urban planning and architecture (e.g. Morris 1994; Mumford 1961).
19See, for comparisons between urban form and functions, Bintliff (1977) on medieval monasteries and the Minoan palace of Mallia in Crete. Comparisons of similarities in
urban form are especially applicable to cities within one culture, tradition, period or category, e.g. Roman army camp towns (Renfrew 2008, 37; Stone 1991). Similarities between
cities within one region or period can be due to standardisation as a result of central
control or urban planning (Renfrew 2008, 37ff.).
20For intercultural comparisons see also Adams (1966) on second millennium bce
Mesopotamian and Aztec cities in Mexico; Carl et al. (2000) for structural similarities
between New Kingdom el-Amarna and late medieval London. Gideon Sjoberg (1960) has
contrasted preindustrial and modern cities, while stating that preindustrial cities resemble
each other because of similar ecological and social factors (e.g. a well-defined class structure and a division of labour), common structural features and similar values. A number
of characteristics of Sjobergs constructed ideal type of a typical preindustrial city have
been shown to be variable, especially the linkage between literacy and urbanism (cf. Herzog 1997, 5). For structural differences between preindustrial and industrial cities see also
Soja 2000.
21E.g. as responses to ecological and social conditions or economic ways of life. See
Pflzner 2001, 9ff. for a review of deterministic and functionalistic approaches, cf. e.g.
Binford 1972, 20ff.; Kent 1987, 517ff.; see for different urban form determinants also Morris
1994, 10ff. The Central Place Theory (Christaller 1933) has had an influence in explaining the spatial organisation of urban centres in terms of settlement hierarchies (see e.g.
Trigger 1972).
10
introduction
11
12
29The orthogonal plan was already in use in planned Greek colonies in the seventh
century bce, long before Hippodamus, which is related to centralisation (Bengs 1997, 29;
Greco 2009). According to Morris (1994), Egyptian Kahun is the oldest urban settlement
with a true gridiron layout, while a rectilinear street system defining superblocks, the subdivision of which was left to the occupiers, is found in many ancient cities. Nvak (1999)
describes the rectangular city shape as a Mesopotamian invention connected to the cosmological concept of the four quarters of the world. Moreover, Hellenistic cities in the
Near East were rarely rectangular or had a regular grid pattern of streets (one notable
example is Seleukia), and this feature, which is typical for cities of the Roman period, fell
again into decline in the Late Antiquity (Nvak 1999; cf. Boksmati 2009 for the limits of
Hellenisation affecting the city of Beirut during the Hellenistic period).
30These structural patterns of Islamic cities have been connected with a dominant
bottom-up social organisation based on kinship reflecting a primary concern for households and neighbourhood associations; see e.g. Bengs 1997, 16ff.; Butzer 2008, 85f. Mark
Lehner (2000) and David Schloen (2001, 108ff.) explain similarities in the settlement patterns in the ancient and recent, preindustrial Near East and Egypt on the basis of the
persistence of the patrimonial household system.
31 Cf. Zucker 1959, 19; cited in Morris 1994, 42. Similarly, Christer Bengs (1997, 25) contrasts the Classical Greek city with early Islamic cities as reflections of two differing systems: a society with an emphasis on the community and unified control vs. a closed tribal
society characterised by hierarchies and levels of control.
introduction
13
14
central oval temple complex (Buccellati 2005, 7f. with fig. 1; Pflzner 2008, 396ff. with
fig. 12, 16). The terraced temple complex with its staircase and ramp was oriented toward
this plaza, which shows that this architectural arrangement with its long continuity from
the first half of the 3rd until the second half of the 2nd millennium bce was an important
and consciously planned element of the urban layout of Urkesh (Pflzner 2008, 407ff.,
428). The plaza seems to have connected the temple and a royal palace and could have
been used for various public activities and gatherings of the population, e.g. during religious festivals.
37This does not mean of course that markets and trade were non-existent (see below,
and Renger 1984, Wilcke 2007). However, there was no market as an economic factor
determining the economy of Ancient Mesopotamia as a whole. (Renger 1984, 113; see
also Wilcke 2007, 113). Palace and temple still performed redistributive functions in the
first millennium in Assyria (Kinnier Wilson 1972), and even in conditions of the increasing monetisation of the economy in Babylonia (Jursa 2010, 9, 2931, 50 with note 207,
66, 68, 162163, 250 with note 1486, 442, 654656, 661, 669672, 771 and passim; Kleber
2010, 549ff.). See Jursa 2011, 1322 for the most recent overview of the economic theories
as applied to Mesopotamia.
38During the survey at Mashkan-shapir, an area without dense buildings was detected in
the vicinity of the main street, which could have been a market place (Stone 2005, 152).
introduction
15
an office in the krum (ibid. and CAD K, 237b238a). Later it also becomes
a component of city names such as Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta, Kar-Shalmaneser,
Kar-Sharruken, etc. This change in meaning reflects the switch in trade
modes from southern Mesopotamia, where the harbour was indeed the
most important trade node, to the emporium in the inland trade away
from the rivers, as was the case with the Old Assyrian trading stations
in Anatolia. Nonetheless, krum never came to denote an open market
place, but always designated a built-up area.
It has been demonstrated (Stone 1995, 236; Cooper 2006, 12223, 139)
that the early urbanisation process in southern Mesopotamia was closely
tied with the exchange of raw materials. Besides trade, the primary form
of this exchange was war. This kind of exchange was naturally a state
prerogative, a part of the redistributive economy, which had no need for
an open market place, but only a storage placea temple or a palace.
The practice of extracting the raw building materials through spoil is well
known e.g. through the literary topos of military expeditions to the Cedar
Forest of the Mount Amanus.39 The article of Johnson (this volume) demonstrates how raw materials necessary for city building were extorted
through military campaigns.
2.4City Layout and Political Organisation
Is the topography of a city-state different from that of an imperial capital?
Can democracy be distinguished from despotic rule through the urban
topography? How did changes of political structure influence the topographical structure of a city? In view of the interdisciplinary outlook of the
present volume, it is important to highlight comparative analyses which
have correlated urban form with political structures and forms of state
societies. According to Trigger (2003, 92ff.), variation in the layout of
urban centres correlates with two different types of political organisation:
city-state systems and territorial states.40 In city-states the majority of the
39Note that in the Bible the same precious cedar wood necessary for temple and palace
building was acquired by Solomon through an exchange agreement, not through wars
(1 Kgs 5:611).
40See also Hansen 2000; 2002; 2006 for the Greek polis-system and comparative
studies of city-state cultures; cf. Yoffee 2005, 45f. for Mesopotamia. In regions without
centralised power (e.g. Sumer, Classical Greece), similarities between autonomous centres (e.g. the ziqqurats of Sumerian cities) have been interpreted as a result of peer-polity
interaction found in early state societies, connected to processes of competition, warfare,
exchange of goods, responsible for producing a degree of cultural homogeneity (Cherry
1986; Renfrew 1975; 1986; Sabloff 1986; Snodgrass 1986).
16
introduction
17
and royal power has prevailed in the textual and archaeological studies of
Mesopotamian cities (see e.g. Novk 1999; Maran et al. 2006; Bretschneider et al. 2007). This approach has been criticised (Baker 2011, 534; see
already Liverani 1997 with a critique regarding the predominant model
of the Near Eastern city used in the field). Research has to take into
account the fact that urban spaces are also shaped by the inhabitants in
a variety of ways. Although the configurations of public space are to a
large extent guided by elites, urban transformations are always to some
degree caused by the active participation of the inhabitants, especially on
the level of private and semi-private space (M. L. Smith 2003, 19ff.).
Due to their non-monumental appearance, archaeological investigation
of private residences in the ancient Near East lagged behind research into
temples and royal buildings. And the exploration of private households
based on written sources has begun only in recent years.
Thus Heather Baker in a number of recent studies has attempted a new
approach to reconstructing bottom-up processes in Mesopotamian cities,
concentrating on the non-monumental architecture of neighbourhoods
during the first millennium bce (Baker 2010; 2011; Baker forthcoming;
and also her contribution in this volume). These studies address questions about the role of non-monumental architecture and urban form in
reproducing and transmitting social values and structures, and attempt
to read the Mesopotamian cities on the level of the experience of their
inhabitants, integrating textual and archaeological sources. Baker especially notes the problem that the cuneiform sources as products of an elite
scribal milieu are not very suited to shed light on the views of the population at large, and that everyday documents hardly ever touch on individual experiences. Nevertheless, conflicting statements in textual sources
demonstrate that the experience of the environment must have differed
from individual to individual. On the other hand, archaeological evidence
also points toward shared cultural values, e.g. the preference for a uniform
outward appearance of house facades.43
Kathryn Keith (2003) and Michael E. Smith (2010) discuss bottom-up
and top-down social processes which influence the patterning and makeup of residential neighbourhoods in ancient and preindustrial cities.
43The similarities of form and blank public facades of house blocks in the Greek cities
of the Classical period have been interpreted as expressions of an egalitarian ethos and the
concept of isonomia (Dolynskij 2009, 122f.; cf. Bengs 1997, 117 for the same phenomenon
in early Islamic cities based on the rejection of any outward expression of wealth in the
Islamic tradition).
18
44For self-reliant neighbourhood communities in early Islamic cities see Bengs 1997, 17.
45According to Michael E. Smith two kinds of residential zones have to be distinguished: the level of the neighbourhood or quarter (a small area characterised by face-toface interaction between inhabitants) and the level of the district or ward (a larger zone
with administrative or social significance in the city consisting of multiple neighbourhoods; see also Stone 1987, 3).
46Residential zones in ancient cities corresponding to social neighbourhoods were
often bounded by physical features (walls, streets, rivers or canals), as can be found in
ancient Chinese and early Islamic cities; cf. Marcus 2009.
47This trait is present in the Middle Eastern cities up to recent times.
48See e.g. Heinz 1997, 103ff.; Keith 2003; for Egypt, Bard 2008, 177. In her study of
Mesopotamian Bronze Age urban settlements, Heinz differentiates a category with homogeneous and heterogeneous residential architecture reflecting a relatively homogeneous
social make-up of the residents vs. a more heterogeneous, socially differentiated social
make-up. She correlates size, complexity, number of rooms and building plan of residential
introduction
19
buildings with socio-economic rank. While her study does not confirm spatial segregation
of social or occupational groups in Mesopotamian cities, Keith (2003) discusses evidence
for Old Babylonian cities where people with various occupations resided in one neighbourhood (various crafts- and businessmen worked and had shops in their private homes),
e.g. at Larsa and Mashkan-Shapir. There is also some archaeological and textual evidence
for some degree of occupational patterning at other settlements, e.g. at Nippur and Ur. At
Nippur, area TB was the residential quarter for landless employees of the state (Stone
1987, 76), while area TA was occupied by small property owners (ibid., 71). In Ur, priestly
families associated with the Nanna and Ningal temples lived in area EM, while businessmen who financed trade expeditions occupied area AH (van de Mieroop 1983, 123, 163).
49See Stone 1981; 1987. Laura Battini-Villard (1997, 341ff.) differentiates densely built
and uncongested residential quarters in Mesopotamian cities of the Old Babylonian period.
She argues that the uncongested quarter in the north of Larsa contained a very large house
belonging to people of the highest level of society (high functionaries or members of the
royal family), while the dense quarters of Ur and Nippur were occupied by families of wellto-do middle classes, e.g. merchants or members of the clergy.
50Beyond the citadels, which were not, by and large, residential areas.
20
household members and the outside world.51 Noteworthy are also investigations of house structures to make inferences about gender relations and
power relations within households.52
The research of Paolo Brusasco and Baker pointed out the need to
combine where possible textual and archaeological sources to substantiate conclusions on building and social structure.53 This strategy is also
used by Kertai (this volume) in his contribution about Assyrian palatial
architecture and its public and private spheres. The differing conclusions
regarding the correlation between house forms, household size and structure and gender relations show that inferring social phenomena should
be derived from all the available kinds of sources, and not merely from
archaeological evidence. Thus, there are, for instance, different views
regarding the relationship between house and household sizes,54 because
many different factors and processes like social mobility, economic rise and
decline, major events in the family cycle, and historical changes have to
be taken into account (Baker 2010; Pflzner 2001, 18ff.). Different house
51 See e.g. for Mesopotamia Baker 2010; Baker, in press; Battini-Villard 1999; Eichmann
1991; Heinz 1997; Herzog 1997; Krafeld-Dougherty 1994; Miglus 1999; Pflzner 2001; see also
the contributions in Veenhof 1996, especially Stone 1996; for an interdisciplinary study on
the cultural significance of domestic architecture see Kent 1990; important anthropological contributions on domestic architecture are e.g. Rapoport 1969; 1990.
52See, for circulation patterns in domestic architecture of Old Babylonian Ur reflecting family structures and gender relations, Brusasco 1999/2000; 2004; for studies of house
structure and gender relations in ancient Greece see e.g. Nevett 2007 and Dolynskij 2009;
for workmens houses in Deir el-Medina (Egypt) see Koltsida 2007; cf. the ethnographic
study of Bourdieu 2003 on symbolic, cosmological and gender issues.
53Brusasco 1999/2000; 2004; Baker 2010, 2011, forthcoming.
54Stone (1981; 1987; 1996) regarded extended patrilineal households as the norm for
southern Mesopotamia in the third and second millennium bce, and correlated linear
and square houses in Old Babylonian Nippur with nuclear versus extended families.
In contrast, Battini-Villard (1999), Brusasco (1999/2000) and Schloen (2001) detected a
dominance of nuclear family households (for second millennium Mesopotamia and the
Levant). Pflzner (2001) shows that there is no general connection between the number
of rooms in a house and family size, but notes that large elite houses in third millennium bce northern Mesopotamia seem to have been inhabited by large households. The
interpretation of house size in socio-economic terms is often found in the literature (e.g.
Battini-Villard 1999). A relation between house sizes and different status groups can also
be shown for the residential districts in Ugarit, with a tendency to spatial concentration of
elite residences around the palace separate from the neighbourhoods of middle and lower
class residences distributed all over the city (Calvet / Castel 2004, 220f.; Yon 2006). Cf.
interpretations of house compounds (insulae) as residences of extended family groups in
Minoan Crete settlements, where spatial size and location of residential buildings are seen
as indications of social status (e.g. large Megaron buildings as dwellings of elite members)
and social distance (cf. Cultraro 2007; Cunningham 2007).
introduction
21
55Baker 2008, 185ff.; Brusasco 1999/2000; Pflzner 2001, 384ff.; Schloen 2001; Stone
1981; 1987, 4153; Yon 2006, 68. There are indications for both sharing of communal space
(e.g. central courtyard, house entrance, cooking area) between house parties (possibly
extended families) and the separation of house parts between two (unrelated) parties
(Stone 1981; 1987; Baker 2010). In terms of social mobility, it is interesting to note that
elite residences tend to stay unchanged over longer periods of time (Baker 2010, 189).
56Nevett 2007, 8. Such differences can also be observed between houses in cities (like
Athens) and smaller settlements (ibid., 8f.; cf. Dolynskij 2009). Alexander Anian (2007)
correlates the development of Greek houses during the Early Iron Age towards more privacy, separation of functions and gender distinction with the shift of Greek society from
a stratified society towards the polis. With this turning inward of the oikos arose also a
new need for public spaces designed for communal activities. Cf. also Dolynskij (2009,
122f.) who sees the Classical house structures as expression of the membership within the
citizen class of the polis.
22
57See Dolynskij (2009, 116ff.) for the development of Greek houses from the Archaic to
the Classical period: from houses with weak boundaries and unstructured interiors displaying social solidarity towards houses with segregated interiors and controlled boundaries
reflecting the privatisation of the independent household. For differences in the placement of the main room of houses and segregation of private and public space in Minoan
Crete cf. Cultraro 2007; Cunningham 2007.
58See also Koltsida (2007) for the prevailing multi-functionality of rooms and nonexistence of areas restricted to men/women in workmens houses of ancient Egyptian Deir
el-Medina and el-Amarna. Ethnographic parallels from Egypt and other regions in the Near
East also show that the distinct specification of male and female areas and separation of
women tends to occur only in larger houses of wealthy, urban households (Koltsida 2007,
125ff.; Brusasco 1999/2000, 105ff.).
59See e.g. Castel 1992, 79ff. for Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian houses; KrafeldDougherty 1994. According to Pflzner (2001, 25), it is not possible to develop definite
functional schemes for Mesopotamian houses because most rooms were multi-functional
and use-flexible, and many activities do not leave any traces in the archaeological record.
Yet, despite their multi-functionality, a primary specialisation for rooms in urban residential areas has been detected e.g. for Ur, Late Bronze Age Ugarit and Neo-Assyrian houses
(Brusasco 1999/2000, 92f.; Castel 1992, 79ff.; Calvet / Castel 2004; Yon 2006; Callot 2009),
consisting of rooms for the receptions of guests, food preparation, craft production, storage, lavatories or toilets, in Ur chapels, and archives.
60Pflzners analysis of houses in third millennium bce northern Mesopotamia (2001,
384ff.), which mostly consist only of one main, multi-functional room, also does not
indicate a gender separation for this period. For the possibility of an upper floor in Old
introduction
23
demonstrates that the Old Babylonian houses do not indicate any seclusion of women and have hardly any gender-specific areas, which points
to differences between Mesopotamian and other Euro-Asiatic patrilineal
societies like Classical Greece and the Islamic Near East regarding the
social position and roles of women, despite the prevalence of the courtyard house in all these cultures.
On the other hand, similarities between ancient Mesopotamian and
recent Near Eastern, especially Islamic domestic architecture (e.g. house
plans) have often been highlighted and explained on the basis of social
structures (e.g. household forms, patterns of marriage, residence, inheritance; Bengs 1997, 16ff.; Morris 1994, 11, 22ff.; Schloen 2001, 108ff.; Stone
2005, 145) and used to interpret archaeological and textual data (KrafeldDougherty 1994; Pflzner 2001). Beside the emphasis on introversion of
houses in both cultural traditions, reflecting a similar need for privacy,
the spatial expression in Old Babylonian and Islamic houses of the dominance of the pater familias has also been noted, reflecting social (often
generational) inequality between family branches (Brusasco 1999/2000;
2004). On the other hand, in contrast to Islamic houses, Mesopotamian
houses (e.g. from Ur, and Kertai, this volume) do not indicate any seclusion or segregation of women.
4.Contributions
Due to the diverging background of the authors of this volume, the contributions presented in this book unite a variety of thematic and theoretical approaches to the phenomenon of urbanism in antiquity. The articles
represent the heterogeneous character of the evidence at our disposal and
treat a number of different aspects of urbanism. One aspect prevalent in
contributions to this volume addresses the concepts of people in ancient
urban societies regarding life in their cities as reflected in textual sources.
The contributions are in line with previous studies (e.g. Arav 2008), which
have a deconstructivist outlook in revealing concepts and images in texts
and confronting them with archaeological data. Thus, some authors (Arav
2008) point out culturally differing attitudes in the Bible and the Greek
world towards cities and city life (Roddy 2008; Williams 2008; Grams
2008), which are of interest in the light of conflicting attitudes found in
Babylonian houses with a probable use of rooms as sleeping area see Brusasco 1999/2000,
86f.; cf. the contributions in Battini 2009 on houses in Larsa, Emar, Ugarit.
24
Mesopotamian texts. The cities are surely perceived as and listed among
those features of civilisation that are divinely revealed, blessed and
founded,61 but thus they are also perceived as eternal.62
However, urbanism was not always described as a positive, divinely
blessed and inspired process. The sources demonstrate active anti-urbanism notions, referring to the city as an overcrowded trapan attitude
inherent not in Sumerian sources alone (Johnson, this volume). The physical density of early cities gave raise to moral density, which was mirrored
by the languageAkkadian stock phrases and expressions. Mesopotamian
(Johnson, this volume), and especially Biblical (Roddy 2008) concepts of
the city could be very negative.63 The population density of the city was
well recognised by ancient Mesopotamians as an important element of an
urban structure and was perceived as a negative feature typical of cities.
While both the Hebrew Bible and the gospel traditions view cities
(except Jerusalem) as negative and dangerous places full of crime and
injustice, the attitudes of the Greek philosophers toward the polis are predominantly positive, although some philosophers refused to live in a city.
Similarly, Mesopotamian textual sources show contradictory attitudes: on
the one hand, sedentary city life and all aspects of civilisation, including
cities, were invented and bestowed upon humanity by the gods and are
thus valued highly, but on the other hand some texts also reveal social
anxieties and negative views towards social outsiders and have-nots,
which are discernible in the discourses on city streets in cuneiform texts
(see Steinert, this volume).This dichotomy in attitude is reflected in modern theories of urbanism as well.64
J. Cale Johnson (this volume) shows that building materials necessary
for the developing cities were predominantly extracted from outside the
country as tribute or through the warfare. Nonetheless, this pattern is as
61See Enki and the World Order, ETCSL 1.1.3, lines 212218 for Ur, and the foundation
of Babylon by Marduk together with the creation of the world (Enuma Elish, tablet VI lines
55ff., Talon 2005, 64ff.). See also Melvin 2010, 4.
62In Sumerian mythology, all features of civilisation (intimately connected with city
life) emerge through the creation of patron deities or are bestowed upon the humans
by the gods or semi-divine beings. In Akkadian mythological texts, working gods can be
encountered, e.g. in the Atrahasis myth. According to the Gilgamesh Epic, the foundation
of Uruks city wall was laid by the seven sages in the time before the Flood. Cf. Melvin
(2010) contrasting Mesopotamian versus Biblical view on the origins of civilisation.
63In the writings of Ibn Khaldun, a similar negative moral judgment of city life can be
found (Baali 1988, 95ff.).
64Gottdiener & Lagopoulos 1986; Herzog 1997, 6, 9; Gmelch & Zenner 2002; Tonkiss
2005.
introduction
25
26
Nonetheless, as noted above, the lack of market plazas, but not of the
market-streets and market places at the gates,66 in Mesopotamian cities
during the late periods could be a continuation of a traditional city layout,
which was consolidated in the periods when trade and the economy were
to a very high extent controlled by the state. Similarly, in Rome the imperial fori continued to be built when the republic had long ceased to exist,
which indicates that the tradition of the citys public spaces was still alive
despite the change in political organisation.67
The important role of the cultural meanings attached to urban spaces is
investigated in Jan Stengers and Darja terbenc Erkers studies. terbenc
Erkers contribution, in examining the meaning of the Aventine within
Romes religious topography, opens up another horizon for intercultural
comparisons. Her analysis of the political and religious ordering and
demarcating of Romes urban space reviews differing textual evaluations
of the Aventine as negative and marginal space relating to foreign elements in Roman religion and society. Her contribution is not only important regarding the question of religious segregation (beside ethnic and
social forms of segregation) in ancient cities, which seems limited apart
from the demarcation of sacral spaces and palaces. It also draws attention
to the intrinsic relationship between the meaning of urban places within
Romes religious topography, and the history of the Roman state and the
growth of the empire.
Stengers observations about the image of Classical Greek Athens in
contemporary written sources underlines the findings of Lynch (1960)
and of cognitive research demonstrating that inhabitants develop a
mental model of the city through social practice and their uses of urban
places, and that there is a cultural and social basis for the conception of
the urban environment. In accordance with semiotic and anthropological
studies describing the mental mapping of the environment as an ideological representation of social processes (see Gottdiener / Lagopoulos
1986, 11f.), Stenger notes especially that elements of urban topography
have different degrees of significance, and that the Athenians correlated
all elements and kinds of spatial information in a dynamic process. In this
process, space is constituted by the relationships between elements, and
structured through the attribution of functions, related social practice and
symbolic meanings.
introduction
27
28
colossi at the gate (fig. 6 and Barnett et al. 1976, pls. 23 [Room H] and 25
[Room I]). Descriptions of the cities layouts and topographical features
are preserved in numerous cuneiform texts which reflect the mental maps
of the urban residents.73
5.Conclusions
It has often been suggested that the spatial organisation of the ancient
Near Eastern cities reflects the political organisation of the society, as
non-democratic and not publicly oriented, in opposition to the Greek and
Roman self-governed urban communities.74 Nonetheless, the research
reveals that ancient city plans display traditional features inherent to a
particular culture and do not necessarily reflect diachronic changes in
political structure. Moreover, Baker points out that, according to the excavators soundings, the main streets in the Merkes area of Babylon during
the first millennium bce preserve the course of their Old Babylonian forebears (Baker, this volume).
Not only the spatial arrangement of the age-old Mesopotamian cities
reveals traditionalism characteristic of this civilisation, but in Classical
Antiquity political transformations did not cause radical alterations in
traditional architectural forms of organisation of urban public spaces.
Thus, such a typical feature of Greek civilisation as a theatre, when
introduced in Babylonia by the Seleucids, served as a place of assembly
as well (Baker 2009, 96 and van der Spek 2001). Nonetheless, Babylonian
cities were not organised as Greek poleis under Hellenistic rulers, and the
introduction of this architectural innovation into the traditional Mesopotamian milieu reflected cultural rather than political change.
Both in the ancient Near East and in the Classical world the functions of
these public spaces could evolve. It seems promising to continue to investigate in a comparative fashion the ways in which public spaces evolved in
different societies. Thus, it has to be further explored to which extent the
limited existence of public spaces for communal assemblies in the Near
East reflects a society based on personalised patrimonialism (cf. Lehner
2000; Schloen 2001). Similarly, studies are needed to assess whether
the development of public spaces and communal institutions in Greece
73Many of them have been assembled and brilliantly analysed by Andrew George
(1992) in order to reconstruct the topography of Babylon and other Mesopotamian cities.
For the mental maps of the universe in Mesopotamia see Horowitz 1998.
74See Liverani 1997 for an overview of the related literature.
introduction
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75Note that the term agora and the existence of large open spaces for public assemblies is attested in Cretan settlements and in colonies of Greek settlers already in the seventh and sixth centuries bce (Sjgren 2007, 154f.; Anian 2007, 167f.).
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38
Fig. 1.Plan of Dur-Sharruken (inaugurated in 706 bce). After Place (1867, pl. 2).
introduction
Fig. 2.Plan of Samaria (9th? century bce). After Crowfoot (1942, pl. II).
39
40
introduction
41
Fig. 6.Elevation of a besieged city. Palace of Sargon II (721?705 bce) at DurSharruken, room 2. After Botta and Flandin (1849, pl. 55).
44
j. cale johnson
45
spaces defined by cities, regions and borders, and (iii) the cosmic spaces
thought to mirror fields of activity within (i) and (ii). The particular aspect
of these mappings that is of interest to me here is the seemingly trivial
fact that, ideally, the raw materials for the architectural component of a
given ritual complex (either a temple or a palace) were to be extracted
from the periphery of the state through either direct military activities
or the indirect use of force in diplomacy, including interstate trade. The
iconic character of state-sponsored monumental architecture as a microcosm for the territorial state (viz. a mesocosm in Lincolns terminology)
has been eloquently stated by Irene Winter in her seminal descriptions of
the throne room of Assurnasirpal II:
What we would then be presented with in both text and image is an articulation of the boundaries of the empireimplying not only the limits of
the kings territory, but what the boundaries enclose as well. The walls of the
throneroom then both echo the limits of the empire and at the same time
make the throneroom itself the symbolic center, creating a physical microcosm of the state.7
7Winter presents her understanding of the throne room, oriented to quite different
audiences, in two well-known papers, Winter 1981 and Winter 1983, 24.
46
j. cale johnson
throne room itself.8 In other words, the locales from which particular raw
materials (and labor) were acquired are represented indexically (viz. signs
that code their meaning through spatio-temporal contiguity) by their
presence in the various elements of the throne room. Given the extensive
role of indexicality in a monumental space such as the throne room of
Assurnasirpal II, both in terms of the physical presence of the king and the
physical origin of the materials that were used to build the throne room,
it follows that one of the central pre-occupations of the Assyrian annals
is the acquisition of booty during the campaign and the transportation of
these materials back to the Assyrian heartland.9
Here, however, I focus on the extraction of raw materials for monumental building not in the well-known Assyrian textsbut rather in the
Sumerian literature from the end of the third and the beginning of the
second millennium bce. Mario Liverani has pointed out the pervasive
character of this theme throughout Mesopotamian history:
The motif of the king who builds a palace or a temple in his capital city,
using materials coming from the most varied and most remote countries
(a motif running through the entirety of ancient Near Eastern history, from
Gudea to Darius), tells us a story of universal rule, of a superior capacity to
enforce the entire world to contribute to the unprecedented enterprise
thus demonstrating the kings power and the gods support.10
8The material indexicality of the reliefs (and the gestures associated with tributaries)
has been emphasized by Cifarelli 1998. Bahrani (2008, 5258 and 7780) writes at some
length of the indexical aspects of images of the king, but only alludes to the origin of building materials in passing ([w]ritten accounts describe the importance of all the materials
used, their place of origin,...), 52. It should be kept in mind that Bahrani and other art
historians generally link indexicality to agency in the particular sense of those terms used
by Gell 1998, see Bahrani 2008, 7980. For a reconsideration of Gells use of these terms,
with particular reference to the agency of temples and the like, see Winter 2007. For a
modern parallel to this use of material indexicality (as exemplified by holocaust memorials), see Marcuse 2010.
9Marc van de Mieroop has noted that in Assyria, royal building inscriptions, especially
starting with those of Adad-nerari I (ca. 1300), provide the [relevant military] campaigns
as a means of dating the construction: after the king had gone on campaigns in a sequence
of years, he built a palace or temple. What may have been the primary purpose of the
annalistic texts, [viz.] the commemoration of a construction, becomes almost an appendix
to a long account of annual campaigns (van de Mieroop 1999, 267 citing Grayson 1980,
1512). For a catalogue and discussion of the building materials described in the annals,
see Lackenbacher 1982, especially 81128. For a particularly insightful review of the connections between iconography and the role of military campaigns in the maintenance of
the Neo-Assyrian cosmological state, see Bonatz 2005.
10Liverani 2001b, 303.
47
The essential feature of this trope is that the abilities of and divine favor
toward a ruler are demonstrated in the acquisition of the necessary raw
materials (through a well run military or effective diplomatic activities or
both) as well as through specialized forms of knowledge (including everything from how to fashion metalwork to the correct rituals and incantations to be performed in opposition to a threatening lunar eclipse).11 This
general theme is a constant throughout Mesopotamian history, but there
is a brief moment in the later phases of Sumerian literary production in
which the literati actually stop and recognize the human cost of extracting raw materials from foreign cities, namely in a passage from Enmerkar
and the Lord of Aratta (lines 115120, below). The fact that Enmerkar is
portrayed as genuinely concerned for the well-being of the populace of
a foreign city, namely Aratta, represents something of an anomaly in the
history of Mesopotamian thought. Though the avoidance of civilian casualties would normally constitute a question of jus in bellum justifiable
action in the course of warfare, Enmerkars hesitation would also seem
to call into question the traditional Mesopotamian theory of jus ad bellum, justifications for going to war, namely that the ruler is authorized
by the chief deities to bring order to the known world through military
force, where tribute to superordinate rulers as well as the embodiment of
tribute and booty in the form of monumental architecture is seen as an
essential component of this kind of cosmogonic activity.12
I argue that the authors of Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta, presumably working in the Ur III (ca. 21002000 bce) or the Isin-Larsa period
(ca. 20001800 bce), are reflecting on the rule of the Sargonic Dynasty
as represented in The Curse of Agade. This moment of ethical reflection
(in the course of a literature that does not generally shed many tears for
defeated enemies) is part of a specific literary tradition that extends from
the Nippur clergy who wrote The Curse of Agade and perceived themselves
as victims, real or imagined, of Sargonic imperialistic intervention and ritual impropriety under Naram-Sin to the authors of Enmerkar and the Lord
11 The role of skill, craft or wisdom in maintaining political rule and revivifying the
cosmogonic order have been described in a wide range of approaches, including PongratzLeistens notion of Herrschaftswissen (Pongratz-Leisten 1999, cf. Lenzi 2008 and Glassners
critique of Alan Lenzi in Glassner forthcoming), Mary Helms work on the role of geographical distance (Helms 1988; 1993) as well as Algazes application of World Systems
Theory to the ancient Near East (Algaze 1989; 1993; 2005) as well as Englunds critique
in An Examination of the Textual Witnesses to Late Uruk World Systems (Englund
2006).
12Bahrani 2008, 11.
48
j. cale johnson
of Aratta.13 Once this minority report was embedded within the Sumerian literary tradition, it continues to color the general opinion of figures
such as Enmerkar in later traditions, even if the initial vehicle, namely
Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta, is not transmitted beyond the Old Babylonian period.14 This minority report then culminates in the rather odd
characterization of Enmerkar that we find in The Cuthean Legend. As
Piotr Michalowski puts it, Writing in first person, Naram-Sin tells us that:
He [Enmerkar] did not inscribe a monument, and did not establish his
name, and so I did not praise him.15 As emphasized by Michalowski,
it is exceedingly strange that Enmerkar, credited with the invention of
writing in Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta, is described as failing to leave
behind a description of his heroic deeds for future kings. In my view, this
characterization of Enmerkar stems from the anti-militaristic character
of Enmerkar as a riddler and inventor and this anti-militaristic character is epitomized by his concern for civilian deaths in Enmerkar and the
Lord of Aratta, lines 115120.16 Whatever the internal, literary history that
leads from The Curse of Agade to Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta and The
Cuthean Legend might be, it highlights the dangerous position of the king:
he is normally obligated to campaign in order to maintain the integrity of
the state, expand the borders of the ordered cosmos, and acquire precious
materials for monumental architecture, but at the same time, if the king
fails in these efforts, the failure would be his alone (often rationalized as
the result of an individual rulers sin or hubris).17 The Curse of Agade offers
13That the Nippur clergy were victimized in this way is made fairly clear in The Curse
of Agade, lines 129130: {itima e2 u4 nu-zu-ba u3-e igi i-ni-in-gar / urudaen ku3 diir-ree-ne-ke4 uriki igi i-ni-in-bar} The people looked into the cella, a room which knows no
daylight, Akkad looked at the holy vessels of the gods (translation after Cooper 1983).
14See the recent edition of the text in Mittermayer 2009.
15Michalowski 1999, quote on 82; on the relevance of establishing ones name, see
below n. 17.
16As Catherine Mittermayers review of the secondary literature makes clear, the
reading of Enmerkar as a crafty anti-hero, more invested in solving riddles than slaying
enemies, was already recognized in Maurice Lamberts 1953 review of Samuel Kramers
editio princeps (Mittermayer 2009, 1). Such a characterization also fits very nicely into
the general themes of the Enmerkar epic as a whole such as the replacement of warfare
with diplomacy and trade, see Vanstiphout 1995; 2003, 4955; in speaking of the entire
Matter of Aratta, Herman Vanstiphout notes that [m]ilitary glory is spurned and even
somewhat ridiculed in at least two of the poems [viz. Enmerkar and Ensukedana and
The Return of Lugalbanda] (Vanstiphout 2003, 15 and n. 78), but all the more so in the
technical and commercial (rather than military) competition that we find in Enmerkar
and the Lord of Aratta.
17For the general model, see Altman 2004, particularly 167168, although the theme
is found throughout the Mesopotamian text-artifactual record from the sin of Lugalzagesi
49
(Ukg. 16; Hirsch 1967; Powell 1996) to that of Sargon II (Tadmor et al. 1989; Talon 2005).
The rituals meant to undo similar kinds of miasma are treated in Maul 2004. For an overview of the links between sin and sanction in Mesopotamia and the Hebrew Bible, see van
der Toorn 1985, passim, although in light of recent publications such as Schwemer 2007
and Abusch / Schwemer 2011, new synthetic and comparative treatments are necessary.
Two further volumes that seem to deal with this theme (Lmmerhirt 2010 and Schaudig
2013) were not available to me until recently (long after this paper was writtten) and
I have not tried to integrate them into my argument in this paper. The standard proverbial
exhortation to establish ones name, which is typically conjoined with a call for humility
before the gods, is dealt with in Greenspahn 1994 and Samet 2010, although both Frederick
Greenspahn and Nili Samet omit certain indirect third millennium precursors from their
discussions such as the visual representation of the deity Ningirsu on the Stele of Vultures
and the figure in Gudeas dream (Cyl A iv 1415 = 101102), both of which are formulated
in positive terms vis--vis the deity rather than the negative and interrogative terms used
vis--vis the human ruler.
18Averbeck 2010. The volume in which Averbeck 2010 appears offers a more-or-less
chronological survey of temple building in the ancient Near East and in combination with
Lachenbacker 1982, we have fairly good descriptions of the social practice as a whole. For
a broader perspective on temple building, craft and wisdom, see Van Leeuwen 2007.
50
j. cale johnson
Gudea Cyl. A, xv 22, 34, xvi 6, 1721 (= lines 408, 420, 427, 438442):
(408) ieren-bi tun3 gal-e im-mi-ku5 /...(420) ad gal-gal-bi diri-diri-ga-bi /...
(427) na gal-gal-bi lagab-ba mi-ni-de6
(408) As for its (the Cedar Mountains) cedars, he (Gudea) had them cut
down with a big ax....(420) As for its big beams, (they were) floating (downriver)...(427) As for its big stones, he brought them back in blocks.
(438) uruda-bi gi-diri-ba mu-ni-ba-al / (439) lu2 e2 lugal-na du3-dam /
(440) ensi2-ra ku3-sig17 kur-bi-ta / (441) saar-ba mu-na-tum5 /
(442) gu3-de2-a ku3 ne-a kur-bi-ta mu-na-ta-e11-de3
(438) As for its copper, he had it dug out (and put) in baskets. (439) It was
to the man who was to build the house of his king, (440a) (It was) to the
Ensi (441) that they were bringing (440b) gold dust from the mountains. (442)
(It was) to Gudea that they were bringing precious metals down from the
mountains in this way.19
51
raw materials for the new temple of Ningirsu from a wide variety of distant places (presumably through some combination of direct extraction,
military coercion and diplomacy), but does not admit to cannibalizing
materials from a previous incarnation of Ningirsus temple or any other
pre-existing temple.
2.Recycling the Ekur as a Sign of the Unheilsherrscher
In opposition to the quintessential ruler Gudea and the idealized depiction of resource extraction and temple building that we find in The Gudea
Cylinders, the great anti-hero of the Sumerian literary materials from the
Old Babylonian period (at least according to one strand of tradition) is
undoubtedly the legendary figure of Naram-Sin in The Curse of Agade.22
Whereas Gudea brought the raw materials for the temple that he would
build from the edges of the known Mesopotamian universe, the clergy
who want to condemn Naram-Sin in The Curse of Agade describe the raw
materials that Naram-Sin uses to rebuild the Ekur temple in Nippur as
essentially recycled from the previous incarnation of the temple rather
than extracted from the periphery. Or rather, to be somewhat more precise, the disgruntled literati in question describe Naram-Sin extracting
raw materials from the erstwhile Ekur temple and sending these materials off via boat for some unstated purpose, but we should probably see
this as literary hyperbole meant to describe Naram-Sin recycling materials
from the previous incarnation of the Ekur temple for the new version that
he seeks to build.23 Moreover, it should be reiterated here that we have
22See the edition in Cooper 1983 as well as the numerous divergent interpretations
summarized in Cooper 1993; Liverani 1993; Michalowski 1999; Cooper 2001.
23In making such a statement I am adopting an interpretation of the text in line with
Edzard (1989), namely (i) the temple for which omens are requested in lines 9497 is the
Ekur temple in Nippur, (ii) the word of the Ekur in line 57 signifies the loss of divine
favor for Naram-Sin, and (iii) the loss of divine favor is in response to a lack of explicit
piety and temple building on the part of Naram-Sin in the preceding lines, cf. Cooper
1993, 17, n. 30. Coopers criticism of some earlier interpretations of The Curse of Agade are
certainly well founded, particularly as presented in Cooper 2001, but ultimately I think
Westenholzs inference that The Curse of Agade reflect[s] a misunderstanding of the initial demolition that had to be done before the reconstruction could begin (Westenholz
1987, 28 apud Cooper 2001, 141) is nearly correct. Cooper goes on to criticize Aage Westenholzs view, ...as if the experience of several millennia of mud brick construction had
not made the reconstruction process obvious (Cooper 2001, 141). But if we simply replace
Westenholzs misunderstanding with a term like misrepresentation, which neutralizes
questions of authorial self-awareness, then we can argue that the author of The Curse of
Agade is intentionally portraying Naram-Sins preliminary demolition as an unauthorized
destruction of the Ekur temple. Such an interpretation annuls the extremely complicated
discussions of historicity that have arisen around The Curse of Agade and refocuses the
52
j. cale johnson
Just as in the passage from The Gudea Cylinders dealt with above, this passage from The Curse of Agade makes use of the same topicalization structure, in which each raw material is topicalized and then followed by a
authorial intent on the theological question that motivates the entire text: Can a temporal
ruler reconstruct the Ekur (an act that is cosmogonic to the core) without having received
appropriate omens from Enlil?
24Thus Westenholz 1987, 2429. Steinkeller 1993 disagrees with Westenholzs use of
The Curse of Agade in his discussion of the archival records, but if work on the Ekur was
interrupted for a period of time at the end of Naram-Sins reign and had to be completed
by Sharkalisharri, such an interruption could have been easily misrepresented by disgruntled Nippur literati as Naram-Sins failure to receive appropriate omens, as depicted in
The Curse of Agade lines 9297. The interrupted reconstruction of the Ekur may well have
left an open pit that may have reminded passers-by of a plundered temple or a mining
operation, but we must still carefully distinguish between historical realities (rooted in
contemporary documentation) and ideologically motivated memories that refer back to
these realities; see primarily Glassner 1986, which is organized along these lines, as well as
Coopers review (1992) and the subsequent discussions cited in the preceding footnotes.
25The same construction in {kulu-ub2.kulu-ub2 ir ak} to put in leather sacks (translation Mittermayer 2009, 121) is also found in Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta (ELA), lines
124 and 196 in Mittermayers new edition. In ELA, however, a double object construction is used {((second object ku3-sig17)) u3-tu-da-ba ((first object kulu-ub2.kulu-ub2-ir)) a-ba-ni-inak} rather than the underlying locative construction attested in line 137 of The Curse of
Agade. That the {a-} of {a-ba-ni-in-ak} is the prospective rather than a locative attached to
{ir} is made clear by the variant in line 196: witness Vu (UET 6/1, 47 + UET 6/3, 497) vs. 17
has {u3-ba-ni-in-ak} rather than the {a-ba-ni-in-ak} in the other witnesses (Mittermayer
2009, 177), although it must be admitted that witness Vu may have miscopied the {u3-}
from the following line (197) into this line (196) as evidenced by the fact that witness Vu
omits the prospective from the verb in line 197 {ba-ni-in-us2}. Note as well the absence of
a topicalization structure and the inversion of first and second objects in ELA.
53
54
j. cale johnson
It is only on the basis of this underlying pun that the older instantiation
of the Ekur temple can act as the referent of the possessive pronouns.29
This is not a matter of historical reality per se (Naram-Sin only demolishes the old temple in preparation for its reconstruction and all kings
presumably indulged in some recycling of raw materials), but rather of a
literary hyperbole that is used to reinterpret Naram-Sins behavior as inappropriate, unsanctioned by the gods, and ultimately as actions typical of
an Unheilsherrscher.
It should be reiterated that the characterization of Naram-Sin as an
Unheilsherrscher is not simply a matter of him being unlucky or lacking in
28Quote from Wiggermann 1996, 208209. Given the fact that rivers are represented
by snakes in Sumerian mythology, there may be a connection between the rivers that
form the edge of the known universe in this cosmological map and the knotted snakes
that decorate at least one other example of Archaic Lu2 A, namely SF 75. For the history
of Archaic Lu2 A, see Englund 1998, especially 8692 and 103106. There are also some
precursors to this iconographic tradition among the seals from Archaic Ur republished in
Matthews 1993 such as figures 1216, nos. 6, 8, 10, 11, but particularly on the right side of
no. 12 as well as nos. 25, 29, 31 and 33 (almost all dating to Seal Inscription Strata (SIS) 4,
ca. 2800 bce, see Matthews 1993 for a detailed discussion).
29For the trope here as an example of the sameness of the signifier mask[ing] a difference of the signified, see Pucci 1982, 48, apud Winter 1995, 257.
55
56
j. cale johnson
57
dissatisfaction of the Ekur clergy was that, under the rule of the Akkadian
kings, the Ekur was no longer the center of the political universe, at least
in practical terms. One of the perquisites of being the temple of the chief
deity Enlil was that the clergy of the Ekur and their environs enjoyed a
fairly constant stream of war booty and other forms of tribute, adornment
and architectural elaboration. Even if the stream of tribute to the Ekur
was not interrupted in any way, the anti-Naram-Sin faction in Nippur
could easily imagine that the best of the war booty and other (diplomatic)
acquisitions were being diverted to the city of Akkade. Thus the official or
formal status of the Ekur temple (undoubtedly still at the top of any list)
may have been contradicted by the movement of practical and material
wealth away from Nippur and toward Akkade (at least in the imagination
of whoever actually wrote The Curse of Agade). This is particularly clear
if we look at the description of the city of Akkade in the first section of
The Curse of Agade (lines 154). Cooper renders lines 1222 as follows:
(12) So that the warehouses would be provisioned, (13) that dwellings would
be founded in that city, (14) that its people would eat splendid food, (15) that
its people would drink splendid beverages, (16) that those bathed (for holidays) would rejoice in the courtyards, (17) that the people would throng the
places of celebration, (18) that acquaintances would dine together, (19) that
foreigners would cruise about like unusual birds in the sky, (20) that (even)
Marhai would be reentered on the (tribute) rolls, (21) that monkeys, mighty
elephants, water buffalo, exotic animals, (22) would jostle each other in the
public squares....38
58
j. cale johnson
59
than military force. Needless to say, this must have represented a complete reversal of the standard view of war booty among the priests of the
Ekur temple.
3.The Ethics of Resource Extraction
It may be difficult for some of us to imagine a priesthood or clergy that
might look forward to and even celebrate a delivery of war booty (including enslaved human beings) from a victorious ruler for dedication to the
deity. We cannot help but think of modern-day mosques, churches and
synagogues, where the collection of material support is somewhat more
discrete and subtle. Nonetheless, the historical record makes it quite clear
that (i) temples were one of the major beneficiaries of military campaigns
and that (ii) one of the most widely used techniques for the extraction
of raw materials was, as Englund has described it, the simple plunder of
other peoples temples and palaces.
The violent removal of desired goods from Anatolia, Persia and other Gulf
regions such as Bahrain and particularly Oman (ancient Magan), or their
removal under threat of annihilation, was a preferred means of Babylonian
elites to satisfy their needs for goods not native to Mesopotamia. Campaigns
designed to plunder booty from their neighbors, early on in the Old Akkadian period, and more systematically thereafter, became institutionalized
means of state-sponsored extortion that, at least in several instances, was
so widespread as to stave off the impending collapse of terror regimes with
little or no basis of economic support. This threat of violence stood squarely
behind the more benign extortion of taxation of domestic populations and
close neighbors, and the demand of tribute from those more distant from
Babylonian seats of power.40
The behavior described here by Englund as simple plunder was undoubtedly the norm throughout Mesopotamian history. Urban centers represented incomparable concentrations of accessible raw materials that
could be quickly refashioned into analogous pieces of monumental architecture and adornment at home. This is presumably the background for
the hyperbole that we find in The Curse of Agade.
At first glance, therefore, it is rather surprising that we find the following statement inserted into Enmerkars first message to the Lord of Aratta
at the beginning of Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta.
40Englund 2006, 9.
60
j. cale johnson
Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta, lines 115120, repeated in lines 187192
(Vanstiphout 2003, 6263; Mittermayer 2009, 120121 and 235237):
(115) iri-bi irsasa.muen-gen7 i-bi-ta na-an-na-ra-ab-dal-en
(116) muen-gen7 gud3 us2-sa-bi-a nam bi2-ib-dal-en
(117) ganba al2-la-gen7 na-an-si-ig-en
(118) iri gul-gul-lu-gen7 saar nam bi2-ib-a-za-en
(119) arattaki a2-dam den-ki-ke4 nam ba-an-ku5
(120) ki bi2-in-gul-la-gen7 ki nam ga bi2-ib-gul-en
(115) As for the inhabitants of (Aratta), I dont want to make them fly from
their tree like pigeons. (116) It is not in their nests, which are attached to (the
tree), that I will make them fly around like birds (in a cage). (117) I dont want
to heap them (= the inhabitants) up like what is in the marketplace. (118) It
is not the rubble that I will have divided up as spoil, as if I were a destroyer
of cities. (119) As for Aratta, a settlement cursed by Enki, (120) It is not such a
place, like a place in ruins, that I want to see destroyed.
This passage appeals to the same literary motif that we saw in The Gudea
Cylinders and The Curse of Agade (viz. the acquisition of raw materials)
and it also preserves some of the linguistic features such as the topicalization structure that we saw earlier. This time, however, an explicit
topicalization only occurs in line 115 {(arattaki-a) iri-bi}, as for the city
(of Aratta). While the same phrase serves as the topic for all six lines in
this passage, presumably undergoing ellipsis in each line after line 115,
its referent and the referent of its elided possessor shift half way through
the passage. In lines 115, 116 and 117, {iri} is an instance of metonymy in
which the city {iri} stands for the populace of Aratta. In the remaining
three lines (118120), {iri} returns to its basic meaning, namely the walls
and buildings that make up the urban structure itself, while the possessor
presumably shifts to the populace of Aratta through the ambiguity of {-bi}
between inanimate singular and (animate) plural. The shift in possessor
in line 118 may then be confirmed by the first few words in the last three
lines; {iri gul-gul-gen7}, {arattaki a2-dam...}, and {ki bi2-in-gul-la-gen7}, all
of which designate the constructed urban landscape rather than the populace. In certain ways, however, this passage from Enmerkar and the Lord
of Aratta is a mirror image of the earlier instantiations of the resource
extraction motif in that it describes what Enmerkar does seek from Aratta
(the usual list of precious materials) by describing what Enmerkar does not
seek, namely the dispossession, enslavement or death of the populace, the
destruction of their homes or the capture of their territory. It is an attempt
to separate the economic logic of resource extraction from the human toll
61
41Johnson 2008.
42There is also some limited lexical evidence for an equation between {nam} and the
negation l in Akkadian; see CAD L, 1a and AHw, 520f, although these simply point us to a
couple references in the NBGTs, namely NBGT I, 417 (MSL 4, 145), and NBGT IXb, 5 (MSL
4, 177). Of course the absence of any context for the lexical entries makes it difficult to
know if these entries are relevant. Given the fact that Akkadian l negates nominal phrases
and subordinate clauses, it may be significant that in NBGT IXb, 5, {nam} is only equated
with l and not with ul.
62
j. cale johnson
ITT 5, 6863 (Ur III crop yield account)
ii
1. 6(bur3) 5(iku) 1/2(iku) GAN2
113 1/2 iku of agricultural land
2. 3(iku) 1/2(iku) 1/4(iku) GAN2 su3
3 3/4 iku of fallow land
3. e-bi 6(ge2) 1(u) 8(a) 4(barig) gur As for its barley, (it is) 378 4/5 gur
4. iri-ki-bi engar
(Field of) Irikibi, the cultivator...
iii
(one line blank)
1. a-a3 kur-bi3-lu
The field: Kurbilu
2. 6(bur3) 1(ee3) 3(iku) 1/2(iku) 1/4(iku) 117 3/4 iku of agricultural land,
GAN2 <GAN2 su3> nam
there is no fallow land
3. e-bi nam As for its barley, there is none
4. ur-gu-la engar
(Field of) Urgula, the cultivator
Note in particular the parallelism between column ii, line 3 {e-bi 6(ge2)
1(u) 8(a) 4(barig) gur}, which lists a substantial amount of barley, and
column iii line 3, which also has the phrase {e-bi} as for its barley, but
followed by {nam} literally, it is not, presumably meaning something
like there is none in context. {nam} as an abbreviation of {ni2-nam}
something, anything is unlikely since the standard orthography for this
word in the Ur III period is {ni2-na-me}. Administrative texts like this
as well as the other arguments listed above clearly allow for the possibility that at least some of the occurrences of {nam} in the passage from
Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta use this orthography to represent the
negative particle *nu- followed by the copula *-am. As a number of investigators have recognized over the years, one of the primary uses of the
copula in Sumerian is to code a kind of emphasis known as (contrastive)
focus, which if present here, would lead to the following interpretations
of lines 116, 118 and 120.43
43One of the earliest discussion of focus, viz. emphasis, associated with the copula
seems to be Heimpel 1970, 492495, apud Karahashi 2006. Recent discussions of the copula
as a marker of (contrastive) focus are to be found in Huber 2001, especially 149, exx. 399
and 400; Johnson 2008; Zlyomi 2009; Jagersma 2010, 712714; Zlyomi 2012. One basic
rule vis--vis the interpretation of instances of the copula that form focus constructions
seems to be that when the copula follows a nominal phrase that is a cardinality expression (see Williamson 1987, 175 as well as Johnson 2006 for description), the construction
is best translated in English as an existential sentence. This is evident from a clause like
{a3 ma-mu-da-ka lu2 di-am3...} there was a man in the dream..., (Gudea, Cyl. A iv 14
= line 101). Another use of the copula to code a categorical rather than referential meaning
is the use of a doubled copular construction to form a wh-question that asks for semantic
type rather than, say, an individuals name. This is particularly clear in Ereshkigals question to Galatura and Kurgara, the two strange creatures who descend into the netherworld
in Inannas Descent to the Netherworld so as to rescue Inanna from her sister. Ereshkigal
asks {[a-ba-am3] za-e me-en-ze2-en}, literally who is it that you are? but presumably
63
64
j. cale johnson
[...]muen-gen7 i-bi-ta
NAM dal-dal-le-en
[... gu]d3 us2-sa-bi-a NAM bi2-ib-x-e
[...]-la-gen7
NAM si-si-ge
[x g]ul-gul-la-gen7 saar NAM a-za-e
[ar]ataki a2-dam den-ki-ke4 NAM ba-an-ku5
[x b]i2-in-gul-la-gen7 ki NAM ga-bi3-ib-gul-e
The use of NAM in the passage organizes both the ordinary denotational
meaning of the passage as well as a series of iconic representations that
operate at the orthographic level. Since the NAM sign is also a logographic
representation of a bird of some kind (or, more likely, a flock of small
birds) and serves elsewhere to write the names of at least two species of
flying creatures (Veldhuis identifies the {simmuen} bird as swallow and
{bir5(muen)} as locust), these alternative values of the NAM sign must
have crossed the mind of an attentive reader of the passage.47 Neither of
45Mittermayer notes that witness Fn is anomalous in some ways. In my view, the
scribe who wrote witness Fn has taken a contemporary oral commentary on the role of
NAM in the passage a little bit too literally and, consequently, replaced the verbal prefixes in lines 115 and 117 ({na-an-na-ra-ab-} and {na-an-} respectively) with a single NAM
sign in each case. When Vu repeats the passage in lines 187192, however, only lines 188
and 192 include NAM. Needless to say, I am using verbal prefix here in a very loose and
non-technical sense.
46See the translation above.
47See Veldhuis 2004, 279280 and 224225 respectively. Veldhuis notes that {buru5}
small bird, sparrow has often been confused with NAM in Assyriological works, but in
the original texts it can be distinguished from NAM (Veldhuis 2004, 225227, cf. Lambert
1954). There is also a clear association of {simmuen} with violent imagery that makes sense
65
these two interpretive possibilities for NAM are positive: {simmuen} swallow appears in a series of examples in which they are symbolic of rebellious subjects whose bodies will be piled up in heaps, while {bir5} would
present the inhabitants of Aratta as locusts, left homeless to wander the
earth in search of food and shelter.48 I would like to suggest, however, that
the primary orthographic pun that would have struck contemporary readers has to do with the swallow {simmuen} rather than the locust.
The association between the swallow {simmuen} and urban architecture
as well as their propensity to fly away in mass when threatened seem to
derive from the natural behavior of swallows.49 If the swallow mentioned
in the cuneiform record is analogous to the North American Cliff Swallow
(Petrochelidon pyrrhonota), then the following description of their behavior may shed some light on their representation in Sumerian literature:
The Cliff Swallow is one of the most social landbirds of North America.
These birds typically nest in large colonies, and a single site may contain
up to 3,500 active nests. Cliff Swallows originally were birds of the western mountains, where they still nest commonly underneath horizontal rock
ledges on the sides of steep canyons in the foothills and lower elevations of
the Sierra Nevada and Rocky and Cascade mountains.50
in this passage, see Black 1996 apud Veldhuis 2004, 279, where Veldhuis points out that
the occurrences of {buru5muen} in Blacks examples 4, 5 and 6 should all be corrected to
{simmuen}).
48The association between the piled up {si-ig} dead bodies of swallows and the similarly treated bodies of rebellious subjects appears elsewhere as well: in a ir3 nam-gula of
Ninisina (Rmer 1998, 673, A, rev. line 9): {ul-du-zu! simmuen-gen7 a-ra-ur4-ru zar-re-e
a-ra-ab-sal-e} As for your persecutor, having been gathered (ammu) like swallows,
may they be spread out like sheaves, we have the usual components: (i) the evil-doer
{ul-du} compared to swallows {simmuen-gen7}, (ii) {ur4-ru} and (iii) the piling of sheaves
motif {zar-re-e...sal}. Among the examples collected in Black 1996, swallows are explicitly compared to malefactors {ul-du} and the...people of rebellious lands {ki bala-a
u3 tar-tar-ra-[bi]} (Black 1996, 2829).
49Black 1996, 3638.
50Brown and Brown 1995.
66
j. cale johnson
51 The only other trace of this constellation of imagery in later materials, which I was
able to identify with the assistance of Ulrike Steinert, is the use of similar topoi in the
inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser I such as the following: a-na gi-sal-lat KUR-i a-qu-ti / ki-ma
MUEN ip-par2-u they flew like birds to ledges on high mountains, (AKA 42 iii 6869 =
RIMA 0.87.1 iii 6869; Grayson 1991, 20) and pa-gar muq-tab-li-u-nu a-na gu-ru-na-a-te /
i-na gi-sal-lat KUR-i lu-qe2-ri-in / al-ma-at qu-ra-di-u-nu ID2 na-a-me / a-na ID2.IDIGNA
lu u2-e-i I built up mounds with the corpses of their men-at-arms on mountain ledges. I
allowed the river Name to carry the bodies of their warriors out to the Tigris (AKA 40 ii 22
= RIMA 0.87.1 ii 22; Grayson 1991, 15). The key term is gisall eaves, a Sumerian loanword
{gi-sal-la}, that only appears in the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser I.
52See generally Johnson 2013.
53Black 1996, 35; Alster 1997, 10; N 5230 seems to have NAM rather BURU5 (Alster 1997,
vol. 2, pl. 6), while 3 N-T 907-268 + 3 N-T 916-334 (witness O) has a clear BURU5 (Gordon
1959, pl. 10). Alster reconstructs {buru5muen} in all witnesses, so the connection may be
only in terms of small birds generally rather than the swallow in particular. The same
image also makes an appearance in line 84 in the first of the Pushkin Museum Elegies (see
Kramer 1960; this line is not duplicated by the materials published in Sjberg 1983).
54Alster 2005, 265341.
67
Enmerkar as a riddler and inventor rather than a standard hero. The antimilitarism of Enmerkar has been described as ethical by one of our most
insightful critics, but I would suggest that Enmerkars behavior is really
only ethical from our own anachronistic point of view.55 Within the traditional mores of Mesopotamian kingship, Enmerkars behavior was indeed
questionable and rightfully chastised in The Cuthean Legend. That being
said, I suspect that the image of a ruler trapped in his own monumental
architecture may point the way to the real inheritors of this early antiheroic tradition: later wisdom literature. Claus Ambos has noted the
shared imagery of the imprisoned king in both Ludlul II 96 (My house
has become my prison) and the bt sal m ritual and the same image
provides the dominant trope in one of the more literary moments in the
Amarna Letters of Rib-Adda (EA 74, line 46, and elsewhere), in which he
sees himself as like a bird in a bird-trap (gloss: cage), so am I in Byblos
(see in comparison line 116 of Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta above).56
Thus over the long history of Mesopotamian literature and its inheritors
we see that the social values invested in architectural (and consequently
cosmogonic) edifices could indeed change over time: the altered circumstances of the Ekur priesthood make room in the Sumerian literary
imagination for the crafty anti-hero Enmerkar. In later periods, however, a
critique of Enmerkars anti-militarism would emerge in The Cuthean Legend of Naram-Sin and the ambivalence of the built-up urban landscape
(as a symbol of imperial power or as a virtual prison for a cultically or
psychologically troubled ruler) would become the dominant image.
Moving to the broader, comparative framework of the volume as a
whole, the moments in the literary history of Sumerian that I have discussed in this paper, particularly when the extraction of raw materials becomes a central pre-occupation of the literati, clearly represent
a key piece of evidence for how Mesopotamians conceptualized and
reflected on urbanism itself, which is one of the most important objects
of investigation for this volume.57 The construction of the edifices of
55Vanstiphout 1994, 153, and 1995, 7, among other places.
56For the Ludlul passage, see W. G. Lambert 1960, 4445. The discussion of bt sal m
is in Ambos 2008, but see in particular Ambos 2008, 4, n. 7, for Sumerian precursors. On
the historical setting of the exorcistic medicine associated with the Second Dynasty of Isin
(and its Sumerian precursors), which is at the core of Babylonian wisdom literature, see
Beaulieu 2007. Once the bird in the cage motif is shorn from its foundation in wisdom
literaturea foundation still present in the letters of Rib-Adda (see Liverani 2004)it
goes on as a frozen topos for besieged cities in first millennium sources (see Tadmor 1994,
78; Mayer 2003, 187189).
57See May / Steinert, Introduction, this volume.
68
j. cale johnson
urban life, both architectural and cosmogonic, was one of the central
concerns of Mesopotamian city dwellers and it is abundantly clear that
they saw their built environment as much more than brick and mortar
(see the discussion of emblematic and religious meaning of cities in the
Introduction).58 Within the series of reflections on Mesopotamian urbanism assembled here, the changing role of the swallow in flight {simmuen
dal-dal} is particularly interesting: framed in Enmerkar and the Lord of
Aratta as an image of urbanites either trapped within the confines of
the city (an image that reappears in Rib-Addas correspondence in the
Amarna Letters) or fleeing the city in the face of potential violence, the
image of the swallow in flight reappears later on in the Sumerian proverb collections as a description of material possessions {ni2-gur11} rather
than human beings. In some sense, therefore, the later literati had learned
the lesson of Enmerkars speech in Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta: rather
than clinging to material possessions, wisdom literature such as Nothing is
of Value and other similar texts taught them to devalue material wealth in
favor of the more subtle pleasures of Sumerian belles lettres, and in doing
so they insulated themselves, at least to some degree, from the hurly-burly
of urban existence.
Abbreviations
AfO
Archiv fr Orientforschung
AKA
The Annals of the Kings of Assyria (see Budge 1902)
AoF
Altorientalische Forschungen
AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament
AOS American Oriental Series
BBVO Berlin Beitrge Vorderen Orient
CBS Museum siglum of the University Museum in Philadelphia (Catalogue of the
Babylonian Section)
ELA
Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta (see Mittermayer 2009)
ETCSL The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature <http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/>
JAOS
Journal of the American Oriental Society
JBL
Journal of Biblical Literature
JCS
Journal of Cuneiform Studies
JNES
Journal of Near Eastern Studies
JSOT
Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
Ni Museum siglum of the Archaeological Museum, Istanbul (Nippur)
OBO Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis
OIS Oriental Institute Studies
69
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1 E.g. Oppenheim 1969; Adams 1966; Heinz 199; Algaze 2008; Stone 1991, 1995, 2005,
2008; see May / Steinert, Introduction (this volume) for the comprehensive bibliography.
2Herzog 1997, 13 with further bibliography and Heinz 1997.
3For the most recent discussion of the gate to the Netherworld in Mesopotamia and
the Bible see Paul 2010.
4Pongratz-Leisten 1994, 1336 Radner 2010, 271 with n. 12 for further literature.
5See May / Steinert, this volume.
6For instance George 1992, 458 quoted below.
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natalie n. may
7See also, for instance, six-chamber city gates at Gezer (Stern et al. 1993, 503) and
Herzog 1986 for the largest assemblage of the ancient Near Eastern city gate plans.
8CAD A I, 84a; Bilgi / Bayram 1995, 82; no. 43, line 15.
9CAD B, 22a.
10CAD B, 16b18a.
11 CAD B, 18b20a. It is not impossible that the name of the quarter in Babylon
(k - d i n g i r - r a = Bbili), known from the Kassite period, which also served as a name for
the entire city, was a use of a common gate name to support a folk-etymology (George
1992, 253256) of this name for the city of Babylon. This seems even more plausible in the
light of the absence of textual evidence for the existence of a gate with the name bb il
in Babylon.
12Passim.
13All from late sourcesNehemiah 8:3, 16, and 2 Chronicles 32:6. ( derived from
the root with the meaning wide) in the Hebrew Bible seems to have a semantic field
close to that of ribtu (see Steinert, 2011, 317 and this volume; Koehler / Baumgarten 1996,
12121213 with parallel to rebtu and rebt Ninua [ibid., 1212, 1213]; note especially meanings
of squares at palace gates [at Susa; Esth 4:6], -
, , city square
before the kings [= palace] gate).
14 , wide space at the Ephraim Gate (Neh 8:16),
-
,
wide space that is in front of the Water Gate (Neh 8:3); , wide
space at the city gate (2 Chron 32:6). Compare s i l a - d a g a l - l a , wide square/street of the
gate attested in the texts of the Old Babylonian period (Steinert, this volume and n. 14).
For ribt abul.../ s i l a - d a g a l - k - g a l see CAD R, 320b.
15However this word survived also in later periods with the meaning open fields
(Ps 144:13; Job 5:10; Prov 8:26). Both in pre-exilic and post-exilic texts it might also mean
street, street corner, market street (Koehler / Baumgarten 1996, 299).
80
natalie n. may
3.Gate Space Functions
3.1Gates as a Sacral Space. Temples, Chapels, Cult Ceremonies
and Sacrifices at the Gate
- .
, - ; ,
.
-
-
,
So the king commanded, and they made a chest, and set it at the gate of the
house of YHWH, outside. And they made a proclamation through Judah and
Jerusalem, to bring in for YHWH the tax that Moses the servant of God laid
upon Israel in the wilderness.
Given the late, post-exilic date of the Biblical source there can be no doubt
that it was influenced by Late Babylonian practices.
Nevertheless, altars were installed and sheep sacrifices were performed
at the temple gates also in the Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian periods,
and at the Mesopotamian periphery, for example at Nuzi.30 In Assyria
animal offerings were sent by the palace for gates of the small and the
big shrinebb(K) suk-ki dan-nu and ql-li (1 ox, 10 sheep, 1 duck for
each).31 Neo-Babylonian texts present us lists of animals to be slaughtered
(nukkusu) at the gates.32 An eclipse ritual from Seleucid Uruk prescribes the
lamentation and chief priests (kal and ang) to install a brazier (garraku)
in front of the gates of temples (bb bt il (K..DINGIR.RAME)).33
82
natalie n. may
, - ; -
, -
-
, , , -
. -
, : - , .
.
, ; ,
.
.
,;
-
,
,
.
, ; , , ,
, -
.
,
-
, -
-
,
,
-
, : -
,
.
,
.)(
- .
, ; , ,
, -
, , -
, -
; -
-
.
And the prince shall enter by the way of the porch of the gate from outside,
and shall stand by the post of the gate, and the priests shall prepare his
burnt-offering and his peace-offerings, and he shall worship at the threshold
of the gate; then he shall go forth; but the gate shall not be shut until the
evening. Likewise the people of the land shall worship at the door of that
gate before YHWH on the Sabbaths and on the new moons. And the burntoffering that the prince shall offer unto YHWH shall be on the Sabbath day
six lambs without blemish and a ram without blemish; and the meal-offering
shall be an ephah for the ram, and the meal-offering for the lambs as he
is able to give, and a hin of oil to an ephah. And in the day of the new
moon it shall be a young bullock without blemish; and six lambs, and a
ram; they shall be without blemish; and he shall prepare a meal-offering, an
ephah for the bullock, and an ephah for the ram, and for the lambs according as his means suffice, and a hin of oil to an ephah. And when the prince
34See n. 28. Hallo and Levine (1967, 49) refer to Ezek 44:13 because the locked temple
gates are mentioned there as well as in the text that they published. However, locking and
unlocking the gate is also a matter of Ezek 46:2 and 12. For locking gates and controlled
access to the Assyrian palaces see also Radner 2010.
Not only temple gates, but also palace gates and, especially, city gates
were important cult places. A stele of an Elamite karbu-priest of Inuinak
describes the installation of a standard (?; g i - g a l ) and sacrifices at the
gate of Inuinak, presumably in front of his throne. The installation
was accompanied by singing.36 In this connection it is interesting that a
gate name gate, which hears prayers ([ k - s ] s k u r - e - g a bbu(K)
e-mu- k[a-ra-bi...) is known from a Late Babylonian text from the R
temple at Uruk.37 In the Old Babylonian period, in the time of Sn-iddinam
of Larsa, sheep sacrifices were offered to the gate of a palace and the gate
of the house of his sonship.38 Sheep, the income from an audience gift
(nmirtu), are offered to the six gates of the city of Assur, one to each: that
of Aur, of ama, Turret and Tissaru gate, gate of erua, and Tabra gate
according to the twelfth century document from the archive of Ninurtatukult-Aur.39
84
natalie n. may
50Idem, 400401.
51 George 1992, 9495; no. 6, rev. line 31.
52In Qatna a bt abullim ( - k - g a l ) is known. This expression was translated literally
as gate-house by the publisher of the text, who, however, admits the obscurity of the
meaning of the term (Eidem 2007, 298300).
53Grayson 1987, 20, lines 48 paralleled by idem, 26, lines 1519. The text is obscure.
I prefer to take mullum and watmnum as accusativus duplex, and not as a sequence of
homogenous parts of the sentence (contracted sentence), as Grayson does, because qa-a-u
is obviously an adverbial participle. See George 2003, 61819, line 8.
54CAD M II, 277; AHw, 684b.
55Van Driel 1969, 2931.
56ama gates existed in many cities, most often serving as a place of litigation (see
below). Stables (?, bt abste) at the (temple) gates of Anu and Adad are known in Assyria
itself (Grayson 1987, 153; A.0.76.17, line 4; Adad-nrr I). For the stables (?) of Ninurta and
Aur see ND. 1120, rev. lines 19 and 22(van Driel 1961, 200201) and VAT 10646, line 7
(May 2008, 218 and the commentary on p. 230) respectively.
86
natalie n. may
Doubtless, the sacral and ritual function of the gate spaces was preconditioned by their liminality, which was also the reason for the role the gates
played in magic.60 However, primary interest for us in the light of the aim
of the present research is that any kind of ritual or other performance
presented at the gate space had a public character due to its accessibility
for the lay audience, in contrast to the temples which were accessible for
the clergy only.
3.2The Installation of Royal Monuments at the Gates
The combination of sacredness on one hand and of publicity on the other
was also the reason why royal monumentssteles and statueswere
placed and revered at the gates. Assyrian inscriptions attest royal images61
at the city gate already in the Middle Assyrian period. Aur-ndin-apli
(12071204 or 11961194 bce) not only installed an image of his kingship
at the entrance to his city, but built a special house, presumably a shrine,62
for this image:63
57See Haran 1981, 3334 on , customarily rendered into English as a high place,
to mean simply altar.
58See Herzog 1986, 16465 for a summary of the archaeological evidence for the cult at
gates, most of which derives from the second millennium bce. Remains of the baldachin
structure at the gate of Dan were suggested to be a dais of a deity (Biran 2001), but might
be the seat of a king, and not necessarily a cultic structure. Note a fragment of an altar
found at the gate of Jaffo.
59Translation by Cogan / Tadmor 1988, 279. See also Emerton 1994 on this passage.
60See n. 24.
61 alam arrtiya might designate a statue in the round, as well as a stele.
62Grayson 1987, 300.
63Idem, 301, lines 2430.
The practice of the installation of royal steles at the entrances continues in the Neo-Assyrian period. In a letter to Esarhaddon (680669 bce)
we find:64
arru(MAN) liq-bi TA* b-et i-da-nu-ni a-na rb(LGAL) upparru(A.BA)
arru(MAN) -e-mu li-kun na-ru-u u-mu arri(MAN) ina libbi() liur ina si-ip-pa-ni bti() i--kan-u-ni is-se-ni-ma u4-mu bu(DG.
GA) le-mur
Let the king order the chief scribe to write the name of the king on the stele,
and at the same time to look up a favourable day for them to place (it) at
the entrance to the house.65
88
natalie n. may
,( )
. , :
,
Dancing women came out from all the cities of Israel to meet Saul, the king,
with tambourines and celebration and lutes,
Saul has slain his thousands,
And David his ten thousands,
sang the women.83
Besides military processions, the gates were also a place where ritual processions were passing. It was during the aktu when the gates had their
main ceremonial function in Mesopotamia, and the festival procession
was to pass through the gates. A Middle Babylonian gate name abul
akti the New Year festival gate was known in Nippur.84 Temple gates
80May 2012, especially 461, 464, 474.
81 Pongratz-Leisten 1997, 24552; Tadmor 2004; May 2012.
82May 2012, 471, 480.
83Translation following McCarter 1980, 310. P. Kyle McCarter amends the Biblical text
into to meet David.
84Six Kassite texts mention the aktu-gate, Sassmannshausen 2001, 243 (MUN 48,
lines 28, 32); 244 (MUN 50, line 15); 248 (MUN 57, line 1); 420 (MUN 400, line 3), and
90
natalie n. may
PBS 2/2 77, lines 2 and 11; PBS 106, line 27. PBS 106, line 27 speaks of the distribution of
flour to the singers of the aktu-gate, a-na nar(NARME) abul(K.GAL) -ki-te/ti. PBS
2/2 77, lines 1012 assign flour rations to the singers of aktu- and other gates. PBS 2/2 77,
line 2 assigns a commodity of flour to the aktu-gate, not specifying a particular recipient.
A ration given to the singers of the (aktu)-gate is interesting on its own, pointing out that
a team of singers was among this gates personnel, which is obviously connected with
rituals performed there.
85Fales / Postgate 1995, 96 (= SAA 11 153). Another variant of this gate name is bb(K)
n-reb dGu-la (George 1992, 9495; no. 6, rev. line 29). Andrew George (1992, 399) suggests
to identify this gate with k - g n - a , probably the principal gate of Gulas temple E-galma, located close to E-sagil in Babylon. As George notices, the ceremonial name of the
gate is shared with the gate of E-zida at Borsippa, through which Nabs procession passed
to and from the Babylonian New Year festival. The gate of Gula existed also in Nippur
(Kramer 1956, 273274).
86bb(K) iltni(IM.SI.S) kaspi(K.BABBAR) uh-hi-i-ma a-na [a-i-]-e e-ri-ba a...
Nab(dAG), I inlayed the north gate with silver for the exit and entrance of...Nab
(Langdon 1912, 158; A col. vi 4648).
87[b]b ([K]) bb(K) Nab (dAG) u Blet(dM)-Bbili(TIN.TIRKI) ina l[b]-bi
i-ru-ub-<bu> n-reb Nab (dAG) u Blet(dM)-Bbili(TIN.TIRKI) m-s, The gate through
which Nab and Blet-Bbili enter is called the Entrance Gate of Nab and Blet-Bbili
(George 1992, 9495; no. 6, rev. line 23; 361362; 397398).
88Mller 1937, 1415, lines 4344.
89abul(K.GAL) n-reb arri (MAN) mu-la-l[u] (George 1992, 17677, line 121).
90[to] the gate of Aur they go (and) sit down in front of the gate, sacrifice [...]
(Speleers 1925, 36, no. 308, line 8).
.
,
-
; ,
Now the king of Israel and Jehoshaphat king of Judah were sitting on their
thrones, dressed in robes, at the threshing floor96 at the entrance of the gate
of Samaria, and all the prophets were prophesying before them.97
David masters his troops at the city gates of Mahanaim before the battle
as well (2 Sam 18:15, especially 4):
91 See also Schmitt, 2000. His pictorial examples of royal ceremonies at the gate (Abb. 8,
9)the depictions on the White Obelisk, are in my view representations of triumphal processions and celebrations (May 2012, 267274).
92May 2008 and May 2012, 464468, 471474, 476.
93George 1992, 9495; no. 6, rev. line 32.
94George 1992, 6667, TINTIR=Babylon (no. 1), tablet V, lines 54, 6869, 72.
95PBS 2/2 77, line r. 3.
96Eidem (2007, 299300) discusses the possibility of the existence of a threshing floor
at the gates of Qatna (depending on the translation of makanum), and points to the existence of threshing floors or grain storages at Tuttul, as follows from the Old Babylonian
text.
97Translation Cogan 2001, 487. Cogan comments, The cramped city streets and quarters could not accommodate large gatherings, and the only open space was to be found
just inside the city gate or, better yet, outside it; such tracts served as the market and the
place of assembly (idem, 490).
92
natalie n. may
. ,
; -
,
, ,
-
-
, -
. , -
, - , ...;
David mastered the army (lit. the people) that was with him, setting commanders of thousands and commanders of hundreds over them. David
divided the army into three parts, one third under the command of Joab,
one third under the command of Abishai son of Zeruiah, Joabs brother,
and one third under the command of Irtai the Gittite;...The king stood at
the gate as the entire army (lit. the people) marched out by hundreds and
thousands.
The king is sitting at the gate to meet the people and the army coming to
him as does David after Abshaloms revolt (2 Sam 19:9):
,
, -
; ,
,
David got up and took his seat at the gate, and when the army (lit. the people) was told that the king was sitting at the gate, the entire army (lit. the
people) came before the king.
Finally, the late post-exilic account of the siege of Jerusalem by Sennacherib reports of Hezekiah assembling his generals at the city gate plaza and
addressing them with a speech of encouragement (2 Chron 32:6):
, -
, -
, ; -
,
.
He placed military officers in charge of the people, summoned them to himself on the plaza at the city gate, and spoke directly to them as follows....98
The king at the gate in the Bible meeting and mastering the troops resembles of course the Neo-Assyrian triumphs, though these cultic-military
performances were of much larger scale.
However, in the vision of Ezekiel the prince ( ) is prescribed to
eat a sacrificial meal at the temple gate, in the passage compared by
Hallo and Levine99 with the practice of offering to the temple gates at Ur
(Ezek 44:3):
) -(
- - , -
100.
,
98Translation by Myers 1965, 185.
99Hallo / Levine 1967, 49.
100It is noteworthy that this sacrificial meal seems not to be eaten publically, because
the preceding passages (Ezek 44:12) prescribe to lock the doors and let no one enter the
temple precinct.
It was suggested that in the Bible the king judges at the gate (Jer 38:7)101
though the quotation does not directly point to it:
, - - , ,
-
- ; , -
. ,
; -
. ,
But Ebed-Melech, the Cushite, a eunuch man, heardsince he was in the
kings housethat they had put Jeremiah into the pit. Now the king was sitting in the Benjamin Gate, so Ebed-Melech went out from the kings house
and spoke to the king.102
-
-, her husband is known in the gates when he sits with the
elders of the land (Prov 31:23).103
Gates were the place of public meetings as follows from the evidence
discussed above and from further Biblical examples. Sichem and Hammor
talk to their people at the gate of their city convincing them to make circumcision (Gen. 34:20, 21):
. , -
; -
,
Hamor and Shechem came to the gate of their city, and spoke to their
townsmen, saying....104
94
natalie n. may
, , -
,
-
-
, -
- .
,
-
, -
; , -
.
On the first day of the seventh month Ezra the priest brought the Law
(Torah) before the assembly of every man and woman, all who could hear
and understand. And he read it at the plaza in front of the Water Gate from
dawn until midday before the men and women who could understand,
and all the people listened attentively (lit. the ears of the all people were
directed towards) to the Book of the Law (Torah).105
Finally, the city gate and streets are the places where the Wisdom seeks
for publicity (Prov 1:2021):
: , .
, ; ,
.
The Wisdom cries aloud in the streets, in the plazas gives for her voice, at the
crossroads she calls out, at the openings of the city gate she has her say.106
And:
ap-par-ru- i-na bb(K) de-e-ni -u-uz im-na u-me-la kt-ra-a -paqa-ad i-di i-bil-ta- ama(dUTU) qu-ra-du
The sycophant stands in court at the city gate, right and left he hands out
bribes. The warrior ama knows his misdeeds.117
112The evidence is endless. There is no place and sense to discuss all the evidence here,
only some texts are quoted. For the rest see CAD A, 8288 and B 1427, passim.
113Traces of a throne were excavated at the gate plaza of Tel Dan. It was suggested,
among other possibilities, that the throne was installed there for the king performing a
royal court of justice (see discussion in Schmitt 2000, 477). The suggestion is based again
on Biblical sources (Jer. 38:78), and cannot be used as direct evidence in spite of its high
probability, since the interpretation of this passage as the royal court at the gate is itself
a suggestion. It is obvious, however, that the throne at the Tel Dan gate plaza stood there
for a high official, most probably the king, though in Mesopotamia daises for gods were
also erected at the gates (see above).
114CAD A, 86a.
115Deut 21:1822; Ruth 4:111; Prov 31:23.
116CAD B, 19b20a, 21b22a.
117Lambert, 1960, 218219, lines r. 12, and 810 respectively. I follow Lamberts translation, but in fact it should be rendered, the sycophant stands at the gate of judgement.
96
natalie n. may
This rather late and literary text reflects a common notion of a gate being
a place of legal procedures.
Often the gate of litigation is the gate of the god.118 Gate names such
as gate of judgements, bb dn at the Eanna temple in Uruk119 or the
gate of the judges, bb dayyn in Old Babylonian Sippar,120 which was
probably the gate of ama, the judge121 (ama was the Sun god and the
god of justice), also designate the gate space function. The term dayyn
a bbi, judges of the gate is also often attested.122 Gates of ama are
known in Babylon,123 Assur124 and Sippar,125 but it seems that only in Sippar it was the gate of litigation.
The range of judicial procedures which took place at the gate is much
wider than just the act or a court of justice itself. There are attestations of:
Gates are places of the publication of legal decisions
Court of justice at the gate
Witnesses sworn or oaths taken at the gate
Gates as a place of legal transactions and contracts signed at the gate
The starting point of a legal procedure at the gate was publishing of legal
documents. This action is known as dtu in the peripheral texts from
Nuzi and Arrapha. The document was read at the gate and then written
down. The final clause of multiple legal documents from Nuzi states, uppu
arki dti ina bb abulli a URUNuzi air, (this) tablet is written after the
proclamation at the city gate of Nuzi.126 Sometimes this clause states that
the tablet was written ina pni...hazannu, in front of the mayor.127
Another rather peripheral corpus of evidence, namely the Old Assyrian documents from Kltepe (krum Kane) seems to be particularly clear
This also transmits the play of words here: he himself is being judged by ama. The text
is dated to 716 bce.
118CAD B, 19b.
119Kleber 2008, 6 with n. 183.
120CAD B, 21b.
121 k - d u t u - d i - k u 5 (CT 4 46a: 4).
122CAD B, 17b, 19b.
123George 1992, 6667, TINTIR=Babylon (no. 1), tablet v, lines 56, 6869, 74, and passim.
124George, 1992, 17677, line 123, and p. 456ff.
125See above with n. 120, and below.
126See Negri Scafa 1998, 140 and Lacheman 1962 for the meaning and appearance of
the dtu-clause on the Nuzi texts. Further examples with the variants of writing appear
in CAD III, 195.
127For instance JEN 433: 36; 440: 16.
98
natalie n. may
The one who lies (lit. talks too much) in the mullum-gate, [the demon] of
ruins will seize his mouth and his hindquarters; he will smash his head like
a shattered pot; he will fall like a broken reed and water will flow from his
mouth. The one who lies (lit. talks too much) in the mullum-gate, his
house will become a house of ruin. He who rises to give false testimony, may
the [Seven] Judges who decide legal cases in [the mullum-gat]e give a false
decision [against him]; may Aur [and] Adad, and Bl [my gods, p]luck [his
seed]; a place [...] may they not give to him.
The legal function of the gate space is interconnected with its sacral function: the witnesses swore by the deity/deities of the gate, in this case presumably by Aur, Adad and Bl, who would punish them for the false
testimony. The Erium inscription describes the witness given under oath
obviously in the course of the litigation process.
The court of justice at the gate is also found in the Bible (Deut 17:29):
, -
:
- , -
,
, .
-
-
,-
.
-
-
, ; ,
.
,
;
, -
-
-
-
. ,
; -
, -
-
- . -
,
:
,
. ,
; , -
, ,
: ,
-
-
,
.
, -
If there be found in the midst of you, within any of your gates which YHWH
your God gave to you, man or woman, that did that which is evil in the
sight of the YHWH your God, in transgressing His covenant, and had gone
and served other gods, and worshipped them, or the sun, or the moon, or
any of the host of heaven, which I have commanded not; and it be told
you, and you hear it, then shall you inquire diligently, and, behold, if it be
true, and the thing certain, that such abomination is wrought in Israel; then
shall you bring forth that man or that woman, who have done this evil thing,
unto thy gates, even the man or the woman; and you shall stone them with
stones, that they die. At the mouth of two witnesses, or three witnesses, shall
he that is to die be put to death; at the mouth of one witness he shall not be
put to death. The hand of the witnesses shall be first upon him to put him
to death, and afterward the hand of all the people. So you shall put away the
evil from the midst of you. If there arise a matter too hard for you in judgment, between blood and blood, between plea and plea, and between stroke
and stroke, even matters of controversy within thy gates; then shall you
arise, and get you up unto the place which YHWH your God shall choose.
And you shall come unto the priests the Levites, and unto the judge that
-
, Speak
truth to one another, and judge with complete justice in your gates.137
However, the gates were also the place where the witness for a business
or marriage contract could be found. In the book of Ruth (4:911), Boaz
buys the field of Naomi and pronounces Ruth to be his wife at the city
gate taking city elders and people at the gates as witnesses:
,
-
-
, , -
- . ,
-
, -
- , - -
,
;
, -
-
. , :
Then Boaz said to the elders and to all the people, You are witness today
that I buy all that belonged to Elimelek and all that belonged to Kilyon and
Mahlon from the hand of Naomi. And Ruth the Moabitess, wife of Mahlon,
I buy as my wife, to establish the name of the dead on his inheritance, so
that the name of the dead not be cut off from among his brethren, or from
the gate of his town. You are witness today! Then the people who were
at the gate and the elders said, (We are) witnesses!138
The following verses (Ruth 4:1112) are a blessing and might be in fact the
confirmation of the wedding contract by the assembly. But the whole passage (Ruth 4:112) describes a civic litigation process all of which takes
place at the city gate in the eyes of ten elders whom Boaz called to witness
that the other party withdraws its claims (4:16).
Abraham buys his burial place, the cave of Mahpelah, from Ephron
the Hittite at the gates of the Hittite city (Gen 23: esp. 1011) having all the
people entering it as witnesses:
,-
-
; -
,
- ,
-
. -
. ,
-
;
Ephron was sitting among the sons of Heth. Ephron the Hittite answered
Abraham in front of the sons of Heth, all coming to the gate of his city, so:
136Translation following the JPS Bible.
137Amended translation of Carol and Eric Meyers (1993, 409). See their note on the
function of the gates in the Biblical texts (ibid., 427).
138Translation by Campbell (1975, 140) with my amendments. For marriage contracts
at the gate in Mesopotamia see CAD B, 23.
100
natalie n. may
No my lord, hear to me: I gave you the field and the cave in it, I gave it in
the eyes of my peoplebury your dead!139
139The translation is mine. See Speiser 1981, 168 for the alternative.
140See notes 108109.
141 CAD A I, 84a; B 19b; M II, 277a, III, 195. For the analyses of Nuzi material see Negri
Scafa 1998.
142For the legal transactions at the gate in the Bible see the passages quoted above
from the books of Genesis (23, esp. 10) and Ruth (4:112).
143dayyn(LDI.KUD5ME) a bt() il(DINGIRME) ina ku-tal b[bi](K[]), Joanns
2000, 195, lines 1011.
144Lambert 195960, 48.
145Idem, 5, lines 42143.
,
; -
, The
messenger came and reported to him, they have brought the heads of
the princes. He said, Put them in two heaps at the entrance of the gate
until morning.
Tiglath-Pileser III singles out for the exemplary execution the person responsible for the resistancethe local king,152 mdNab(MUATI)-ab-i arra(LUGAL)--nu m-e-ret abul(K.GAL) li(URU)- a-na
GIza-qi-pi -e-li-ma <-ad-gi-la> ms(KUR)-su, I impaled Nab-uabi,
102
natalie n. may
their king, before the gate of his city and exposed him to the gaze of his
countrymen.153
Sennacheribs inscriptions carry on the change. Not only is the local
king chosen for exemplary execution, but he is also brought to Assyria for
this purpose:
mu-zu-bu ar(LUGAL) Bbili(K.DINGIR.RAKI) i-na taz(M) ri(EDIN)
bal-u-su ik-u-du qt(UII)-u-un e-ri-in-nu bi-ri-tu id-du-u-ma a-di
ma-ri-ia ub-lu-ni-u i-na abul(K.GAL) qabal(MURUB4) li(URU) a
Ninua(NINAKI) ar-ku-su da-bu--e
Their hands captured zubu, king of Babylon alive in an open battle. They
put him into a neck-stock (and) fetters, and brought him before me. I fastened him at the inner gate of Nineveh as a bear.154
Another opponent of Esarhaddon, the Arabian King Uabu, and his soldiers
were put in collars near the city gate. The mentioning in this connection
of Esarhaddons love for justice and punishing crime is remarkable, especially in the context of punishment at the city gate since it is extremely
rare that the Assyrian kings represent themselves as a king of justice.157
It obviously points to the punishment of the rebellious king as to that of
158The curses of Esarhaddons vassal treaties are probably the best manifestation of the
attitude to changing or disregarding the vassal oath and the very document of the treaty
being a crime (Parpola / Watanabe 1988, 43ff., 31= SAA 2 no. 6, lines 360ff.).
159Note the wordplay: igru serves also as synecdoche for a gate (CAD II, 409b).
160Borger 1956, 54; Prism A, Episode 14, col. iv, lines 2531=Leichty 2011, 1920.
161ni-kis qaqqad(SAG.DU) mTe-um-man ina irat(GABA) abul(K.GAL) qereb(MURUB4)
li(URU) a Ninua((NINAKI/URUNINA/ URUNINAKI) -ma-i-ra ma-u-ri - da-naan Aur(AN+R) u Itar(d15) bli(ENME-ia) n(UNME) kul-lu-me, The cut-off head of
Teumman, in front of the gates of the inner city of Nineveh I presented as an offering in
order to reveal to all the people the might of Aur and Itar, my lords (Borger 1996, 107;
Prisms B col. vi, lines 6668 / C col. vii, lines 6365).
162emtu(GR.PAD.DU/DAME) mdNab(MUATI/AG)-um(MU)-re(KAM/URU4-e) a/
ul-tu q-reb mt(KUR) Gam-bu-li il-qu-u/-ni a-na mt(KUR) A+urKI emtu(GR.PAD.
DU/DAME) -a-ti/te mi-i-ret abul(K.GAL) qabal(MURUB4) li(URU) Ninua(NINAKI)/
Ni-nu-a -a-i-la mr(DUMUME)-, the bones of Nab-um-re that I brought from
the land of Gambulu to Assyria, I caused his sons to grind these bones near the inner gates
of Nineveh (Borger 1996, 108; B VI 97B VII 2/C VII 115119).
163Barnett et al. 1998, pl. 289, slab 381b.
104
natalie n. may
abul(K.GAL) qabal(MURUB4) li(URU) mu-u-ri -[ma]-ir a ul-tu ul-la
i-na ba-ru-ti qa-bu-u um-ma [qaqqad([SAG].[DUME nakr(LKRME)-ka
ta-na-[kis] karn(GETIN) eli(UGU)--nu ta-naq-q a x[...] e-nen-[na
ama] ([dUT]U u Adad(dIKUR) ina tari(LAL)-ia[...] qaqqad(SAG.DUME)
nakr(LKRME)-ia ak-kikis karna(GETIN) aq-qa-[a eli(UGU)--nu]
I, Assurbanipal, king of Assyria, the (cut off) head of Teumman, king
of Elam, at city gate of the inner city I presented as an offering. That,
which from the days of old was declared in an omen, saying: Cut off the
heads of your enemies, libate wine upon them, now ama and Adad in my
time [...]. I cut off the heads of my enemies, libated wine upon them.164
, -
-
, -
; , .
. ,
; ,
, - .
, - ; ,
, , -
.
If a man have a stubborn and rebellious son, that will not hearken to the
voice of his father, or the voice of his mother, and though they chasten him,
will not hearken unto them; then shall his father and his mother lay hold
on him, and bring him out unto the elders of his city, and unto the gate of
his place; and they shall say unto the elders of his city: This our son is stubborn and rebellious, he does not hearken to our voice; he is a glutton, and
a drunkard. And all the men of his city shall stone him with stones that
he dies; so shall you put away the evil from the midst of you; and all Israel
shall hear, and see.165
164Epigraph no. 14 (Fuchs apud Borger 1996, 301302; col. i, line 47col. ii, line 3). This
libation took place at the gate of the temple of Itar at Arbela (see above n. 47).
165The translation follows the JPS Bible.
166CAD B, 22a; CAD M I, 98.
Elisha predicts high prices for flour and crops at the gates of Samaria as
the gods punishment to Ahaban indication of economic collapse and
famine (2 Kgs 7:1):174
106
natalie n. may
- , : - ,
.
Then Elisha said: Hear the words of YHWH, thus said YHWH, This time
tomorrow a seah of choice flour shall be (sold) for a shekel, and two seahs
of barley for a shekel at the gate of Samaria.175
175Cogan / Tadmor 1988, 77 translate at the market price of Samaria, taking the
expression at the gate of in its semantic development as the rate of exchange.
1761998, 140, with n. 5 for further references.
177Sigrist 1988, 75; no. 58a, lines 910 and 76; no. 58b, lines 78.
178And thus with ama as the god of justice.
179Some of them dealt with the taxes paid at the gate: VAS 54, line 4ff. Taxation at the
gate, its recipients and reason is another vast field to be explored (see evidence collected
at CAD B, 1623 passim and CAD A I, 87).
Apart from that is an Old Babylonian attestation for gate attendants (?)
muzzaz abulli (mu-za-az K.GALME).182
Nuzi:183 abultannu(L.K.GAL-(nu)) a city gate official.
Neo-Assyrian: rab abulli(L. GAL.K.GAL)
Neo-Babylonian: bl abulli(L.EN.K.GAL)
with bbu:184
a bb ekalli((L).K..GAL)Old Akkadian, Ur III, Old Babylonian and
Middle Babylonian periods.
L.K.NA = a b[bim] is known from an Old Babylonian lexical list.185
Nuzi: maar bbi a ekallian official of palace gate.186
Neo-Babylonian: rab bbi(L.GAL.K)
108
natalie n. may
gate offices ()
at the Temple by David is described in 1 Chronicles
26:12ff. Their exact function is again unclear. The royal officer in 2 Kings
7:17 appointed by the king of Israel in charge of the gates ( -
)
of
Samaria and trampled to death at that same gate by the hungry mob, was
probably responsible for the regulation of access in and out of the starving
city, and for the market prices at the gate during famine. His appointment
was obviously of an extraordinary character.
4.Conclusions
In Mesopotamia and in the Bible the gate was a public place. There (inter
alia) legal procedures took place,189 but it was a place of publicity, be it
royal, as well as of any other kind. It is clear particularly from the gate
names that in the large Mesopotamian metropoliae such as Sippar, Uruk,
Babylon, Assyrian capitals, and even at Megiddo and Hazor in Ancient
Israel various functions were assigned to different gates. There were market gates, judges gates, ceremonial gates etc. In smaller urban compounds
all the public activities were concentrated at the same gate.
John Wright190 made an attempt of diachronic analyses of the gate
functions in the Bible, claiming that in the Iron Age II the city gate was
a paraphrase for the city itself.191 According to his scheme, in the NeoBabylonian Judean city the gates functions were transmitted to the temple gates,192 and in the Achaemenid period, to the squares. The power
accordingly moves from the city to the temple gates, and then to the
squares. This scheme is supposed to reflect the development from a two
tiered society to a three tiered via the stage of the four tiered temple
oriented Neo-Babylonian Jerusalem. The weakest in this chain of Wright
is the definition of the as a square though it seems to mean just
broad space. It may designate a street as well as a plaza, seemingly similar to Akkadian ribtu.193 It can be also located at the city gate, and is also
attested in the post-exilic period.194 The other problem is of course the
dating of the Biblical material and the absence of actual legal documents
to support or deny the literary evidence.
189See the examples assembled in PSD A 180a, most of which refer to Uruinimgina.
190Wright 2003.
191 Ibid. 2003, 2226.
192Ibid., 33ff., based on Jeremiah and Ezekiel.
193See Steinert 2011, 317 and this volume.
194See above and notes 10 and 11.
195For instance the Temple (gate or court) can become a market as is well know from
the famous passage of the New Testament (Matt. 21:1213; Mark 11:1517; Luke 19:45). The
Kings gate may designate a palace gate as well as a city gate name, so it cannot be identified with certainty for instance in the book of Esther (passim), as well as in most cases in
various Mesopotamian texts.
196The topos of the triumphal entrance of the messiah to Jerusalem in the Hebrew
Bible (Zech 9:9), and the New Testament (Matt. 21:110; Mark 11:115; Luke 19:2938).
197Wright 2003, 50.
110
natalie n. may
Abbreviations
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Algaze, Guillermo (2008), Ancient Mesopotamia at the Dawn of Civilization. The Evolution
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Barnett, Richard. D. / Bleibtreu Erika / Turner Geoffrey (1998), Sculptures from the Southwest Palace of Sennacherib at Nineveh, London.
Bilgi, Emin / Bayram, Sbahattin (1995), Ankara Kltepe Tabletleri II, Ankara.
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Prismenklassen A,B,C=K,D,E,F,G,H,J und T sowie andere Inschriften. Wiesbaden.
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Campbell Thompson, Reginald (1940), A Selection from the Cuneiform Historical Texts
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Civil, Miguel (ed.) (1969), The Series l = a and Related Texts, MSL 12, Roma.
Civil, Miguel with Hans G. Guterbock, William W. Hallo, Harry A. Hoffner, Erica Reiner
(eds.) (1971), Izi = itu, K-gal = abullu and Ng-ga = makkru, MSL 13. Roma.
Cogan, Mordechai / Tadmor, Hayim (1988), II Kings. A New Translation with Introduction
and Commentary. Anchor Bible, 11, New York.
Cogan, Mordechai (2001), I Kings. A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary,
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Samaria. Samaria-Sebaste. Reports of the Work of the Joint Expedition in 19311933 and
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Crowfoot, John W. et al. (1957), The Objects from Samaria. Samaria-Sebaste. Reports of
the Work of the Joint Expedition in 1931-1933 and of the British Expedition in 1935, III,
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(1931a), Tod und Leben nach den Vorstellungen der Babylonier. 1. Texte, Berlin.
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297304.
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40, Leuven.
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Hallo, William W. / Levine, Baruch A. (1967), Offerings to the Temple Gates at Ur, in:
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Haran, Menahem (1981), Temples and Cultic Open Areas as Reflected in the Bible, in:
Avraham Biran (ed.), Temples and High Places in Biblical Times: Proceedings of the Colloquium in Honor of the Centennial of Hebrew Union CollegeJewish Institute of Religion,
Jerusalem, 1416 March 1977, Jerusalem, 3137.
Heinz, Marlies (1997), Der Stadtplan als Spiegel der Gesellschaft. Siedlungsstrukturen in
Mesopotamien als Indikator fr Formen wirtschaftlicher und sozialer Organisation,
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Herzog, Zeev (1986), Das Stadttor in Israel und in den Nachbarlndern, Mainz am Rhein.
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Jakob-Rost, Liane (1992), Das Vorderasiatische Museum, Mainz am Rhein.
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Jursa, Michael (2010), Aspects of Economic History of Babylonia in the First Millennium BC:
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Kleber, Kristin (2008), Tempel und Palast: Die Beziehungen zwischen dem Knig und dem
Eanna-Tempel im sptbabylonischen Uruk, AOAT 358, Mnster.
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Oppenheim, A. Leo (1969), Mesopotamia-Land of Many Cities, in: Ira M. Lapidus (ed.),
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Paul, Shalom M. (2010), Gates of the Netherworld, in: Wayne Horowitz / Uri Gabbay /
Filip Vukosavovic (eds.), A Woman of Valor: Jerusalem Ancient Near Eastern Studies in
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Pfeiffer, Robert H. / Lacheman, Ernest R. (1942), Excavations at Nuzi. Volume 4, Miscellaneous Texts From Nuzi, HSS 13, Cambridge.
Place, Victor (1867), Ninive et lAssyrie, Volume 3: Planches, Paris.
Pohl, Alfred (1933), Neubabylonische Rechtsurkunden aus den Berliner Staatlichen Museen:
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Pongratz-Leisten, Beate (1994), Ina ulmi rub. Die kulttopographische und ideologische Programmatik der aktu-Prozession in Babylonien und Assyrien im I.Jahrtausend v. Chr., BaF
16, Mainz am Rhein.
(1997), The Interplay of Military Strategy and Cultic Practice in Assyrian Politics, in:
Simo Parpola / Robert M. Whiting (eds.), Assyria 1995, Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project Helsinki, September 711, 1995,
Helsinki, 245252.
Porter, Barbara N. (2000), Assyrian Propaganda for the West, Esarhaddons Stelae for Til
Barsip and Samal, in: Guy Bunnens (ed.), Essays on Syria in the Iron Age, Ancient Near
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Postgate, J. Nicolas (1974), Royal Exercise of Justice under the Assyrian Empire, in:
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418426.
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Sassmannshausen, Leonhard (2001), Beitrage zur Verwaltung und Gesellschaft Babyloniens
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Scheil, Vincent (1902), Dlgation en Perse. Mmoires de la Mission Archologique de Perse:
Textes lamites-Smitiques. Deuxime srie, MDP IV, Paris.
(1905), Dlgation en Perse. Mmoires de la Mission Archologique de Perse: Textes
lamites-Smitiques. Deuxime srie, MDP VI, Paris.
Schmitt, Rdiger (2000), Der Knig sitzt im Tor. berlegungen zum Stadttor als Ort
herrschaftlicher Reprsentation im Alten Testament, in: UF 32, In memoriam Cyrus
H. Gordon, 475486.
Sigrist, Marcel (1988), Old Babylonian Texts. Commercial and Legal Texts (Nos. 4868),
in: Ira Spar (ed.), Cuneiform Texts in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. Volume I. Tablets,
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Sollberger Edmond (1974), The White Obelisk. Iraq 36: 231238, Pls. XLIXLVIII.
Speiser, Ephraim A. (1981), Genesis. Introduction, Translation, and Notes. The Anchor
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Fig. 1.Scheme of the gate space of a six-chamber gates. Drawing by Nica May.
Fig. 2.Libation and prayer at the temple portal. Dedication plaque from Ur.
Larsa period. Photograph by Natalie N. May.
Fig. 3.Sacrifice and libation at the city gate. White Obelisk, third register, sides
AC. Drawing by Nica May (drawn after Sollberger 1974, pls. XLIIXLIV).
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Fig. 5.Assurbanipals libation over Teummans head in front of the divine symbols with a bow mounted upon it at the gates of Arbela in the course of the aktufestival. North palace, room I, slab 9 (Place 1867, pl. 41).
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Fig. 8a
Fig. 8b
Fig. 8a, b.Stele of Esarhaddon at the gate of Samal. (a) The gate (Luschan 1898,
pl. 23). (b) Esarhaddons effigy upon the stele (Luschan 1893, pl. 50).
Fig. 9a
Fig. 9b
Fig. 9a, b.(a) The impaling and mutilation of the male inhabitants of the city
Kulisi in front of its gates. (b) Piles of severed heads in front of a captured
ubrian city. Bronze bands of the Balawat Gate (648 bce) of Shalmaneser III
(King 1915, pls. 56, band X, 3 lower register and pl. 44, band VIII, 2 lower register
respectively).
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ulrike steinert
be attached to city streets cross-culturally, it is also asked if any culturespecific features can be found in the Mesopotamian sources.
Various cuneiform texts from the second and first millennium bce
Mesopotamia mention city streets in connection with various activities
of daily life which took place there, with the multiple functions performed
by urban centres (political/administrative, judicial, religious/cultic, economic/commercial, cultural etc.), and with a complex, differentiated urban
society with its heterogeneous groups of inhabitants, professions, specialists of different economic means and social standing.3 City streets are
characterised as public space in contrast to the privacy of the house, often
in terms of the opposition between outside versus inside.4 In descriptions of urban building projects in royal inscriptions, the public space of
perspectives of an urban elite, of scribes who predominantly worked for the big institutions (palace/temple) and also were scholars, priests, omen and ritual specialists, as well
as authors. Yet, many of the phenomena described can be rooted in common experiences
and beliefs shared with other members and groups of their urban communities.
3As Marc van de Mieroop (1997, 101ff.) noted, the social structure of Mesopotamian cities is still poorly known. Beside the nuclear family as the basic social unit, van de Mieroop
(1997, 110ff.) mentions the existence of other social groups and networks based on profession (professional organisations), residence (the city-ward or neighbourhood which
had its own governmental structure) and ethnic identity. Assyrian and Babylonian cities
had diverse populations, many of which had ties to the palace or temples that employed
numerous people and were the primary social organising forces of the cities. According
to Leo Oppenheim (1977, 74ff.), Mesopotamian society was primarily based on economic
status-stratification. Upper strata of urban society included office-holders in the big institutions (e.g. bureaucrats, priests, scribes) and owners of agricultural land in the countryside, which they did not cultivate themselves (but rented to tenant farmers). There were
also city-dwellers who cultivated fields and orchards in the suburbs and engaged in trading/businesses (Oppenheim 1977, 86; van de Mieroop 1997, 142ff., 176ff.). The various crafts
probably had a different social standing (e.g. goldsmith versus tanner). On the other hand,
Oppenheim argued that ideally, all free citizens enjoyed equal status as members of the
citys or city wards assembly, which managed communal affairs, relations with the palace
and matters between citizens (judicial conflicts, marriages, testaments, sales of property
etc.); Oppenheim 1977, 95, 111f.; cf. van de Mieroop 1997, 120ff. For connections between
the spatial organisation of Mesopotamian cities and social structure see also Stone 1991
and the literature discussed by May /Steinert, Introduction, this volume.
4The typical Mesopotamian courtyard house was designed for privacy, turning inward
and restricting contact with the outside (Guinan 1996, 61). The house omens of umma
lu highlight this contrast between the public sphere of the street and the private sphere
of the house with omens which attach a positive value to the subordination of the private
to the public: Encroachment of the house upon the boundaries of the street in the process of
construction foreshadows bad luck and disharmony for the inhabitants or owners (Guinan
1996, 63f.; Freedman 1998, 90 Tablet 5: 23ff.). Other omens about the exterior appearance
of houses reflect expectations of appropriate social presentation in the community: a modest, inconspicuous and uninviting faade results in happiness, well-being and protection of
the household inside (Guinan 1996, 64f.; Freedman 1998, 110 Tablet 6: 1ff.).
city streets
125
city streets is seen as superordinate to private space, e.g. when a city street
is broadened to serve as royal processional road and any infringements of
private houses on the borders of the street are strictly prohibited.5
An aspect that is dominantly reflected in the texts dealt with here is
a system of symbolic meanings attached to places such as city, house or
the streets, which are correlated to basic social distinctions and which
underpin the social order and its structure. On the one hand, streets are
places used for public activities and events, where the whole community
gets together, e.g. during religious festivals. But they are also conceptualised as a kind of negative space, as the place of marginal, destitute and
threatening elements of society. This symbolic system employs a contrast
between social insiders and outsiders, or put differently: with these conceptions members of the urban upper class seem to set themselves apart
from those at the other end of the social scale.6
This combination of attributions and projections regarding city streets
in textual sources, of cultural meanings, values, anxieties, social tensions, leads to the impression that (especially upper-class) Babylonians
had an ambivalent attitude toward life in the streets of their cities.7 Yet,
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2006, 229ff.). See for further cross-cultural similarities in the cultural attitudes regarding
city life, May / Steinert, Introduction, this volume.
8Langdon 1912, 260 ii 47, see Schaudig 2001, 388: ina qereb Bbili(TIN.TIRki) likn ubt
ina sulu atalluku lubu.
9For domestic animals frequenting city streets see 250 of Hammurapis Laws (Roth
1995, 128) where the case of an ox is discussed that gores a man to death in the street.
An animal typically associated with the streets is the dog; to be like a dog in the street
is a popular metaphor for poverty used in literary texts. The presence of various wild and
domestic animals in the city plays a fundamental part in the omen series umma lu (see
Freedman 1998; 2006; Moren 1978). For example, tablet 42 begins with the entry if oxen
are dancing in the street (ina ribti(SILA.DAGAL.LA), Freedman 1998, 20). Tablets 3040
and 4349 deal especially with the behavior and encounters with animals in or near
the city and in a mans house. According to the incipits of Tablets 7172 and of what is
known of Tablet 66 (its incipit is if hawks walk in the road (ina arrni (KASKAL), Freedman 1998, 21f. and Appendix B; Moren 1978, 211), these tablets discuss birds seen inside
the city. Passages mentioning animals in the city streets can be found e.g. in Tablet 42
if a fox runs around in the street (ribtu; Ntscher 1930, 36 K. 2259 Rev. 7). Tablet 49
(K. 3725; CT 38, 45; Ntscher 1930, 39f.; cf. Moren 1978, 193f.; Freedman 1998, 21: 49) dealing with pigs begins with a section about numerous pigs in city streets (ribtu, squ) dancing, running around, assembling, screaming etc. We find parallel entries at the beginning
of Tablet 46 about dogs howling, barking together, walking around, assembling or going
wild in the streets (squ, Ntscher 1930, 56f. K. 236, K. 8063+, CT 38, 49 Vs.; Moren 1978,
190). In Tablet 1 of the Diagnostic Handbook (Labat 1951, 2ff.) dogs, pigs, oxen, sheep, horses
are mentioned as animals that the healer might see on his way to the patients house. See
also the Curse of Agade, lines 21f. imagining that even exotic animals like monkeys, elephants, water buffalo jostled each other in the public squares ( a 3 s i l a - d a g a l - l a - k e 4 )
of this city (Cooper 1983; ETCSL c. 2.1.5).
city streets
127
vehicles.10 There is some evidence for the use of chariots during processions on the major ceremonial streets of big cities, which were sometimes
furnished with tracks for this purpose.11 Parades of the Assyrian king in
his chariot accompanied by courtiers, priests, musicians and soldiers are
depicted on Neo-Assyrian reliefs.12
Streets and crossroads formed the basis of orientation for a Babylonian
visiting another city, which is illustrated in a humoristic text (dated in
the colophon to the end of the ninth century bce).13 In it, a citizen of
Nippur invites a priest from Isin, and describes a series of streets and a
square (ribtu) that the visitor will pass or cross to his left, as he walks
along after entering the Exalted Gate (ABUL MA), a city gate situated
in the western part of the city wall on the Map of Nippur (ca. 1300 bce;
cf. fig. 2): When you come to Nippur, my [city], you enter by the Exalted
Gate. You will locate a stre[et (E.SIR2), a bro]ad street (SILA.DAGAL.LA),
a square (ribtu), the Tillazida Street (E.SIR2), (and) the Nusku-Ninimma
Street (SILA) to your left. Reaching the city quarter Purification priests
of the road, trust in Ea!, the visitor is advised to ask a woman identified
by name, profession and affiliation, living in the area (qaqqaru) of the
Tillazida Street, how to get to the house of the host (lines 1316), reminding us that street signs and house numbers are a quite recent invention.
Moreover, not every street seems to have had a name, two streets are just
called street and broad street.14
10In Tablet 1 of the Diagnostic Handbook (Labat 1951, 5: 41f.; cf. CAD S, 163a sub b) the
possible situation that a healer sees a chariot or cart (narkabtu, saparru, umbu) on his
way to the patient, is mentioned.
11 In Assur, the main street leading from the Aur-Temple in the northeast of the city
to the Tabra Gate was used as processional street for the New Years Festival (aktu, see
Pongratz-Leisten 1994, 60ff., 79ff.). It is probably identical with the kings road called l
arri a lismu (cf. Radner 1997, 278). This street was paved with stones and pebbles. The
access roads from the temples to this street were also paved with bricks. The Assyrian
king Sennacherib constructed a railway with parallel tracks for (divine) chariots (narkabtu,
rukubu, Pongratz-Leisten 1994, 193ff.) having a width of 1,1 to 1,5 m and actually found in
the courtyards and gates of the Aur-Temple and the aktu-house (see Miglus 20062008,
104; Andrae 1977, 223f. fig. 202203, 220).
12See e.g. Barnett et al. 1998, 133ff. and pl. 473496 (Sennacherib).
13Cavigneaux 1979, 114f. No. 1: 1012; Foster 1995, 363: ana Nippur(NIBRUki) [li(URU)]-ia
tallakamma abulla(KA2.GAL) ra(MA) terruba / sqa(E.SI[R2) sqa rapata(SILA.
DAGA]L.LA) ribtum / sq(E.[SIR2) Tillazida(TIL]LA4.ZI.DA) sq(SILA) Nusku(dNUSKA) u
Ninimma(dNIN.IMMA3) ana umli(A2.GUB3.BI)-ka taakkan(GAR-an).
14Because SILA.DAGAL.LA and ribtu follow directly after each other it can be concluded that this was meant to signify different topographic entities, that SILA.DAGAL.LA
stands for squ rapu broad street, while ribtu is employed in another one of its meaning
components (crossroad or square), cf. the different interpretations of ribtu in AHw and
CAD; for an extensive discussion of ribtu see Steinert 2011.
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ulrike steinert
1.2Playground for Kids
There were hardly any public recreational areas within the Mesopotamian
cities. Thus, streets serving as playground for kids are mentioned a few
times in literary sources.15 A cultic lament from the first millennium bce
speaks of the children whose playground is in the street(s) and road(s).16
In a Sumerian tigi-song of Inanna called by the modern title The Wiles
of Women, which consists of a dialogue between a girl (Inanna) and her
seducer (Dumuzi), Dumuzi advises the girl to give her mother the following excuse for coming home late at night: My (girl)friend was strolling with me in the street, to the playing of tambourine and recorder she
danced with me, we sang and time went by.17 These references imply that
the activities of adolescent girls were not restricted to the house, but that
they were visible in public, and spent time outside the family home with
friends of their own age.
Although the image of a care-free time in life for adolescent girls before
marriage might be a purely literary image without much reality, references in incantations against the female ardat lil-demon, the ghost of
an adolescent girl who died before having married and experienced sexuality and childbirth, imply that participating in the activities of ones age
group also belonged to a happy and fulfilled life. The ardat lil-demon is
pitifully described as a girl who never went along the street and road with
the (other) girls, who never rejoiced with (other) young girls,18 who
was never seen at her citys festival,19 never having the chance to take
part in the social life of her community.
15During the excavations at Assur, a game board with 20 squares scratched into one
stone slab of the street pavement was found in a little alley (Kanalgasse) within a Late
Assyrian city quarter, Miglus 1996, 280 and Fig. 29b.
16SBH No. 70 Rev. 14f., see Cohen 1988, 330 f+239: d i 4 - d i 4 - l a 2 k i - e e m e n s i l a
[ e - s i r 2 ] - r a ...: eertu aar mlul[ti] ina sqi u sul [...]. Cf. the curse in Esarhaddons
Succession Treaty (Parpola/Watanabe 1988, 46: 437439) in which the goddess of birth
Blet-il shall cut off birth from the land and deprive the nurses (trtu) of the cries of little
children in street(s) and square(s) (ina sqi(SILA) ribt).
17m a - l a - m u s i l a - d a g a l - l a e - n e m u - d i - n i - i b - m a - m a , with the Akkadian gloss,
ina ribtim immellil, see Wilcke 1970, 84f., commentary on line 15; for the text see Sefati 1998,
186ff.; translation cited using Jacobsen 1987, 1012 and Leick 1994, 69f.; cf. Haas 1999, 141f.
18Lackenbacher 1971, 136: 69: k i - s i k i l k i k i - s i k i l - e - n e s i l a e 2 - s i r - r a n u m u - u n - d i b - b a : ardatu a itti ardti sqa u sul l iba; see also the Old Babylonian
ardat lil incantation published by Farber (1989b) where her behaviour is contrasted with
the girls who play cheerfully in the street (Farber 1989b, 15ff. lines 712).
19Geller 1988, 15: 3839: [ k i - s i k i l k ] i k i - s i k i l - e - n e n u - u n - u l 2 - l a : MIN
(= ardatu) a itti ardti l id / [ k i - s i k i l e z e ] n [ i - z ] i - i n u r u - a - n a - e 3 i g i n u - m u u n - n i - i n - d u 8 : MIN a ina isinni a li(URU)-u l innamru; see also Hecker 2008, 126.
city streets
129
20For places of commercial activities see Rllig 1976; Renger 1984; Zaccagnini 1987
1990, 421426; Fales 1984; Oelsner 1984; Silver 1985, 119ff.; Adamthwaite 2001, 241ff. with
further literature. Zaccagnini (19871990, 422) interprets KI.LAM(g a n b a ) = maru as an
open space, located in a specific part within the city area connected to trade activities.
21 For different interpretations of this phrase with implications to the existence of a
market(place) see Foster 1977, 40.
22Morris 1985, 119. For streets as marketplace see also Streck 2012, 207; Jursa 2010,
641ff. (for first millennium bce Babylonia).
23Baker 2009, 96; cf. van der Spek 2001.
24Cf. Stenger, this volume, on the central importance of the Agora in the mental maps
of the Athenians regarding their city.
25Oppenheim 1977, 115f. Cf. Natalie N. Mays article in this volume. Interestingly,
Oppenheim (1977, 128) connected ribtu to a place next to the gate inside the city where
the assembly met, without providing textual evidence.
130
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centre of overland and intercity trade where foreign traders lived and taverns, inns, stores were located, within the settlements, the city gates and
major streets served as the main places for commercial activities.26
In Old Babylonian texts from Sippar documenting the transfer of real
estate and movable property, houses are often situated next to a major or
broad street (ribtu).27 In one text, a large house also comprises a tavern
and shops, which exit onto the main street of Sippar.28 In another example, the house also contains two shops, which exit to the main street and
border on another shop and a tavern.29 These documents show that ribtu
is connected to living quarters and economic activities at the same time.30
There is also written evidence from Hellenistic Uruk for the existence of
rows of shops located along a number of major public streets.31
Street peddlers are rarely mentioned in the texts, although already in
sources from third millennium bce Sumer there is evidence for food peddlers selling import products such as wine and salt, as well as domestic beer, roasted grain, pots and alkali (for soap).32 Street peddlers are
called zilul(l)33 in Akkadian, while the other term sairu, fem. sairtu
retailer (lit. roaming about) can be used in a pejorative way (tramp,
vagabond, prowler) implying activities or professions that do not have a
high social standing, and are economically precarious.34
26Cf. the roofed bazaars or suqs in Islamic cities of the Orient. In these cities, shops
and crafts are similarly concentrated along major streets, either near the city centre or the
city gates (Wirth 1975, 55ff.; Kostoff 1993, 99, 229). In contrast to ancient Mesopotamia,
bazaars integrate both local and foreign trade.
27See e.g. Ranke 1906, No. 13; Ungnad 19091923, III 251; Scheil 1902, No. 10, Ungnad
19091923, III 457. Rivkah Harris, in her discussion of the topographic terms in Old Babylonian texts from Sippar (1975, 17ff.), differentiates between broad streets (SILA.DAGAL)
and the (city) square (ribtum).
28Scheil 1902, No. 10: lines 19f. bt(E2) sbm u bt(E2) martim a ina ribtim a
Sippar(ZIMBIRki) u. Cf. Harris 1975, 21 reads Square of Sippar-ri.
29Ranke 1906, No. 13: 111; cf. Harris 1975, 21.
30See also Silver 1985, 121.
31 Baker 2009, 96.
32Silver 1985, 118, citing Oppenheim 1970; see also Haas 1992, 31ff.
33Negative social evaluations are implied by references like the following from the
Babylonian Theodicy (Lambert 1960, 84: 249; CAD S, 401f. sub 1a1) where the reversal
of the normal social order is criticized: ina sqi zilulli id aplum the heir runs around
in the street like a peddler; see also CAD Z, 118. The logogram for zilul connects this
profession with a stand (g i g a l = manzzu). See also the fragment of a SB omen text
K. 4134: 21; Kcher/Oppenheim 19571958, 75: umma(DI) awlu(NA) ana ibti(A2.
A2)-u sqa(SILA) ittiq(DIB)-ma illak(DU-ak)-ma if a man goes down the street in pursuit
of his business.... The following protases concern animals that appear in front of a man
walking in the street; l. 22 forecasts that he will not be successful in his undertaking.
34CAD S, 55f. In lexical lists sairu is used as a synonym for zilul. The sairtu-woman
is associated with the k a r - k i d prostitute, see Haas 1992, 48 n. 38; Cooper 20062008,
city streets
131
15 5 for lexical references. Compare the beginning of Tablet 1 of the Diagnostic Handbook (Labat 1951, 2ff.), listing various things and categories of persons the healer sees on
the street on his way to a patient. In this passage we find references to animals, disabled
people (deaf, blind), ecstatics (ma), cf. Haas 1992, 31.
35For crafts and businesses in Mesopotamian cities see the overview by van de Mieroop
1997, 176196; for an analysis of settlement structures as indicators for economic and social
organisation Heinz 1997.
36Woolley 1931, 359ff.; Woolley / Mallowan 1976, 32ff., pl. 124 for the house plan of the
quarter; see also Schmidt 1964, 143, fig. 10.
37E.g. No. IIII in Bazaar Alley, a crooked blind alley that was accessible from Paternoster-Row and Bakers Square and could probably be locked. Similar buildings were
found in New Street, in No. 2, 12 Store Street and in Nr. 14 Paternoster Row which was
interpreted as a public cook-shop (Woolley 1931, 360; Woolley / Mallowan 1976, 32f., 155).
These buildings always have a narrow front on the street, a small front room, and one or
more storage rooms or magazines in the rear.
38See e.g. No. II Straight Street, which consisted of only one room with its front on
Paternoster Row (Woolley / Mallowan 1976, 159). Some of the shops were connected to
a private house. No. V Store Street had cellars or magazines, probably for the storage of
grain, interpreted as the house of a grain-merchant, ibid., 33, 141). Nr. 1B Bakers Square
was the workshop of a smith (pl. 50a), in Rooms 4 and 1 installations for furnaces were
found (ibid., 158). Woolley and Mallowan interpreted buildings XI ac with three separate
entranceways from Paternoster Row, as an inn for traveling merchants (Woolley 1931,
366f.; Woolley / Mallowan 1976, 150f.).
39There is evidence for craftsmens quarters in several cities like Nineveh in the first
millennium bce with its neighbourhoods of goldsmiths, bleachers and potters, indicating that certain crafts were primarily performed in a particular neighbourhood (van de
Mieroop 1997, 183). Evidence from Nippur from the Achaemenid period indicates that certain professions (potters, butchers, merchants, weavers etc.) and foreigners lived in separate quarters or streets (Oppenheim 1977, 78). From the name Gate of the Metalworkers
132
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for a city gate in the city of Assur, one can conclude that the members of this profession
worked or lived in the area around that gate. See also the evidence from Tell Munbqa
in Syria for the concentration of different activities in particular areas of the settlement
(Werner 1998, 89ff., 107f.). Trade activities are especially localised around central points
and traffic routes.
40Fincke 1993, 418; Dar. 410: 1; 464: 6.
41 Ranke 1906, 105: 10; Harris 1975, 19.
42George 1992. The manuscripts of the series date to the first millennium bce, but
the text was probably composed several centuries earlier. Tablet II, for instance, lists the
numerous shrines of various deities in the temple complex Esagila of the patron god of
Babylon and Babylonia, Marduk, by their ceremonial name.
43George 1992, 9f. Both words can also mean cult pedestals, on which statues or symbols of the deities resided.
city streets
133
Seymour 2008, 40, fig. 21.).44 Another parakku of Marduk by the name
Twin of his Brothers was situated along the processional route of Marduk between Esagila and the temple of the New Years Festival.45 Some
of these daises were located in streets, others at temple or city gates and
in temple courtyards.46 The summary continues with two (city) walls,
three canals, eight gates, 24 streets of Babylon after which it gives a sum
of 300 parakkus (daises) of the Igigi and 600 parakkus of the Anunnaki,
180 open-air shrines (u b - l i l 2 - l a 2 = ibratu, niche in the open air)47
of Itar, 180 stations of the gods Lugalirra und Meslamtaea, 12 stations
of the Divine Heptad, six stations of Kbu, four of the Divine Rainbow
(dManzt), two stations of the Evil God (ilu lemnu), and two stations of the
Watcher of the City (rbi li). In his edition of Tintir = Babylon, Andrew
George presumes that many of these shrines were located in niches at
street corners or in temple gates, and were places of worship accessible
44See George 1992, 70 Tablet V 97 and 24 Fig. 4 for a suggestion of the location of this
dais (No. 11); see also George 2008a, 60f. and 40 Fig. 21. The ritual of the Love Lyrics from
the first millennium bce which included a procession of Marduk, Zarpantu and Itar of
Babylon to various localities within the city of Babylon, mentions a dais of the Anunnakigods in the district of the street of Eturkalamma, which was the temple of Itar of Babylon
situated in the quarter Eridu in vicinity of Esagila (Lambert 1975, 104: 11; George 1992,
20 Fig. 3, 24f., 307f.). There was also a seat of the Asakku-demon opposite/facing this temple (KAR 142 ii 1; see George 1993, 151).
45George 1992, 12, 64 Tablet V 14 and 333f. commentary. This dais is known as a station
of the procession beside the dais at the river bend (of the Euphrates), located outside the
city proper on the way to the aktu-house.
46See George 1992, 335 commentary to Tintir V 28 for several daises at the gate of the
Ningizida Temple in the quarter Eridu in the city centre (see also BM 34878 Rev. // BM
77236: 2f.; George, ibid., 100). The dais The Itar Gate is the Threshold of the Land in
V 48 has to be located at or near the Itar Gate (see also BM 41138: 5 talking of a dais(?)
in front of the Itar Gate, on the outside (ibid., 102). Compare also the dais Nab is the
Judge of his People in V 43 and the identical street name in V 67 which is known as Nabs
processional road from the Ura Gate in the southern part of the city to Esagila (ibid., 336).
Further references can be found in BM 34878 Rev. // BM 77236 and BM 41138 (ibid., 100ff.).
The latter fragment mentions a dais which is located in the Street of the Market Gate
(l. 3). For the location of the Market Gate (bb mari), a city gate in use during the Old
Babylonian period see ibid., 372f. commentary to Tintir V 92.
47Such niches had an elevated structure, a socle or platform (nemdu), which could
have looked similar to the throne-dais (parakku) on which images of the deity were
placed. In urpu VIII 48, the ibratu and its socle (nemdu) are listed beside such typical
topographical entities of the urban centre and its environment as field, orchard, house,
street and alley (Reiner 1958, 42). In Tablet III 83 ibratu and its socle appear in a litany
beside the Lady of the city wall and battlement parapets and beside various demons connected for instance to the corners (Reiner 1958, 21; Borger 2000, 85f.). In a commentary
to urpu, the open-air shrine and socle of Tablet III 83 are explained as the throne-daises
(BARA2me) of Babylon (Reiner 1958, 50: 56).
134
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for the general public.48 Amazingly, hardly any of these numerous outdoor
shrines has turned up in the archaeological excavations, partly because
installations as simple as open-air shrines or altars are less likely to be
preserved than monumental architectural structures.49
The large number (180) of open-air shrines dedicated to Itar in Tintir
demonstrates the popularity of this goddess among ordinary people. References in the god lists show that Itar was associated with topographical
features like the city wall and the streets.50 Other divine entities in the
48George 1992, 368f. According to CAD M/1, 235, the stations of Lugalirra and Meslamtaea could have been located along the processional street of Marduk, while George (1992,
370) topographically connects the Street of the Divine Twins (mentioned in Tintir Tablet
V 79, ibid., 68 within the section of street names) and the Street of the Divine Heptad
(ibid., 68 V 78) with their respective stations. A bilingual cult hymn lets the deity talk
about the open air shrine where one comes to take counsel with me (SBH p. 92a No. 50a:
5f.): k i s a l - g u r - r a e 2 - a d - m a r - r a - m u : ibratu itltija; see CAD /3, 143b lex.). Note
that ibratu corresponds with k i s a l courtyard in the Sumerian version, and that it adds
e 2 (house [of taking counsel with me]) in contrast to the Akkadian version. BM 33206+
iii 1, a Late Babylonian text describing a cult ritual of the Esagila at Babylon in the month
Kislmu, mentions an ibratu open-air shrine as station of the divine procession, between
the temple gate (Gate of the god Mandnu) and the aktu-house (airgan / Lambert
19911993; Pongratz-Leisten (1994, 48) translates ibratu here as cult niche at the outer
wall, i.e. the outer temple wall.
49Although Andrew George (2008a, 61) mentions that some had been excavated in
Babylon, to my knowledge only a few free-standing features are known from streets or
crossroads in the Merkes quarter which might have been cultic structures (cf. George 1990a,
356; Baker 2009, 96f.). There the excavators unearthed square brick structures that could
have been altars, one at a crossroads of the so-called Ostweg and Altarstrasse (Reuther
1926, 67, 71f. Abb. 60 and Taf. 18, 21). A pedestal of unknown function was also found in
Zikkuratstrasse (Reuther 1926, 70f.; see also Baker 2009, 97) and around the Itar Gate
and processional street of the New Years Festival (Reuther 1926, 70; Koldewey 1918, 10
and Abb. 910; cf. Koldewey 1990, 46f.). At Ur, cult pedestals/podiums comparable to the
parakkus in the texts were only excavated indoors, in chapels of private houses (Woolley /
Mallowan 1976, pl. 4346). A similar installation was found in Tell ed-Dr (Batiment central, Meyer 1978, Taf. 9, 4 and 78ff. citing more such cultic installations from third and
second millennia bce Mesopotamia). The podium, often placed in a niche, is the typical
architectural installation occupied by cult images in Mesopotamian temples (Seidl 1980
1983, 315f.).
50In Tablet IV of the god list An = Anum (Itar tablet), one fragmentary name of
the goddess Itar is explained as blet sqi Mistress of the Street (Litke 1998, 149: 14),
while later in line 38 the name dnin-BAD3<bar?>-ra is explained as blet eprte Lady of
the Rampart, followed by d n i n - b a d 3 = blet dri Lady of the City Wall (Litke 1998, 151
and pl. 23 YBC 2401 vi 77f.; Cavigneaux/Krebernik, 19982001a). The reading of one epithet of the goddess as Lady of the Open-Air Shrine (CT 24, 33 v 35 // KAV 145 Rev.(!) 3:
dNINbe-let ib-ra[t-ti], cited in CAD I/J, 4f. disc.; George 1992, 369) in the god list An = Anum
was corrected through Litkes edition and the new manuscript YBC 2401 to dNIN.be-litur(!)-ru (duplicates have dbe-lit-tu-ur-ri and dBe-la-at-ur-ri) lady of the niche(?) (for
t/urru as corner angle, mentioned e.g. in a commentary beside tubqu corner, see George
2008b; cf. CAD , 165b lex.). This line 169 belongs to a section (lines 162170) enumerating
the names of eight deified cult niches of Itar (u b - l i l 2 - l a 2 d I n a n n a - k e 4 , Litke 1998,
city streets
135
summary who occupy throne-daises have a demonic (like Kbu, the Evil
God and the City Watcher) or astral character (like the Rainbow (Star)
or the Divine Heptad (Pleiades)) and are not very well known deities of
the official pantheon, but seem once again to have a closer connection to
popular religious practice.51
Other texts mention throne-daises in city and temple gates as well
as on streets. It is interesting to find, as in Tintir, references concerning
the daises of malevolent demons among them, such as the parakkus of the
Evil God. Daises of malevolent demons are also mentioned in KAR 142, a
text listing cultic locations for deities appearing in groups of seven. In obv.
ii 110 this texts lists seven throne-daises, stations(?) of the Seven Asakkudemons, sons of Anu, conquered by Ninurta,52 five of which are situated
in gates of different temples at Babylon. In the ritual series against the
child-snatching demoness Lamatu,53 she is called daughter of Anu (like
the Seven Asakku-demons) and at ilni a sqti, sister of the gods
of the streets.54 This epithet alludes to passages in the Lamatu incantations, which mention that she was excluded from the heavenly community of the gods and sent to earth by her father because she perversely
proposed to the gods to eat the flesh of humans.55 That she belongs to the
gods of the street can be related to Lamatus exclusion from heaven and
subsequent denial of regular veneration and offerings in the temple cults,
which were regularly provided to deities by humans. Instead, Lamatu is
associated with evil demons that roam streets and wilderness.56
160, pl. 23 YBC 2401 vii 18; compare CT 24, 33 v 3236 // KAV 145 Rev.! 14; Cavigneaux/
Krebernik 19982001b; Cavigneaux/Krebernik 19982001c; Wiggermann 19931997). Following Frans Wiggermann, the eight u b - l i l 2 - l a 2 -deities could refer to parts of the temple
of Inanna/Itar, i.e. the four deified corners (ub) in lines 164167. Note though that one
designation, u b - s a a r - r a earthen niche, also appears as one of the 55 parakkus of
Marduk in Babylon according to Tintir V 25 (George 1992, 64).
51 An altar dedicated by Shalmaneser III to the Sebittu, the Divine Heptad, was found at
Nineveh (in secondary archaeological context), in the area between the mounds Kouyunjik and Nebi Yunus (Reade 19982001, 410 13.4 and 390 fig. 1 map). The Sebittu also had
a temple on Kouyunjik.
52Cited in George 1992, 285 commentary to Tintir II 5.
534R 56 i 2 and dupl., cf. Kcher 1949, 150.
54Forerunners of Lamatu incantations in Sumerian call her sister of the divine son of
the street of Ur, a title also applied to groups of demons in other texts (cf. Tonietti 1979,
315: 3 with commentary to line 18 on page 316). Wiggermann (2000, 226) relates this title
to the seven utukku-spirits.
55Cf. Farber 19801983, 445; Wiggermann 2000, 224ff.
56Could it nonetheless be that Lamatu was venerated (or placated) at street shrines
like other demons? At least, in Old Babylonian Sippar (a part of town called Sippar-rabm),
there is a Lamatu Street (Harris 1975, 18), which reminds us of the practice of naming
streets after the deity that had a temple or a shrine there. Other streets named after gods
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Other gods, mostly of subordinate rank, are associated with the street.
Among them is Ium, the messenger and vizier of the god Erra. Because
of his function he is called messenger/ herald of the street (sukkal/ngir
sqi)57 or guardian of the quiet street (n i m g i r s i l a - a s i g 3 - g a - k e 4 :
ngir sqi aqummi).58
Deities associated with streets59 and outdoor shrines are mentioned
several times in Sumerian and bilingual cultic lamentations from the second and first millennium bce, e.g. the goddess Ninmuga, a deity associated with birth and handicrafts and known from god lists as the wife of
Ium (Hendursaga).60 The goddess Lamma-a6-ga, the chief vizier and
messenger of Baba in Laga, is called Lamma-a6-ga of the wide streets
(and) of the steppe in cult liturgies.61
Beside outdoor shrines and divine images, other images could be found
in the public space of Mesopotamian cities, namely images of the ruler.62
in documents from this city are the Itar Street, Bunene Street, and Street of the Divine
Heptad. Lamatus association with impure animals of city streets, dogs and pigs, could
be related to her status as goddess of the street. She is iconographically depicted suckling
a piglet and a puppy, and incantations tell us that she disguises as wet-nurse in order to
suckle human babies, thereby infecting and poisoning them. On amulets and in incantations against Lamatu, animals are intended as replacements for human victims (Wiggermann 2010). For a possible connection to breast-feeding of dogs and pigs by women see
Wiggermann 2010 with further literature.
57This epithet can be found in prayers, for instance in a prayer to Lugal(g)irra from
Tablet 2 of the ritual series bt mseri (Meier, 19411944, 144: 74), where Ium is called
upon to help, but also in apotropaic prayers on amulets for the protection of the house
against epidemics (for instance on the Assur tablet of the Erra Epic (KAR 169 Rev. ii 51)
which was used as such an amulet, see Reiner 1960, 151ff.).
58See the ritual series Utukk lemntu Tablet 5: 163 (CT 16, 15 v 21f., Geller 2007, 125).
In Tablet 1315: 193 (CT 16, 49: 302f., Geller 2007, 174), the god Hani who is associated
with Adad, is called god of the quiet street (d l u g a l d i n g i r s i l a - a s i - g a - k e 4 : dMIN
il sqi aqumme). In the god list An = Anu a amli, the god ullat, who often forms a pair
with Hani, is identified with Nergal and called by this name in association with the functional domain of the street (dPA = Nergal a sqi, Litke 1998, 234: 85).
59Note also the deity d L u g a l - t i l l a 4 ruler of the city-square, mentioned in god lists
(Lambert 19871990, 153); in An = Anum VI 28 Lugal-tilla is among the names/manifestations of Nergal (Litke 1998, 202).
60The goddess Ninmuga is also called (she) who occupies the outdoor shrines (SBH
48 and dupl., Cohen 1988, 306 c+171; cf. Cavigneaux / Krebernik 19982001d, 472 4;
Cohen 1988, 285 e+215; 237 c+297; 360 a+231).
61 Cohen 1988, 307 c+188 d l a m m a - a 6 - g a s i l a - d a g a l - l a e d e n - n a : dU-[ma]
damiqtu a ribt u[...]; cf. ibid. 286 e+231 with the variant s i l a - g i 6 - e d e n - n a , street of
the dark shade.
62Brker-Klhn (1982) contains only a few examples for royal stelae from city streets
or similar open public spaces, e.g. ibid., 55f., 119 no. 11, 212f. no. 217219, 217 no. 227. When
Sennacherib constructed a royal processional road in Nineveh, he had stelae made and
erected them there opposite each other to mark the width and to inhibit a narrowing of
the street (Luckenbill 1924, 153: 19ff.). This text is actually preserved on two stelae which
city streets
137
These images have several different functions: they express power, sociopolitical and divine order, and collective or group identity.63 Religious
images also play a role in ordering space, for example, in marking borders
and thresholds, and they are involved in the Mythologisierung of space
through mapping cosmological concepts of order onto the material space of
the city.64 Mesopotamian deities associated with the streets either lend
protection to the people in their terrain, or they are mediators who intercede between humans and the most powerful gods of the pantheon. The
connection of evil gods and demons with the street brings us to the next
section of this article, to socio-cultural conceptions of streets as negative space: as a space containing elements of disorder, danger, pollution
and liminality: it is the space of persons at the margins and bottom of
social structure, of beings who stand in opposition to the divine order
and social norms.65
2.Streets as Negative Space
The literate, especially scholarly stratum of Mesopotamian society who
left behind a huge corpus of ritual texts and omen collections, perceived
the streets of their cities as somewhat ambivalent. Negative contexts in
which streets feature in these and other cuneiform texts describe them as
places where one is vulnerable to the attacks of evil, demons and witchcraft, as places of dirt, rubbish, and impure animals (dogs/pigs), as places
of poverty and misery: of homeless people without families, of outsiders,
beggars, and exposed children.
2.1Streets and the Dangers of Evil, Demons and Witchcraft
Although according to Mesopotamian conceptions a person could be
attacked by evil forces like demons and witchcraft virtually anywhere,66
were found at Nineveh (at the foot of Kouyunjik, i.e. near the location of this street, and
southeast of Nebi Yunus (Paterson 1915, pl. 3 and 4; Brker-Klhn 1982, 209 no. 203204).
For Assyrian royal monuments in public urban spaces see also Yamada 2000, 25ff., 273ff.,
332; Sobolewski 1982, fig. 9; Oates / Oates 2001, 71; Strommenger 1970, 11, 15f.).
63An interesting question is who installed and took care of the numerous public street
shrinesit is possible that citizens (or groups of citizens) were actively involved in these
processes, expressing their religious identity.
64Pongratz-Leisten 1994, 13ff.
65Cf. Viktor Turner (1969, 105ff., 122ff.) for the connections between liminality, danger
and the power of the weak.
66To illustrate the point I cite an incantation published by Schramm (2008, 62, 148ff.
No. 10: 1427) listing various places demons were thought to inhabit: They hit the man
138
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it seems that one was especially vulnerable to such attacks outside the
home.67 Demons, ghosts and witches are repeatedly described as roaming, lurking or standing around in the street waiting to attack the victim.68
Thus, these evil beings are implicitly compared or likened to social outsiders who are not integrated into society and have no place to stay.69 In the
first incantation of Tablet III (1ff.) in the anti-witchcraft ritual Maql the
witch is similarly addressed:
Oh, witch who continually roams the streets, who continually enters the
houses, who walks around in the alleys, who looks around in the main
streets; she keeps turning to her front and to her back, she stands in the
street and blocks access; in the main street she has cut off the traffic...70
at the doorpost, they hit the man walking in the street,..., they hit the man on his seat,
they hit the man in his bed,..., the u d u g -demon of the steppe, the u d u g of the mountains, the u d u g of the sea, the u d u g of the wasteland, the u d u g of the river, the u d u g
of the cistern, the u d u g of the garden, the u d u g of the street, the u d u g of the house, the
m a k i m -demon of the steppe, the evil m a k i m (l u 2 g i - a 3 - k a 2 - n a - t a i n - s a g 3 ga-e-ne / lu2 gen sila-a-ta in-sag3-ga-e-ne /.../ lu2 ki-tu-bi-ta insag3-g[e]-e-ne / lu2 ki-nu2-bi-ta in-sag3-g[e]-e-ne /.../ udug eden-na
udug ur-sag-ga2 udug a-ab-ba / udug a-ri-a udug id2-da udug pu2-ta /
udug gikiri6 udug sila-a udug e2-a / makim eden-na makim2 ulg a l 2 - e ).
67Thus, in hemerologies and Neo-Assyrian letters, astrologers advise the king or crown
prince not to go out to the streets on unpropitious days, see CAD S, 401b sub 1a-1; Parpola
1993, no. 52, 74.
68CAD S, 403 sub 1a-3, e.g. in Utukk lemntu (Tablet 7: 27f.; CT 16, 25 i 42ff., see
Geller 2007, 136): u d u g u l a - l a 2 u l l u 2 - g e 6 - s a 9 - a - e 3 e - s i r 2 g i b - b a g i d i m
u l g a l 5 - l a 2 u l l u 2 - g e 6 - s a 9 - a - e 3 e - s i r 2 g i b - b a : utukku lemnu al lemnu a ana
muam ina sqa park eemmu lemnu gall lemnu a ana muam ina sul park, the
evil utukku, the evil al who block the street for the one walking about at night; the evil
ghost, the evil sheriff-demons who block the street for the one walking about at night; the
demons keep walking stealthily through the quiet streets at night to fall upon humans or
harass them (Tablet 4: 70, 6: 88, Geller 2007, 112, 205; 131, 216; Tablet 3: 3, ibid., 100, 197,
Tablet 7: 1, ibid., 135, 219); they walk the street and break into peoples houses like robbers
(Tablet 6: 64, Geller 2007, 130, 216). See also Schramm 2008, 26 1: 9ff., 17ff.: The a l a d ,
u d u g and m a k i m , the big ones, chase after men in the wide street(s),..., the mighty
Ugur who fells people in the street..., (d a l a d u d u g m a k i m g a l - g a l - l a n a m - l u 2 u 1 8 - l u s i l a - d a g a l - l a a l - b u 2 - b u 2 - d e 3 - n e : du utukku rbiu rabbti a ana ni ina
ribti ittanarabbi...d U - g u r n a m - u r u 1 6 - n a e - s i r 2 u g 3 d e 5 - d e 5 - g a ...: dErra rab
a ina sqi ni uamqatu...).
69Thus in Utukk lemntu Tablet 9: 2631 the ghosts who entered the house of the
patient (trying to find a nice place to stay) are urged to go out to the street (Geller 2007,
146, 228).
70Meier 1937, 22 (citing K.2728+; Tallqvist 1895, 17); Abusch/Schwemer 2008, 147;
cf. Schwemer 2007, 82 n. 5556: kaptu(munusU11.ZU) muttalliktu a sqti(SILAme) /
mterribtu a btti(E2me) / dajjultu a brti / ajjutu a ribti / ana pani(IGI)-a u
arki(EGIR)-a issanaur / izzaz(GUB-az) ina sqi(SILA)-ma usaar p(GIR3.2) / ina
ribti iptaras alaktu. Similar statements appear in other incantation series against demons,
e.g. Utukk lemntu Tablet 5: 159, 178 (Geller 2007, 125f., 213) and Tablet 15: 25 (ibid.,
166, 243): e - n e - n e - n e s i l a - d a g a l - l a b a - a n - s u 8 - g e - e g i r i 3 k u r - r a - k e 4 b a - a n -
city streets
139
140
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471 iii 14, see Scurlock 2006, 649 no. 324: ina uulgalli ina sq erbetti(E.SIR2.LIMMU2.BA)
irtanammukma, on an unpropitious day he will repeatedly wash himself at a crossroads).
Another example of a ritual at a crossroads is von Weiher 1998, 58ff. No. 248, cf. Hecker
2008, 107ff., a ritual for a barren woman to get pregnant. According to one section of the
text (Rev. 2527), the woman is to place bread and heaps of flour at a crossroads and says:
What they brought I have received. What I have brought, may they receive it from me
(Rev. 28, nama amtaar nakuma limurinni). This formula, very similar to Maql VII
134135, shows that her barrenness was seen as having an external source, caused by something (an object) that an unspecified agent brought upon her; now this action is reversed
by transmitting her barrenness in an analogous way to the ritual objects which in turn are
thought to come into contact with the agent who caused the trouble in the first place.
77See Schwemer 2007a, 100; this place of depositing figurines is mentioned for instance
in a Maql type incantation, within a long list of methods for manipulating representations of the victim by destroying (burning) and burying them at different places (PBS 10/2,
18 Obv. 37 // K. 3360+ Obv. 6; Lambert 19571958, 292: 38; for further duplicates see
Schwemer 2007a, 62 n. 127): MIN(=almnija puma) ina sq erbetti(SILA.LIMMU2.BA)
utammer, they made figurines of me and buried (them) at a crossroads. This incantation (Lambert 19571958, 292: 30, 38) also states that figurines of the victim were buried
underneath (an image of) Kbu, the demon of premature birth. Could this designate a
street shrine of Kbu?
78Dust from a crossroads is used in rituals against the hand of a ghost (Scurlock 2006,
427 No. 165: 1 where it is mixed with water and put on the hurting neck of the patient),
but also in rituals to protect or calm a crying baby (Farber 1989a, 74 18/18A Text Aa
iv 4 dust from a scull, a crossroads and a threshold; ibid. 68 16: 234). Dust from streets
or crossroads is used furthermore in rituals for women in pregnancy and difficult childbirth (BAM 248 iii 46 among other types of dust; BAM 363 Rev. 10 together with minerals
recommended for pregnant women), but also in a ritual for raising the profits of an inn
(KAR 144: 3f. // Craig ABRT 1, 66 (K. 3646): 5), where dust from several places is collected
(Farber 1987, 277ff.). A late commentary from Nippur (Civil 1974, 332) explains why such
materials as dust from the crossroads are effective in childbirth rituals: SAAR dust is
associated with aar (eru) little one, SILA.LAM4.MA crossroads is analyzed as SI
to come straight out, LA not or little one and AM.MA seed (offspring). Dust from a
crossroads was applied in medications (AMT 76, 5: 5 (recipe against stroke in the cheek);
Thureau-Dangin 1922, 34 iii 9, parallel BAM 388 i 10; see further Kcher 1966, 20). A ritual
to prevent a depressing dream from becoming reality (79-7-8, 77 Rev. 22, line 24, see
Oppenheim 1956, 304, 343; Butler 1998, 184ff., 332f.) advises to tell the dream to clay pellets and then scatter them at a crossroads. For dust in namburbi-rituals see Maul 1994, 90,
98, 107, 350. For further references see CAD S, 405f. sub 1c, CAD E, 185f. sub 1b2; CAD ,
132 sub 3c.
79Potsherds found at a crossroads are employed in rituals for magical protection, e.g.
BAM 320: 16 // LKA 144 Rev. 33; BAM 237 i 9 (a ritual against vaginal bleeding during
pregnancy) and Farber 1989a, 112 39A: 5 // von Weiher 1988, 84: 58 (to protect a pregnant woman against sorcery causing miscarriage), where the potsherds found standing
city streets
141
142
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streets and an overall drainage system only few houses had drainage pipes
connected to a solid canalisation in the street or to sump pits, but that
wastewater was commonly conducted underneath the thresholds of the
houses onto the open street.82
Another problem connected to the impurity of the streets was that in
the absence of municipal garbage collection, rubbish was regularly just
disposed of in the dusty, mostly unpaved city streets.83 Thus, the thresholds at house entrances were continually raised to prevent rubbish to be
carried into peoples houses. The practice of dumping garbage in the street
is hinted at in the Gilgamesh Epic XII 154, where we read about the netherworld city that the ghosts who do not get any kispu-offerings from their
heirs have to eat the leftovers of food that are thrown into the street.
Such leftovers would be eaten by animals regularly seen in the streets of
Mesopotamian cities such as dogs and pigs, which seem to have roamed
unattended at times, served as garbage disposals, but also left their faeces
there.84 Another cause of impurity and actual danger for public health
is described in Assurbanipals inscriptions about the conflict with his
brother ama-um-ukn, namely corpses lying around in the streets of
Babylonian cities in times of war:
The corpses of the people which the plague (god Erra) had slain, who had
lost their lives through deprivation and starvationleftovers of the feed for
the dogs and pigs, which blocked the streets and filled the crossroads
water available in Mesopotamian cities Scurlock / Andersen 2005, 15f. and van de Mieroop
1997, 159ff.
82Preusser 1954, 63. At Babylon, rainwater mostly flowed from the roofs through clay
pipes onto the streets, from where it was sometimes lead away through a brick canal or
into sump pits (Reuther 1926, 76, 146f.). Drainpipes were also installed in connection with
street toilets found in the Merkes quarter at Babylon, near the Itar temple. Some houses
of this quarter had toilets and lavatories connected to sump pits or wastewater canals
through drain pipes (Reuther 1926, 95, 111, 113f., 121).
83In cities like Babylon and Assur, only few streets had a pavement, e.g. stretches
around temples or at houses of wealthier citizens (Reuther 1926, 75; Preusser 1954,
46). Sometimes, pavement is found along the walls of houses to protect them from the
rainwater.
84For the street as a dirty place see e.g. a Babylonian wisdom text from the first millennium bce, edited by Wilfred Lambert (1960, 215 iii 14), where the pig is described as soiling
the street with its excrements. In first millennium bce Mesopotamia, pigs were regarded as
impure animals, but maybe because of their role as garbage disposals, both dogs and pigs
were regarded with ambivalent attitudes. Dogs, although mans best friends, also transmit
diseases and of all domestic animals have the highest number of diseases in common with
humans. One can imagine that rodents also thrived in the constant presence of garbage
in the streets and could as well become a danger for public health by transmitting infectious diseases.
city streets
143
I let their bones be brought out of the center of Babylon, Kutha and Sippar,
disposed of them in the outskirts (Var. on piles). With the arts of ritual
purification I purified their sanctuaries and their dirty streets.85
144
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slaves of the palace to let their daughters engage in begging or prostitution (ana ekti u arimti) without the consent of the king.89 In an Old
Babylonian letter of the official ama-ir to his wife Zin, he quotes the
rhetoric question of the addressee from her previous letter, connected to
a request: There is neither barley as fodder for the cattle fattening farm,
nor as food for the household and your youngsters. All has been spent!
Should I go out into the street (to beg for it)?90
In a few texts the negative picture of women standing around or roaming in the street is presented.91 In the Sumerian hymn Innin agurra,
this behavior is caused by the goddess Inanna: The woman whom she
rejects...in an evil way...she lets her run around in the streets, le[ts
her stand] on the br[oad street].92 Roaming the street means to have
no home or family,93 as is vividly described in the ardat lil incantations.94
Standing/roaming in the street is also a typical activity of demons and
sorcerers/witches as we have seen. Another implied contrast is that
the place of a decent and respectable (married) woman is the house,
while the prostitute/single woman (arimtu) goes out and frequents
the street95if a woman goes out (without good cause) she risks
89Pfeiffer / Speiser 1936, 51; Cooper 20062008, 16. For the related words ektu, ek,
ektu and Sumerian counterparts see lately Volk 2006, 58ff. They have various meanings
connected to orphanage, homelessness, poverty, lack of family and protection. For the
meaning begging in the Nuzi edict see Wilhelm 1990, 519f. with n. 78.
90Veenhof 2005, No: 164: 58: ana ukull(A3.GAL) namrtim(E2.UDU.GU.NIGA) /
ukull(A3.GAL) btim(E2) u ertika / eum ul ibai gamer / ana sqim li. See also EA
150: 33, a fragmentary letter of Abi-Milku, mayor of Tyre, to the Pharaoh (Moran 1992,
237f.), mentioning that the people are wailing in the street that Abi-Milku may give them
wood.
91 See the dialogue Two Women line 111 cited in Volk 2000, 20 n. 94.
92Sjberg 1975, 184: 76,78: m u n u s z a 3 - t a g - g a - n i [ u l ] - b i b i 2 - i n - K [ A ? . . . ]
. . . t i l l a 2 - a u a l - d a g - d a g - g e [ s i l a - d a g a l ] - l a g i r i 3 - n i k i - a x [...].
93See the Sumerian Dialogue Between Two Scribes (SLTNi. 113 Rev. 2; 3 N-T 919, 461: 2,
cited by Volk 2000, 20 n. 96) where one assaults the other as a person who has no house,
rests in the street.
94Lackenbacher 1971; Geller 1988 and below.
95Leick 1994, 164; Haas 1999; Cooper 20062008, 14f. with references for streets and
prostitution. In the sexual omens of umma lu, sexual contacts with a prostitute are said
to take place in the street (CT 39, pl. 45: 30): umma(DI) awlu(NA) ina sq erbetti(SILA.
LIMMU2) arimta(munusKAR.KID) sadir if a man regularly engages with a prostitute at the
crossroads. Cf. Haas 1999 for streets and prostitution. In Mesopotamia, prostitution also
seems to have been connected to taverns (Cooper op. cit., 20; Worthington 2009, 133f.
4). For a critical viewpoint on prostitution in Mesopotamia and the status of the arimtu
as a prostitute see Assante 1998; 2007; 2009. The connection of the k a r - k i d /arimtu
with the street can also be seen in terms of an analogy of contrasts between spatial entities and social categories, i.e. between house and street, and persons integrated or not
integrated into a patriarchical household. See in this connection ana ittiu Tablet VII ii
city streets
145
2325 (Landsberger 1937, 96f.), where a man marries a woman with the status of a arimtu
(n a m - k a r - k i d ) and is said to have brought her in from the main street (t i l l a 2 - t a b a a n - d a - i l 2 - l a ), although this woman owned a tavern before her marriage which he gives
back to her (cf. Roth 2006, 27f.; Cooper op. cit., 15 5; Assante 2007).
96In the Sumerian Edubba (school) literature, hanging around in the street is criticized
as bad behavior for both sexes and is associated with idle laziness and fussing and fighting
in public, both of which were thought of as disgraceful misdemeanor, see Volk 2000, 20
with references.
97George 2003, 638ff. Tablet VII 106ff., 115ff.; Lambert 1992, 130. In an Old Babylonian
Sumerian love incantation the female object of desire is described as: The beautiful maid
(k i - s i k i l ), who stands in the street, the maid, the prostitute, daughter of Inanna (Leick
1994, 196). The woman of the street is also mentioned in omens, e.g. in a hemerological
text (CT 51, 161 Rev. 1, cited by Livingstone 1997, 218) recommending for the 25th day of
the month Tebet that he should make a woman of the street pregnant; Itar will look at
him with favor for the game (sinnita(MUNUS) a sqi(SILA) liri Itar(I8.DAR) ana
m[llti] ana damiqti(MUNUS.SIG5) ippallas(IGI.BAR)-[su]). In lexical texts, the prostitute (k a r - k i d ) is also associated with roaming, making rounds (n i g i n ( 2 ) ; saru) at
other places like the city wall, see CAD S, 55f. In a political treaty of Aur-nrr V (Parpola/Watanabe 1988, 12 v 910) the contracting party, king Mati-ilu of Arpad, is cursed
that he shall become a prostitute (arimtu) if he breaches the treaty, and his soldiers shall
become women having to accept gifts in the street like a arimtu. This reflects a view
of such women as leading a precarious and marginalised existence, which would be still
more degrading for a man.
98Lackenbacher 1971, 124 i 78; Geller 1988, 15: 36: k i - s i k i l i t i m a n u - t u k u m u n u a m a p a 3 - d a : MIN(= ardatu) a mataki l i um ummi l izkuru; Hecker 2008, 126 (cf.
the differing Sumerian version which may mean maiden who was never called mother).
146
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99See lately Volk 2006, 49ff.; Wunsch 20032004, 174ff. with earlier literature. Abandonment probably often awaited children of illegitimate unions. The places where children
were abandoned, together with other formulae in legal documents, signify an outside,
ownerless and lawless area, as Meir Malul (1990, 104f.) has noted. In Akkadian, foundlings
sometimes have names such as He of the street/moat (Volk 2006, 51).
100See CAD S, 402f. sub 1a2; Volk 2006, 51ff.; for foundlings in Neo- and Late Babylonian documents see Wunsch 20032004, 174ff. Standard termini technici for the status of
a foundling were a child who has no father or mother, who does not know his father or
mother, who was found in a well, taken in from the street (ina sqi rub), a child who
was taken from the mouth of a dog, raven or found in company of a dog or pig (see e.g. ana
ittiu III iii 2833, Landsberger 1937, 44). The fate of a foundling depended on the goodwill
of the finder; often they ended as slaves, others were adopted and became scribes or even
worked for the royal court (Wunsch 20032004, 182f.; Volk 2006, 51ff.). In the series ana
ittiu Tablet VII (iii 11f.), the case of a qaditu-woman (a woman of special status who in
some periods seems to play a role in childbirth beside the midwife or acted as a wet-nurse)
is mentioned who takes into her home a child from (found in) the street (d u m u s i l a a m 3 : mr s[qi], Landsberger 1937, 100, cf. disc. Volk 2006, 53f.). It seems that women
were most often the persons to abandon or take in foundlings (see also an apodosis in
the commentary on astrological omens K. 4026 Rev. 13 (Virolleaud 1912, 67 No. XL): The
nurse in the street will abandon her child/son (trtu ina sqi(SILA) mra(DUMU)-a
inaddi(UB-di)). In other cases, adults are taken in from the street. In ana ittiu Tablet
VII (iii 7ff.), the qaditu herself is taken in from the street (s i l a - t a : ina sqim) by a man
who loves and marries her. In legal documents from Nuzi, we find other arrangements of
women entering a household from the street by being made the sister of a man after a
public declaration of her consent in the street. Thus women who did not have a family
or were manumitted slaves would have a home and protection, see Greengus 1975, 19ff.
with note 50; cf. Lacheman / Owen 1981, 392f. No. 12 NBC 9112.
101 In ana ittiu Tablet III iv 11f. (Landsberger 1937, 48) is an entry about an adopted son
who has taken off, run away into the street (ta irtai ana sqi ittenrub), after which we
find a formula for removing the adoptee from the status of a son (see CAD M/1, 319a lex.;
Landsberger 1937, 148 Commentary to iv 1116). In legal documents from Emar and Ugarit
concerning domestic affairs such as testaments we read that if a family member (wife or
son) is disloyal towards senior family members (husband, parents, elder brother) and does
not accept their authority, the delinquent places his/her garment on a stool and leaves.
In testaments from Emar (Beckman 1996, 14, RE 8: 4043; ibid., 46 RE 28: 1319; see also
Arnaud 1986, 174f. No. 181) this fate is also stipulated for a wife going after another man or
an adopted son denying respect towards his adoptive parents. The formula is also found in
a verdict of the Hittite king regulating the divorce of Ammistamru, king of Ugarit, from his
wife, a princess from Amurru (Nougayrol 1956, 127 RS.17.159: 25ff., 3139). Here the crown
city streets
147
prince will have to leave his garment and go away if he wishes to follow his mother (back
to Amurru) or tries to re-install her as queen after his fathers death. In all the texts the
verb wa to go out is used for the banishment from the household without mentioning the street, except for a few documents from Ugarit (Nougayrol 1955, 60 RS.16.141: 15),
where an unwilling fiance gets her bridal gift back and leaves for the street(s) (tapaar
ana sqti(SILAla.me); similarly ibid., 55 RS.15.92: 14 where an adopted son ana sqi(SILA)
ipa[ar] if he hates his father). Arnaud (1981, 12) understands the legal gesture of placing
ones garment on a stool as a symbol for the renunciation of rights to the family property
and support.
102BBSt No. 7 ii 24 ina ribt liu; Scheil 1900, pl. 23 vii 3 ribt liu aj ikbus.
103For similar notions of liminality associated with the Aventin in Rome see terbenc
Erker, this volume.
148
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104In social anthropology, gossip is part of any socio-cultural milieu and has been seen
in the functionalist approach as a culturally determined and sanctioned process with
important functions in the maintenance of group unity and morality, enabling groups to
control competing cliques and aspiring individuals (Rappaport 2002, 266f.). The importance of the public gaze can be related to societies with a group-orientation (cf. Douglas 1970). In that type of society, the main source of identity comes from belonging to a
strongly bounded group. Public opinion can exert pressure on the individual who is primarily judged by his or her outward appearance and how he/she lives up to expected role
models. In a group-orientated society, peoples standing and reputation in the community
is decisive, and concepts of honour and shame are an important motor and sanction of
behaviour, managed through the collective sanction of gossip (Mitchell 2002, 280f.). In
Mesopotamian sources, the combined experience of an individual of unfavourable gossip,
permanent social discord and conflict with people both in his home (family group) and
in the street (community/neighbourhood) is seen as an extremely symptomatic sign of
divine displeasure, caused by witchcraft (e.g. through negative gossip) which makes gods
and fellow men hate the victim. Thus, an incantation to ama expresses this point (Lambert 19571958, 293f.: 6869): itti ili(DINGIR) u itari(dXV) uzennninni ulammeninni /
ina bti(E2) altu ina sqi(SILA) pupu ikunnimma They made god and goddess
detest me, defamed me; they have laid upon me strife at home, enmity in the street (for
a complete list of duplicates and fragments Schwemer 2007a, 318 index sub PBS 10/2, 18 //;
Abusch 2002, 70ff., 151ff.). See also KAR 228 (Ebeling 1955, 146: 1920): ina bti(E2) altu ina
sqi(SILA) pupu akn / mui(UGU) mirija(IGI.LA2-ia5) marku urra u ma(GI6)
nazqu In the house quarreling, in the street enmity is set (for me); to anyone encountering me I am a burden; day and night is sorrow. Walter Farber (1977, 56: 10ff.) adds that
the patient is hated or cursed by a lot of people.
city streets
149
In the city, the people shall [listen? to me] without forgetting it,
Establish speaking and cons[ent] for me (that what I say and do will be
approved in the community),
I want to walk the street (in such a way that) who sees me [shall be ashamed
(of himself) because of me]!105
The social dynamics of personal misfortune resulting in disgrace and maltreatment by ones fellow-men is unfolded in a dramatic fashion in the
Poem of the Righteous Sufferer. The onset of misfortune is foreshadowed in
frightening omens and ominous events experienced by the sufferer who
is driven from his house and made to wander outside (Tablet I 50). What
people say about him in the streets portends evil for him and gives him
a bad reputation.106 What follows is a tragic sequence of social decline
from a favourite of the king and respected member of the community
to an outsider despised by everyone, even the lowest riff-raff (Tablet I
55100). This passage emphasizes the public disgrace, slander and humiliation experienced from fellow men:
As I walked through the street, fingers were pointed at me, as I went into
the palace eyes would squint at me,...my best friend would slander me, my
slave openly cursed me in the assembly, my slave-girl defamed me in front
of the crowd....107
105BMS 13: 79, Ebeling 1953, 84f. (uilla-prayers to Marduk): ina lim ni(UNme)
a la ma[ limni?] / uknam(GAR-nam)-ma qab u mag[ri ji] / lullik sqa mir
[libanni].
106Literally: in the mouth of the street my reputation (egirr, i.e. things that are said
about me) is bad (ina p sqi lemun egirr(INIM.GAR-)-a); see Lambert 1960, 32 Tablet I
53; George / al-Rawi 1998, 193; Annus/Lenzi 2010, 16, 32. Also Babylonian kings like Nabonidus pray for positive pronouncements (egirr) about themselves expressed by the people
in the streets (Langdon 1912, 260 ii 36, Schaudig 2001, 387): ina squ u sul lidammiqu
egirrjaMay (Bunene, the vizier of ama) make favourable the gossip about me in
street and alley! For egirr interpreted as reputation (expressed in utterances of others)
see CAD E, 43 sub 1; CAD S 402, sub 1a-1. In most references these ominous utterances
are negative and associated with the evil curse, whereas the subject in prayers wishes that
favorable words may be said about him when passing people by in the streets and a finger
of favorable intent be pointed at him from behind, that people in the street may comply to
what he says or notice that he is a divinely protected person (e.g. Geller 2007, 109 Utukk
lemntu Tablet III 189190; Lambert 19591960, 59: 181ff.; Mayer 1976, 508: 120121).
107Tablet I 8081, 8890; Annus / Lenzi 2010, 17, 33: sqa abaama turru ubnti /
errub ekalli(E2.GAL-li)-ma iappur nti...ruua bi ukarraa napit / p ina
puri(UKKIN) ruranni ard / amt(GEME2) ina pn ummni apilti iqbi. See also van de
Mieroop 1997, 127 for intrigues and gossip in the city assembly which could destroy a
citizens good name. It reveals a greater apprehension of upper class members to preserve
their reputation and status.
150
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city streets
151
152
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120KAR 119 (VAT 10610); Lambert 1960, 118ff. and pl. 32 Rev. 1219. This text probably
dates to the Kassite period and was imported to Assur from Babylon.
121 For the festivals of Ninurta see also Streck 19982001, 519f. 14; Gurney 1989, 2632,
No. 69+70, 5, 710; Sallaberger 1993, 121), especially the festival on occasion of his victorious return from the mountains to his city and temple described in the myth Ninurtas
Return to Nippur (Angimdimma; Cooper 1978; ETCSL 1.6.1), which was celebrated in Nippur in the second month of the year (Ninurtas aktu) and is reflected in the Ninurta hymn.
See also Annus 2002, 26ff., 61ff.
122Gibson et al. 19982001, 558.
city streets
153
Fig. 1.Nippur Topographic Map. Source: Gibson / Hansen / Zettler 19982001, 547 fig. 1.
154
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Fig. 2.Ancient Plan of Nippur Superimposed on Modern Topographic Map of the Site. Source:
Gibson / Hansen / Zettler 19982001, 560 fig. 10 (Drawing by John C. Sanders).
city streets
155
(fig. 2).123 Unfortunately, neither streets nor squares are depicted on the
ancient city map, so it does not help to clarify the exact meaning of ribtu
in the Ninurta hymn. Nevertheless, the placement of ribtu at an intermediate stage of procession and the verb bu to walk along point to
the linear conceptualisation of ribtu in this context. The stations of the
procession according to the hymn are: 1) city gate2) processional road
between gate and temple3) temple. A clear parallel for ribt abul usukk
as a main processional street can be found in Babylon, where the main
streets are often named in similar fashion after the city gate they led to,
and connected city gates and big sanctuaries serve the same fundamental
function as processional roads.
Ribtu also figures as the place for a divine procession in the Middle
Assyrian bilingual Ninisinas Journey to Nippur.124 The procession of the
goddess and her divine court starts at her temple in Isin and leads through
the streets to the quay, where she embarks on her procession ship (lines
910, 2326):
sila-dagal-uru-na-ke4 mi-in-ni-dib-be2 uru-ni mu-un-da-sa2:
ribt li(URU)-a ana bi l(URU)-a iannan...
d u - m a s u k k a l - z i e 2 - g a l - m a - a i g i - e 3 m u - u n - d u : duma
sukkallu(SUKKAL) knu a Egalma ina maria illak
e-sir2 sila-dagal mu-un-na-ab-sikil-e uru mu-un-na-ab-ku3g [ e ] : squ u ribtu ullului la(URU) ullali
When she walks along the main street of her city, (the people of) her city
do the same....
uma, the reliable vizier of Egalma, walks in front of her.
He purifies street and main street for her, he cleans the city for her. (Akk.
Street and main street purified for her, he cleanses the (whole) city for
h[er].)
Processions in city streets were not only performed by the gods, but they
often required the participation of the ruler, and could be used for the
display of a royal triumph, for example on the occasion of a victorious
123For this city gate see Komorczy, 1976, 341345; Behrens 1978, 150157; Stol 1998
2001, 540; 2012, 275. There is another text explaining the cultic events in Nippur in the
month Iyyar in connection with Ninurtas victorious return from battle in the mountains
(Gurney 1989, 69+70, 27f., 31f., 712; Annus 2002, 63f.). According to this text, Ninurta
returns on the 15th day, but on the 19th day the impure women had to leave the city in a
procession, because Ninurta entered his temple Eumea in anger (i 7); for a discussion
see also George (1990b, 158) who sees in the ritual procession of these women the origin
of the name of this city gate.
124KAR 15+16; see al-Fouadi 1982, 35ff.; Cohen 1975, 609ff.
156
ulrike steinert
125Nvak 1999, 296f. For references see Pongratz-Leisten 1994, 151190, esp. 159f.;
CAD S, 312f.
126For attestations from the reigns of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal see PongratzLeisten 1997, 249ff.; Pongratz-Leisten 1994, 79ff., 106ff., 147, 151ff.; Weissert 1997, 347f. For
the aktu-festivities at Assur see also Menzel (1981) and Maul (2000). The gods procession
to the aktu-house outside the city of Assur on the second of Nisan started at the Aur
Temple where Aur, together with the king, mounted his chariot pulled by horses. The
order of the gods in procession (in front of or behind Aurs chariot) was strictly defined,
as it moved along the processional street from the Aur Temple through the temple
and palace area to the aktu-house outside the city (Menzel 1981, 55ff.; Maul 2000, 400;
Pongratz-Leisten 1994, 108, cf. 27 map of Assur). Contrary to Andraes reconstruction (1977,
68f., 223f., figs. 4042, 47), the known texts do not attest that the procession to the aktuhouse during the New Years festival at Assur took place by boat (cf. Menzel 1981, 243).
127Luckenbill 1924, 153; Nvak 1999, 162, 290; Lumsden 2004, Fig. 6. Another main
street for daily traffic and processions could have connected the Shibaniba or the Hallahu
Gate and the city (Lumsden 2004).
128Borger 1956, 50 iii 38 ina ribt Ninua.
129Ibid., 50 iii 36: au dann Aur blija ni(UN.ME) kullumimma. Note that in the
inscriptions of Assurbanipal, a new formula is introduced in connection with the presentation of captives and trophies of war: ana tmarti ni (mtiya) so that the people (of my
country) may see (Weissert 1997, 357, n. 2).
130Groneberg 1997.
city streets
157
131 Figulla / Martin 1953, No. 265: 1ff., 13ff.: Blum(mEN-um)-Sn(dSUEN) n(MU) Nanna
(dNANNA) u Sumu-El(DINGIR) itma(IN.PAD3)... ina ribt Urim(URI2ki)-ma n(MU)
Nanna(dNANNA) u Sumu-El(DINGIR) itma(IN.P[AD3]). The erroneous statement in
Steinert 2011, 319 about taverns as places of judicial activities has to be corrected in the
accordance with the references cited there: it was in the main streets (ribtu) that these
activities took place in some periods of Mesopotamian history.
132Ungnad 1909, No. 19: 9ff.: appunu ippallama / idunu ittarrama / ribt
Sippar(ZIMBIRki) i[lla]k; cf. CAD T, 215 sub 15b, CAD R, 320 sub d; Harris 1975, 133 with
note 77. See also CT 45, 18: 14ff. where the plaintiff of an unlawful claim is lead around
the city of Sippar with half of his hair shaved off, his nose pierced and arms stretched (in
a stock?); cf. CAD T, 210 sub b; Harris 1975, 133 with note 78 for more references.
133Van Dijk 1959, 1214 and pl. 9 No. 8: 2126; van Dijk 1963; Greengus 19691970;
Roth 1988, 196: g a l 4 - l a - a - [ n i ] / u [ m b ] i n i [ n ] - k u 5 - r u - n e / k i r i 4 - n i g i k a k - s i - s a 2
i n - b u r u 3 - u / u r u k i n i g i n - e - d e 3 / l u g a l - e / [ b a ] - a n - s u m . In legal documents
the shameful punishment of publicly exposing the delinquents naked body was primarily
performed on married women who despised or wanted to leave their husbands for another
man, e.g. in Old Babylonian documents from Hana (Clay 1923, 52: 14), and in Nuzi texts
(Chiera 1929, 71: 35 where the woman is stripped). In the OB text from Hana, the woman
is taken to the roof of the palace to be exposed to the crowd.
158
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While there are other more prominent public places for judgement,
especially at the city, palace or temple gates,134 the streets are additionally mentioned in connection with the herald who recites proclamations
of king or local authorities and informs people of public events (collective services, assemblies), of run-away-slaves and crimes like theft.135 In an
Old Babylonian document in Sumerian,136 it is mentioned that the herald
blows his horn in the streets to inform the people that a merchant had
lost his seal.
In the Standard Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic, the city street is mentioned as place of public assembly of the inhabitants. In Tablet III 208f.,
Gilgamesh forbids the officers responsible for governing Uruk during his
absence, not to assemble the young men (as troops for military expeditions) in the street.137 In the parallel sequence of the epics Old Babylonian version, in the Yale Tablet iv 172177, Gilgamesh bolts the seven city
gates of Uruk and convenes the citys assembly (young men and elders) in
the (main) street, to inform them that he has decided to go with Enkidu
on an expedition to the Cedar Forest against Huwawa.138 While in the
Akkadian Gilgamesh compositions, the two heroes go on this expedition
alone, in the Sumerian precursor of this episode, in Bilgames and Huwawa,
Gilgamesh mobilises the young men of Uruk who accompany him and
Enkidu to the Cedar Forest as troops.139 This episode reflects the usual
practice of assembling inhabitants for military and public services, such as
repair work on the city walls or digging and cleaning irrigation canals.140
134See Natalie N. Mays contribution in this volume; CAD A/1, 82ff.; CAD B, 14ff. For
proclamations (dti) at palace and city gates about legal decisions in Nuzi texts see
Pfeiffer 1932, 18: 41; Gadd 1926, 142 No. 1: 22. Note also the ceremonial name of the Illat(u)
Gate in the city of Assur mentioned in the so-called Gtteradressbuch (Menzel 1981,
II T 155: 131, KAV 42 iii 37 and dupl.: l drt puur ni, Eternal be the assembly of the
people!; cf. Pongratz-Leisten 1994, 26, 29.
135For the street in connection with the activities of the herald see Sassmannshausen
1995, 96ff.
136Ali 1964.
137George 2003, 584.
138George 2003, 200ff.
139George 2003, 9f., 194f. Note that in the Yale Tablet, the young men of Uruk trying
to follow Gilgamesh and Enkidu, are urged to stay at home. In Tablet II 260ff. Gilgamesh
similarly addresses the young men of Uruk to give their blessing to his undertaking, while
the elders present warn him, but later agree and give Gilgamesh in Enkidus care.
140For more information on city assemblies see van de Mieroop 1997, 120ff.
city streets
159
4.Conclusion
The streets of Mesopotamian cities had various social, economic, political, religious functions. They were important locales for communication
and public activities during which the social order and collective identity
was cemented, for instance through their functions as a place of judgement and as a locale for processions of the gods and/or the ruler during religious festivals and triumphal parades. On the other hand, streets
were also seen as a negative, marginal, liminal space where elements at
the bottom of society were localised, some of which have no fixed place
of belonging within a bounded group (family), or through their anti-social
behaviour, tend to be seen as threatening to the social order (witch/
sorcerer; idle persons hanging around engaging in worthless gossip and
quarreling). Others are marginalised because their occupation forces them
to frequent the streets. The picture presented here based on available
textual sources probably reflects social reality to some degree, but also
contains perspectives of members of the upper class who set themselves
apart from the ones at the bottom and at the margins of society. The
impression that social boundary marking was a concern in Mesopotamian society might also be reflected in other characteristics of the spatial
organisation of Mesopotamian streets and city quarters. The inwardness
of the house architecture (closed walls, the absence of large windows
etc.) could be interpreted as emphasising social borders and a desire of
protecting those inside from the public gaze. Moreover, the occasional
presence of gates at city quarters and private streets can be understood
as an expression of social control through specific groups (by controlling
access), marking a contrast between insiders and outsiders.141 Moreover,
the recurring topic of gossip and the public gaze in the written sources
can be seen as reflecting a group-orientation of Mesopotamian society,142
i.e. as a society in which belonging to a social group forms the main source
of a persons identity, as society in which the self-image of an individual
is determined by his/her images in the eyes of others.
Hopefully, the evidence in this contribution has demonstrated that in
Mesopotamia as in other ancient societies, social structure is expressed
in the spatial domain, which is charged with social meaning. In connection
141 For similar patterns of Islamic Oriental cities cf. Bengs 1997, 15ff. and May / Steinert,
Introduction, this volume.
142For group vs. grid see Mary Douglas 1970.
160
ulrike steinert
city streets
161
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1.Introduction
Discussions of Mesopotamian urbanism tend to centre around the emergence of cities in the later fourth millennium bce and their early development. Relatively little attention has been paid to the longer-term trajectory
of urban development beyond this initial phase. It might be argued that
ancient Mesopotamia presents remarkable potential for examining the
changing form of cities within one specific geo-cultural environment over
a period of roughly three millennia (taking the end of the cuneiform writing tradition as the conventional stopping point). However, this potential
has yet to be realised. For the earlier second millennium bce, studies of
Mesopotamian cities have tended to focus on general spatial organisation,2
or on housing/residential areas/neighbourhoods.3 By the time we arrive
in the first millennium bce, we find that a great deal of attention has
been paid in recent years to the archaeology and history of certain cities,
especially the capitals Babylon,4 Nineveh,5 and Nimrud6 and the religious
1 This paper is based on research conducted under the auspices of the START Project
on The Economic History of First Millennium BC Babylonia led by Michael Jursa at the
University of Vienna and funded by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF).
2E.g. Stone 1991; 1995.
3E.g. Stone 1981; 1987; Brusasco 19992000; Keith 2003.
4E.g. Renger 1999; Andr-Salvini 2008; Finkel / Seymour 2008; Marzahn 2008.
5Collon / George 20045.
6Curtis et al. 2008.
172
heather d. baker
173
been investigating these cities using methods which draw heavily on two
of the bodies of middle-range theory reviewed by Smith, namely, urban
morphology and generative planning theory. The results of this work will
shortly be published in full elsewhere10 so, in the hope of reflecting the
interdisciplinary nature of this book, my concern here will be to explain
on a more discursive level the approach adopted, which I believe to be
particularly useful for the integration of textual and archaeological data.11
If we are to study the topographical organisation of the Babylonian city
as a mirror of its social organisation, in line with the main objectives of
this volume,12 then we have first to develop a way of describing urban
form that does justice to its complexity, one that is not focused only on
the monumental sectors but can accommodate also the finer details of the
physical structure of residential neighbourhoods. That is what this chapter attempts to do.
Mesopotamia presents us with a unique opportunity to combine textual and archaeological evidence in the study of urbanism, and yet to date
little attention has been devoted to exploring how this might fruitfully
be done. One reason for this is no doubt the disciplinary divide within
Mesopotamian studies identified by John Brinkman,13 which means that
archaeologists and philologists only rarely cross over into one anothers
territory (although it might be fair to say that collaboration between the
two has become more respectable in recent years). We lack the narrative
accounts available to scholars of the ancient Greek and Roman worlds,
and yet the very rich body of everyday documents, especially the legal and
administrative texts, contains a wealth of information that can be used in
the detailed study of urban form. The Babylonian documents at our disposal are particularly suitable for such an approach, not only because they
enable us to reconstruct the physical characteristics of a large number of
individual properties and their immediate surroundings, but also because
they provide vital background information on the social and economic
conditions underlying the ownership, transfer and use of those same properties. An understanding of these is vital for determining the conditions
governing household and neighbourhood transformation which might be
10Baker forthcoming.
11 Some of these issues relating to the question of planning are also touched upon
in another study by the present author, though from a different perspective (Baker in
press).
12As set out by May and Steinert in their Introduction.
13Brinkman 1984, 170.
174
heather d. baker
considered to be among the local rules responsible for generating complexity at the wider scale. Since the relevant documents were written for
immediate, utilitarian purposes, their contents are essentially descriptive
and can be taken at face value in the sense that they were not intended as
propaganda or to influence the attitudes and emotions of others. That is
not to say that they can be used without reference to any canons of source
criticism, simply that their use as a historical source requires different
methods of evaluation and analysis when compared with, for example,
royal inscriptions and literary texts. In the case of first millennium bce
Babylonia we are fortunate that many of the relevant factors, such as the
legal-historical background, inheritance practice, and dowry-giving, are
well documented and studied. Moreover, archival studies have advanced
to the extent that we have quite a good understanding of how our documentation has come to take the shape it has.
2.The Study of Urban Land Use Patterns
As Michael Smith14 notes, urban morphology is an approach which has
been primarily concerned with the detailed description and analysis of
historical town plans. I suggest that this approach is eminently adaptable to describing and analysing land-use patterns within the Babylonian
city and that it is especially suitable for characterising the structure of
residential areas. Modern geographers conventionally break down urban
morphology into key elements, as in the following scheme:
the town plan itself, based on the street pattern
the plot pattern (land parcels or lots)
the arrangement of buildings within the plot pattern
the land use pattern
the building fabric (in three dimensions)15
One key feature of the urban morphology approach is the recognition that
spatial patterns can emerge not only as a result of central planning, but
also as the cumulative effect of many single decisions taken by individual
landowners. For example, writing about the phenomenon of fringe belts
175
in UK towns, Jeremy Whitehand16 writes: But most fringe belts are not
contrived. They are products of large numbers of separate decisions about
individual sites. Indeed the decision-takers frequently had no knowledge
of one another and almost invariably no conception of the way in which
their decisions and those of others would in combination have the effect
that we refer to as a fringe belt. This approach, which emphasises the
agency of individuals in shaping the urban environment around them,
can, I believe, be usefully employed in the study of Babylonian residential
areas. For example, in studying the question of physical modifications
to Neo-Babylonian houses in relation to their social context, it has been
noted Such changes are of interest not only because they inform us about
the living conditions of the occupants, but also because when viewed at a
level beyond that of the individual household they may shed light on the
longer-term development of entire residential districts. At the neighbourhood scale, urban development may be reflected in myriad changes of
the kind I have been discussing.17 This kind of process is often labelled
organic, with sometimes thinly-disguised negative connotations of chaotic, haphazard development. Such values have in the past been attached
especially to traditional urban form in the Middle East, in contrast to the
(supposedly) ordered, regular planning evident in the cities of the Classical world. However, when viewed as the cumulative effect of numerous
decisions taken by individual agents acting within the parameters laid
down by prevailing patterns of socio-cultural behaviour, then urban form
begins to take on a less overtly chaotic character. In this respect the body
of theory that Smith18 labels generative planning theory comes into its
own, because it places the local inhabitantsas decision-makersat the
centre of the generative processes which shaped their immediate environment. The work of Besim Selim Hakim19 in studying the form of traditional
Islamic neighbourhoods is especially interesting in this respect because
he traces in detail the small-scale, local effects on the residential fabric of
community-based decisions made within the framework of Islamic law. As
well as the legal principles, which were upheld with regard to privacy, for
example, he notes that there was also a degree of self-regulation arising
out of the societal norms governing acceptable behaviour. This approach
fits very well together with that of urban morphology, stressing the social
16Whitehand 2001, 108.
17Baker 2010a, 193.
18Smith 2011, 179180.
19Hakim 1986.
176
heather d. baker
context of the local decision-making processes that led to physical modifications to the urban fabric.
Another notable feature of urban morphology research is the focus
on the detailed, micro-scale study of individual plots, including metrological analysis; indeed, this has been termed a sub-field, urban
micromorphology.20 The Babylonian land-sale tablets provide a comparable potential for detailed study, although in this case we are dealing
(usually) with single properties whose precise location cannot be determined. As a group the tablets shed light on the kinds of properties being
transferred at the period in question, but since these textually-attested
urban properties are floating in space (within certain parameters) rather
than fixed and contiguous, we can only extrapolate general principles from
the multitude of individual cases, without being able to recover actual
areas of urban layout beyond the immediate surroundings of individual
properties. These difficulties can be overcome to some extent by using the
excavated areas of contemporary housing as a control.
In view of these observations, it seems to me that the above scheme for
describing urban morphology can be adapted for use in a Babylonian context, providing a framework for describing elements of the urban layout
that can be applied to archaeological and textual data alike. There is a substantial body of cuneiform documents recording the sale and exchange of
urban properties that provide information not only on the property that is
at the centre of the transaction, but also on its immediate environment.21
Data drawn from these tablets can be used to complement the archaeological evidence, thereby helping to overcome issues of representativeness
arising from the relative scarcity of excavated residential areas. For example, it has been noted that, while blind alleys are scarcely represented in
the excavated areas of Neo-Babylonian housing, their frequent occurrence
in the contemporary tablets shows that they were a more common feature
of the urban landscape than might be thought, based on the archaeological evidence alone.22
The use of textual data to shed light on the urban fabric in the way
proposed here is not in itself an innovation: such an approach has been
adopted by other scholars. In particular, it is implicit in Lucia Moris
177
178
heather d. baker
2.several plots
25Baker 2011a.
179
The scheme presented above (Table 1) was devised specifically to accommodate the kinds of information typically present in the land sale and
related tablets from first millennium bce Babylonia. However, it is equally
well applicable to excavated residential areas, taking into account some
key differences in the nature of the evidence. The most significant factor
here lies in the relationship between individual properties as distinguished
in excavation (normally a complete house), and actual units of ownership
(parcels) which are what the texts deal with but which may or may not
have corresponded to a single complete house. In archaeological terms
we are generally dealing with complete houses as defined by tracing their
external perimeter, whereas the documentary sources often concern scenarios whereby houses are in divided ownership and/or occupation.26 One
might compare Roman housing, where the term insula is commonly used
in the modern literature to denote a block in the sense employed above,
although in the words of one scholar The block defined by surrounding
streets is not properly an insula unless it is a unit of ownership.27
In Table 1 the potential land-use categories associated with the various
parcel/plot configurations are indicated in the right-hand column. This
scheme can be refined further in accordance with the types of data contained in the tablets. The kinds of urban properties for which we have written documentation can be classified into land-use categories as follows:28
Table 2:28Land-use categories and their corresponding parcel/plot configurations
Land-use category
Parcel/plot configuration
Residential
A.Primarily residential, without unbuilt land
B. Primarily residential, with unbuilt land
C. Reeds (house plot described simply as GI.ME
= qante)
1a, 2ab
1a, 2ab
(1a)
Non-residential
D.Independent unbuilt plot
E. Independent unbuilt plot of specific function
(e.g. m alley)
F. Structure other than house
1b
Unknown
G.Land use not specified or not preserved
1d, 2d
1c, 2c
1c
180
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181
182
heather d. baker
BiMes 24 25 (157 bce), also involves a property that occupies one end of a
block, but in this case the dimensions are not given (see fig. 3).
4.Conclusions
In this paper I have explored methods of investigating the morphology
of Babylonian urban residential districts, drawing on approaches used in
other disciplines that seem to be particularly suitable for handling the
kinds of data at our disposal, both textual and archaeological. Although
I have focussed especially on the use of the written sources in the study of
urban micromorphology, it is important to stress that with the approach
adopted it is not a matter of simply interpreting the archaeological evidence in the light of what the cuneiform tablets tell us. Rather, it is a
recursive process. It would be impossible to reconstruct the plan of a typical Neo-Babylonian house based on the evidence of the sale documents
alone, even in the most detailed instances, in the absence of any excavated example. On the other hand, the cuneiform documentation provides
important information on the social use of space within the house, including the identification of different sectors by name and, in some cases, by
function. Each dataset, archaeological and textual, provides context for
interrogating and testing the other in a more informed and targeted manner. Such an integrated approach facilitates the identification of the local
rules which lay behind small-scale changes in the built environment and
which may have contributed to the emergence of patterns discernible at
a wider scale, both spatially and temporally.
Abbreviations
BiMes 24 Weisberg 1991.
BRM 2
Clay 1918.
VS 15 Schroeder 1916.
RIAA2 Speleers 1925.
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illustrations
The selected examples are all roughly contemporaneous and derive from a single
city, hellenistic Uruk. They are not drawn to scale since in some cases measurements are not given in the documents, or are not preserved.
186
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188
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david kertai
often less informative than one wishes and different authors frequently
reach different conclusions. This ambiguity is, from our perspective, an
unintended aspect of the Late Assyrian dialect, but would normally not
be the intention of ancient writers. Royal inscriptions, in particular, form
an exception as Assyrian writers did often use ambiguity on purpose as a
literary technique in these texts.
The second problem in reconstructing the functions of spaces is the
very limited amount of attestations we have at our disposal. This gives
many reconstructions a provisional character. Most of the spaces that
must have existed within each palace are never attested in the texts
that are available to us. Spaces that are mentioned occur only a few times
in the preserved texts. The amount of excavated palatial spaces greatly
outnumbers textually attested spaces. The absence of attestations cannot,
therefore, be used to argue that types of spaces did not exist within the
palaces. A good example of this is the question of whether second stories
existed in Late Assyrian palaces. Second stories are never mentioned in
the preserved texts, which might be evidence against their existence. Such
an argument ex silentio is, however, very dangerous considering the general silence of our textual material.
A third problem is caused by the overlap between expressions, for
instance in the case of storage spaces. It is often impossible to reconstruct the differences between them, and one can never be sure whether
an expression might be descriptive or whether it, although understandable to all involved, represented an official term. An expression such as
the treasury of the metal scraps1 might describe a space where such
scraps are presently stored, and lose its value after the scraps had been
removed. It might also represent an official name for the place where such
scraps are permanently stored. It is difficult to know whether or when a
name is descriptive and temporary rather than official.
These problems can be demonstrated by the example of the btu dannu.
As with most spatial expressions, the name itself provides little information on its usage; literally translated it means a strong bt. The following text (ABL 126) describing building activity in the city of Kr-arrukn
shows some of these problems.2 Radner translates it as follows: Ich bin
hier in Kr-arrukn. (Mit) Ziegeln, so viele sie genommen haben, werde
191
192
david kertai
I constructed the main (house of the) palace, which was ninety-five cubits
in length (and) thirty-one cubits in width, as none of my royal predecessors had done.9
Being of ca. 51 by 17 m,10 this btu dannu is too small to describe an
entire building, but it is also too big to describe most single rooms within
the palace.11 Its length could describe the main throne room, yet its width
is too large. A possible solution would be to consider the btu dannu here
as referring to the entire throne-room suite, although this probably has to
exclude the ramp located next to the throne room. The details provided in
this building description might support its identification with the throne
room, which is a location worthy of receiving special attention in a royal
building inscription.12 This suggestion seems to be strengthened by a textual variant that replaces btu dannu with bt arri,13 which refers to the
bt of the king. This uncommon expression is attested in two administrative texts, which describe the future locations of bull colossi and as such
probably refers to specific locations.14 It could refer to the main entrance
of the palace,15 but also to a single space such as the throne room. Its
interpretation as throne room is suggested by its association with the
btu dannu in the text mentioned above. The plural bt of the kings (bt
arrni) generally refers to the royal burial place in Aur.16
It is clear that reconstructing the function, location and size of a palatial btu dannu is rather difficult with such limited and inconclusive evidence. It must be noted, however, that btu dannu belongs to the better
attested designations of palatial spaces.
We meet the same kind of problems when the people residing and
working in the palace are discussed. Functionaries often have generic
names which themselves provide little information about their duties: the
9Heidel 1956, 3031; col. v, line 1832. (18) dan-ni a 95 ina 1 K GAL-tim GD.DA
(19) 31 ina 1 K GAL-tim DAGAL (20) a ina LUGAL.ME a-lik ma-ri AD.ME-ia (21)
mm-ma la e-pu- a-na-ku e-pu-u.
10Following Powell 1990, 476.
11 The architecture mentioned in the cited text is part of Esarhaddons building activity
in the Review Palace in Nineveh.
12It is described as having mighty cedar beams and door leaves of cypress wood, the
smell of which is sweet, and which are coated with silver and copper. To the right and left
of this entrance there are du and lamassu figures of stone, which by their nature turn an
evil person back and protect (every) step, safeguard every movement (Heidel 1956, ibid.).
13Borger 1956, 62; Ep. 22 A col. vi, line 5.
14SAA 15, no. 283, line 9 and SAA 1, no. 150, line 16.
15This is how both SAA 1 and 15 translate the bt arri.
16SAA 14, no. 60, line r. 4; SAA 14, no. 62, line 8; Deller / Fales / Jakob-Rost 1995, 4144;
no. 75, line 28.
193
194
david kertai
He generally does not introduce additional staircases in his reconstructions, suggesting that the only connection to a second storey would have
been located in the throne room. The throne room, however, is a rather
unlikely place for such a general staircase. A further argument against a
second storey is the effect it would have on the access of light and air into
the lower rooms. Even without a second storey, most of the ground floor
rooms must have been fairly dark.
Excluding the possibility of the existence of a second storey means that
the entire palatial community must have been accommodated on the
ground floor. The Northwest and Review18 Palaces in ancient Kalu are
the only two palaces that have (almost) completely been excavated. They
have yielded a relatively limited amount of residential suites. Even if several people would have resided in a single room, no more than a hundred
persons could have resided in one such palace. Such a situation, however,
does not appear very plausible. Considering the architecture of these palaces, it seems unlikely that more than fifty persons would have resided in
them and a considerably lower number appears more probable.
Many scholars, nonetheless, assume that the palatial community must
have been extensive. One administrative text, called the Survey of Palace
Officials by Mario Fales and Nicolas Postgate,19 is often used to support
higher numbers. It offers exceptionally high numbers associated with all
kinds of palace functionaries, yet the interpretation of this list as a Survey
of Palace Officials is problematic. This text cannot represent a list of persons. First, it is a clear outlier in comparison to other texts; a circumstance
that raises suspicion. Second, the texts ends with the Chief Eunuch and
the personal names [A]u-duri and [De]nu-amur. The Chief Eunuch is
preceded by the number 800 and the numbers associated with [A]u-duri
and [De]nu-amur, although fragmentarily preserved, probably run in the
hundreds. This implies that the palace community contained 800 Chief
Eunuchs and several hundred persons named [A]u-duri and [De]nuamur. This interpretation cannot be accepted. A different explanation is
needed. An alternative solution is to reconstruct these numbers as people
belonging to or working for these individuals and functionaries, but this
would alter the identification of the list as Survey of Palace Officials.
If the list represents items, such as people, belonging to the respective
18Ekal marti, which is also known as Fort Shalmaneser, Arsenal and Military
Palace.
19SAA 7, no. 21.
195
functionaries there is no reason why the list could not represent a list
of goods received or to be provided by these persons and functionaries. In general it is dangerous to use such an outlier as the basis for
argumentations.
Understanding the function of palatial spaces is as much about interpreting Assyrian sources as it is about modern concepts (see introduction). There are many ways of conceptualising the spatial organisation of
Assyrian palaces, but the most common manner is to divide the palace
into public and private realms. This duality has been seen as the most fundamental principal underlying the organisation of Late Assyrian palaces.
However, there are several problems with this concept. First, the publicprivate duality is based on a presupposition, which is not substantiated by
any Assyrian source, and secondly, one could argue that the emphasis is
placed on the wrong aspects of space.
The presupposition that Late Assyrian palaces had a strong separation
between public and private realms seems to be partly based on an analogy
with palaces from the Ottoman period with their high degree of seclusion,
but also with earlier Old-Babylonian examples. The duality between public and private spheres as conceptualised in Late Assyrian palaces is often
articulated by using the Akkadian expressions bbnu and btnu, which
can be translated as outside (a substantive derived from bbu gate) and
inside.20 Postgate summarised this in his Reallexikon article on palaces
as follows, A distinction was drawn between the private (btn) and
public (bbn) sectors of the p[alace].21 The Middle Assyrian reference
to the so-called Haremserlasse is used to substantiate this argument.22 In
this text a doctor of the btnu occurs, but a bbnu is never mentioned
in the document. This passage therefore does not appear to provide evidence for the existence of a duality between the bbnu and btnu.
In fact, the main problem with the bbnubtnu duality is its
absence in Assyrian sources. While the btnu does occur several times in
Late Assyrian sources, its presumed counterpart, the bbnu, only occurs
in Sennacheribs (704681 bce) building description of his new Review
Palace23 in Nineveh. In this text the bbnu is not contrasted with a
btnu. One can even ask whether here bbnu represents an organisational principle. It rather seems to refer to a specific spatial location,
20For the multiple meanings of btnu see CAD B, 274275.
21 Postgate 2005, 222.
22The same argument was suggested by Oppenheim 1965, 330.
23Described both as ekal marti or ekal/bt kutalli.
196
david kertai
namely the bbn kisallu, which probably designated one of the outer
courtyards of Sennacheribs Review Palace.24
It is unclear whether the btnu indicates a specific part of the palace or more generally refers to the entire inner part. While the btnu
is never compared with a bbnu, it is once contrasted to qannu in the
insurrection queries of Esarhaddon. Ivan Starr translated the sentence as
[...the keepers] of the inner gates (btni), or the keepers of the outer
gates (qanni).25 As this line refers to doorkeepers, it seems reasonable to
interpret the sentence as indicating two different areas of responsibility;
namely the gates of the btnu and those of the qannu. The correlation
between qannu and gates is also attested within the astronomical inquiries of Esarhaddon: does the crown prince now go out of the outer gate
(qanni)?26 If qannu indeed forms a duality with btnu, one can wonder
what exactly it is contrasted to. Since qannu represents the outer gates
of the palace, the btnu should refer to the entire inside rather than to
a specific area within the palace. Otherwise one needs to assume a third
intermediate category in order to describe the gates between the btnu
and the outer gates. Starr seems to have come to the same conclusion
by interpreting the btnu as the inner gates rather than as a location
called the btnu. In general there is little to support the idea that the
btnu referred to a specific area within the palace or that it had anything
to do with seclusion. Rather, it labelled the interior of the palace in general. Nevertheless, it cannot be excluded that it designated a more specific
location in certain situations.
One has to conclude that the duality between the bbnu and btnu
is a modern construct. It could, however, be argued that this is a semantic
issue and that the basic duality was present even when these words were
not used. Did the Assyrians themselves distinguish between public and
private realms? There seems to be little to substantiate this. The idea of
a distinct private sphere within the palace is often combined with the
notion of the existence of a harem. There are several ways in which a
harem can be defined. The most common one is based upon an Orientalist
interpretation of the Ottoman court, which is still widely found in popular
culture (e.g. Hollywood films). Such a harem is defined by the presence
24AHw, 94; CAD B, 7. bbn (outer; uerer) is an adjectival form of bbnu (outside;
am Tor, auen).
25SAA 4, no. 142, line 7.
26SAA 10, no. 52, line r. 12.
197
of numerous women whose main role is to (sexually) please the king. The
number of scholars who define the Assyrian harem in such terms seems
rather limited. The idea of the palace as a place occupied by royal concubines and their children is more widespread and might even represent
the common opinion.27 Other scholars use the concept of a harem in its
Arabic connotation,28 which can have the more neutral meaning of the
(place of the) women. The problem with such a definition is that it is
at odds with the common connotation. If not explicitly stated, a majority
of people will have the Orientalist connotation in mind when a harem
is mentioned. Since most scholars do not qualify their use of harem, it is
often unclear what they mean.
The harem discussion is related to several other questions such as the
presence of eunuchs, concubines and secondary wives. The fact that these
debates are still on-going shows that the existing arguments have failed
to offer an overall convincing interpretation. As far as can be judged from
the occurrence of the words harem,29 eunuch30 and concubine31
in the scholarly literature,32 most scholars tend to argue in favour of their
presence at the Late Assyrian palaces. Original texts use terms which are
more neutral and mostly relate to spaces and functionaries and are rather
uninformative on their own. Their common translations are therefore
interpretations rather than literal translations. This does not necessarily
mean that such translations are incorrect, but they should be dependent on
their contexts. Unfortunately, most of these terms are only rarely attested,
and often occur in contexts that provide no clues for their interpretation.
Their translation by necessity has to be based on an interpretation of the
combined, often fragmentary, sources we have at our disposal. As a result
the argumentation turns into a vicious circle, where the existence of a presupposed harem is reaffirmed by the interpretation of sources resulting in
27See e.g. Leichty 2007, 189; Melville 2004, 40; Radner 2008, 495; Reade 2009, 252.
28See e.g. Oates and Oates 2001, 38.
29Harem has been used as translation for bt isti (Parpola 2008, 6; Teppo 2007a,
2656) and btu aniu (Ahmad and Postgate 2007, xviii).
30Eunuch is generally used as translation for a ri. See e.g. Dalley 2001, 200205;
Dalley 2002, 121122; Deller 1999; Hawkins 2002, 218220; Reade 2009, 252; Watanabe
1999.
31 Concubine has been used as translation for sekretu, amtu and issu. The rab isti
and akintu (see footnote 34) have been interpreted as their supervisors. See e.g. CAD E,
6162; Macgregor 2003, 98; Melville 2004, 3940; Radner 2003, 897; Teppo 2007b, 389,
405406, 409.
32E.g. in various State Archives of Assyria publications.
198
david kertai
199
37Justus 1996.
38Necipoglu 1991.
200
david kertai
Abbreviations
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palace at Kalhu, Nimrud, Edubba 10, London.
Borger, Rykle (1956), Die Inschriften Asarhaddons Knigs von Assyrien, Archiv fr Orientforschung, Beiheft 9, Graz.
Dalley, Stephanie (2001), Review of Mattila, R.The Kings Magnates, in: Bibliotheca
Orientalis 58, 197206.
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Deller, Karlheinz (1999), The Assyrian Eunuchs and Their Predecessors, in: Kazuko
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Colloquium on The Ancient Near EastThe City and its Life; held at the Middle Eastern
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Deller, Karlheinz / Fales, F. Mario / Jakob-Rost, Liane (1995), Neo-Assyrian Texts from
Assur Private Archives, Part 2, in: State Archives of Assyria Bulletin 9/12.
Hawkins, David (2002), Eunuchs among the Hittites, in: Simo Parpola / Robert M. Whiting (eds.), Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East. Proceedings of the 47th Rencontre
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Heidel, Alexander (1956), A New Hexagonal Prism of Esarhaddon, in: Sumer 12, 937.
Justus, Kevin L. (1996), Gilded Palace, Gilded Playpen: Louis XVs Use of Palatial Space To
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Macgregor, Sherry Lou (2003), Women in the Neo-Assyrian World: Visual and Textual Evidence from Palace and Temple, University of California, Berkeley (Unpublished thesis).
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Necipoglu, Glru (1991), Architecture, Ceremonial, and Power: The Topkapi Palace in the
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Oppenheim, A. Leo (1965), On Royal Gardens in Mesopotamia, in: Journal of Near Eastern
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Parpola, Simo (2008), Cuneiform Texts from Ziyaret Tepe (Tuan), 20022003, in: State
Archives of Assyria Bulletin 17, 1113.
Postgate, John Nicholas (2005), Palast A.V., in: Dietz O. Edzard / Michael P. Streck (eds.),
Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archologie Bd.10. Berlin, 212226.
Powell, Marvin A. (1990), Masse und Gewichte, in: Dietz O. Edzard (ed.), Reallexikon der
Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archologie Bd. 7. Berlin, 457517.
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Reade, Julian Edgeworth (2009), Fez, Diadem, Turban, Chaplet: Power-Dressing at the
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1 Siehe beispielsweise Kolb 1984. Zur Frage, was die Griechen unter einer Polis ver
standen, Hansen 2007.
2Die Sekundrliteratur zu dem Thema ist unberschaubar. Hingewiesen sei auf die
Publikationen des Copenhagen Polis Centre: Hansen / Nielsen 2004; Hansen 2007.
3Zu Topographie, Stdtebau, Architektur und Stadtleben Athens als Gegenstand der
griechischen Literatur siehe Goette / Hammerstaedt 2004.
4Aristot. pol. 7, 11f. Zum Einflu von Aristoteles Konzeption der Stadt auf die moderne
Forschung siehe May / Steinert, Introduction in diesem Band, S. 8f.
204
jan stenger
205
e influreichen Werk The Image of the City einen historischen Typus der
Stadt, nmlich den der italienischen Renaissance, als berzeitliches Ideal
gesetzt hatte, um daraus Leitlinien fr die urbanistischen Aufgaben der
Gegenwart abzuleiten.9 Als besonders wirkungsmchtig erwies sich Lynchs
Ansatz, die Raumkognition, also die mentale Reprsentation der stdti
schen Umwelt, ins Zentrum seiner berlegungen zu stellen. Er lenkte die
Aufmerksamkeit darauf, da Menschen sich ein inneres Bild ihrer stdti
schen Umgebung machen, das wichtige Funktionen bei der Orientierung
und dem rumlichen Richtungsverhalten bernimmt. Disziplinen wie die
Psychologie und die Geographie haben seitdem auf empirischem Wege ver
sucht, mentale Raummodelle, sogenannte kognitive Karten, zu eruieren.10
Um die mentale Reprsentation der Stadt, die er als Bild mit visuellen
Qualitten begreift, beschreiben zu knnen, unterscheidet Lynch fnf
Kategorien von konstitutiven Elementen, nmlich Wege (paths), Rnder
oder Grenzlinien (edges), Bezirke (districts), Knotenpunkte (nodes) und
Merkzeichen (landmarks). ber sie ermittelt er eine objektive Notation
der Stadt und somit ein Bild, das deren Ordnung widerspiegelt. Je klarer
sich die genannten Elemente herausprparieren und anschlieend zu
einem kartographischen Diagramm zusammenstellen lassen, desto lesba
rer ist eine Stadt, desto schrfer lt sich ihre Gestalt wahrnehmen.
Lynchs kognitiver, geradezu anthropologischer Zugang kann nicht
ohne weiteres auf eine antike Stadt wie das klassische Athen bertragen
werden. Grundstzlich wre zu diskutieren, ob nicht bereits die gngige
Metapher der kognitiven Karte in die Irre fhrt, da sie impliziert, da der
Mensch sich eine mentale Reprsentation seiner Umwelt schafft, die in
ihren Grundzgen einem kartographischen Diagramm entspricht. Dies
kann jedoch zumal fr eine Zeit, in der graphische Landkarten nicht ver
fgbar waren, nicht einfach vorausgesetzt werden. Mglicherweise oder
eher: mit Gewiheit unterschied sich das mentale Raummodell eines
Atheners fundamental von dem eines modernen Menschen, da er die
Stadt ausschlielich von der Warte des Fugngers aus perzipieren konnte.
Zudem sind die erwhnten Kategorien an einem bestimmten histori
schen Typus der Stadt ermittelt worden, ohne fr jede Kultur und jede
Epoche verallgemeinert werden zu knnen. Ob fr einen Stadtbewohner
die fnf Konstituenten relevant sind, hngt davon ab, welche urbanisti
schen Gegebenheiten er in seiner Kultur vorfindet. In der modernen, mit
9Lynch 1960.
10Grundlegend Downs / Stea 1973.
206
jan stenger
207
13Vgl. Hlscher 1998, 6773; ferner May / Steinert, Introduction zu diesem Band, S. 8.
14Plat. Lys. 203a. Sokrates begibt sich also hier von der Akademie im Nordwesten der
Stadt zum Hain des Apollon Lykeios im Sdosten.
208
jan stenger
209
210
jan stenger
Nachrichten darber vorliegen, wie die Athener etwa die Horoi wahrnah
men, kann man davon ausgehen, da diese augenflligen Zeichen dazu
beitrugen, das mentale Stadtmodell zu formen, indem sie eine Vorstel
lung davon vermittelten, welchen Umfang und welche Form ein Bezirk
hatte sowie in welcher Relation er zu anderen Bezirken der Stadt situiert
war. Whrend die mentale Reprsentation eines Dorfes oder einer kleinen
Polis eine recht geringe Binnendifferenzierung aufgewiesen haben drfte,
konnte ein Athener ziemlich przise Bezirke mit ihren eigentmlichen
Funktionen unterscheiden26 und anhand der Begrenzungen angeben, in
welchem Bezirk sich ein Objekt befand. Der soeben angefhrte Passus
aus Platons Lysis demonstriert in seiner bemerkenswerten Przision, wie
mehrere stdtische Bezirke in der Kognition zueinander in Beziehung
gesetzt werden konnten.
Die Prsenz von sichtbaren Grenzmarken darf freilich nicht zu der
Annahme verleiten, jeder stdtische Bezirk sei durch klare Begrenzungen
definiert worden. Selbst wenn man einen Horos plaziert hatte, mute
nicht an jeder Stelle erkennbar sein, wo ein Bereich anfing oder endete.
Denn diese Markierungen dienten weniger dazu, lckenlos einen ganzen
Bezirk abzustecken, als vielmehr der allgemeinen Lokalisierung des Are
als. Teilweise waren die Angaben relativ vage, wie etwa bei einer Inschrift
aus dem Pirus: [ ]/[ ] [h]/[][] [ ]/ [] / []/
[]/[]/ [] Von dieser Strae an ist das gesamte Gebiet bis
zum Hafen ffentlich.27 Zudem war es, wenn nicht gerade administra
tive oder sakrale Vorschriften berhrt wurden, nicht unbedingt relevant,
exakte Begrenzungen anzugeben. Wem es lediglich darauf ankam, seinem
Hrer oder Leser eine ungefhre Vorstellung zu vermitteln, wo sich ein
Objekt befand oder ein Ereignis zugetragen hatte, der konnte sich damit
begngen, auf einen stdtischen Bezirk durch die Erwhnung des ein
schlgigen Namens zu verweisen. In den attischen Gerichtsreden versu
chen die Sprecher immer wieder, ihrem Publikum einen Raum vor Augen
zu stellen, indem sie etwas beispielsweise auf der Agora oder im Stadt
viertel Kerameikos lokalisieren.28 Damit seine Hrer wissen, wo sich ein
26Insbesondere kommt dies zum Ausdruck in verschiedenen Funktionsbezeichnun
gen, mit denen einzelne Areale auf der Agora differenziert wurden. Sie orientierten sich
primr an den dort jeweils feilgebotenen Waren. In Xen. oik. 8,22 bemerkt Ischomachos,
da man allgemein wisse, in welchem Teilbereich der Agora man welche Gter finde, da
es deutlich definierte Pltze gebe. Vgl. auch Plat. leg. 915d. Wycherley 1957, 185206.
27IG I3, 1110 (ca. Mitte 5. Jh. v. Chr.); vgl. auch 1109.
28Agora: Antiph. 6,39; And. 1,45; Kerameikos: Isaios 5,26; 6,20. Ebenso rekurriert
Platon immer wieder auf die Agora als ffentlichen Raum (Plat. Mx. 234a; Parm. 126a;
211
Tht. 142a) oder auf den Kerameikos (Plat. Parm. 127c); ferner Aristoph. Ach. 1722 (Pnyx
und Agora).
29And. 1,6: Spter,
als ich im Kynosarges auf einem Fohlen, das mir gehrte, ritt, kam ich zu Fall.
30Siehe Wachsmuth 1874/90, 1.347357; Judeich 1931, 175177.
31 Das im Nordwesten Athens gelegene Stadtviertel Kerameikos war allerdings durch
Horoi markiert. Agora 19, 28 (H30 und 31). Zudem wurde es durch die hindurchlau
fende Stadtmauer deutlich sichtbar in zwei Bereiche, einen inneren und einen ueren,
unterteilt.
32Anschaulich illustriert dies auch Thukydides (2,15), wenn er wichtige und altehrwr
dige Heiligtmer des Gebietes sdlich der Akropolis aufzhlt, um seine These zur Lage der
frheren Stadt Athen zu untermauern (Heiligtmer des olympischen Zeus, des pythischen
Apollon, der Ge und des Dionysos an den Teichen; ferner der Brunnen Enneakrunos).
212
jan stenger
213
214
jan stenger
seine Leser tatschlich ein rumliches Bild vor Augen haben, setzt er also
voraus, da ihnen die stdtebauliche Situation einigermaen gelufig ist.
Freilich ist fr das Verstndnis des Dialogs die exakte Lage nicht weiter
von Belang. In einem juristischen bzw. politischen Kontext indessen ist es
weitaus wichtiger, mglichst exakte topographische Angaben zu machen.
Insbesondere bei der Publikation von Gesetzestexten und anderen offizi
ellen Dokumenten kann nicht darauf verzichtet werden, genauer zu spe
zifizieren, wo die jeweilige Bestimmung eingesehen werden kann. Damit
jedermann imstande ist, das Gesetz zu konsultieren, mu der Ort ber
dies allgemein zugnglich und als Archiv fr solche Beschlsse etabliert
sein. Fr diese Publikationen ist der zentrale ffentliche Platz Athens, die
Agora, angemessen. Hufig begegnen wir Hinweisen, da Gesetzesstelen
in diesem ffentlichen Raum aufgestellt werden, wobei durch einzelne
Punkte spezifiziert wird, an welcher Stelle dieses groen Bereichs die
Stelen zu finden sind. Neben der Stoa Basileios als Ort der Publikation43
wird vor allem das Buleuterion44 genannt, teilweise ergnzt durch eine
Przisierung.45 Dort wurden Antrge auf Gesetzesnderung ffentlich
angeschlagen, damit jeder Brger die Mglichkeit hatte, sich in der Ange
legenheit kundig zu machen. Um den Standort deutlicher zu kennzeich
nen, markiert ihn etwa Aristoteles, indem er auf die Statuen der zehn
Phylenheroen verweist, die sich auf der Agora befanden.46 Auch offizielle
43And. 1,8385. Hierbei handelte es sich nicht um separate Stelen, sondern um Inschrif
ten, die an der Wand der Stoa angebracht wurden. Hansen 1995, 170f.
44And. 1,95.
45Die Funktion eines Staatsarchivs erfllte sonst das Metroon, das in den Texten wie
derholt in dieser Eigenschaft genannt wird: Demosth. or. 19,129; 25,99; Lykurg. 1,66; Dein
arch. 1,86; IG II2 140,35 (353/2 v. Chr.). Es befand sich in direkter Nhe zum Buleuterion.
Goette / Hammerstaedt 2004, 113117.
46Aristot. Ath. pol. 53,4:
, ,
[] , ,
Frher wurden die Epheben bei
ihrer Einschreibung auf geweiten Tafeln festgehalten, und zu ihnen wurde der Archon
geschrieben, unter dem sie eingeschrieben worden waren, und der Namengeber, der im
vergangenen Jahr als Schiedsrichter amtiert hatte; jetzt aber werden sie auf eine Bronze
tafel eingetragen, und die Tafel wird vor dem Buleuterion neben den Namengebern (der
Phylen) aufgestellt. Das Monument der eponymen Heroen befand sich gegenber dem
Metroon, wobei die Angaben der antiken Textzeugnisse nicht ganz einheitlich sind. Mit
einer Lnge von ber 18 m bildete es einen aufflligen Orientierungspunkt. Vgl. Paus. 1,5,1.
Wycherley 1957, 8590; Thompson / Wycherley 1972, 3841; Travlos 1971, 210212 (mit
Rekonstruktionszeichnung).
215
Hier markieren also mehrere Punkte auf einem ffentlichen Platz ein
Areal, das dann als eigener Raum wahrnehmbar ist und dem eine eigene
Funktion zugeschrieben wird. Die Bezirke, von denen oben die Rede war,
lassen sich also ihrerseits weiter in kleinere Einheiten strukturieren. Sol
che Przisierungen liegen auch vor, wenn ein bestimmter Altar auf der
Agora erwhnt wird48 oder sich die Autoren nicht mit der Nennung eines
Gebudes als einer Markierung begngen, sondern den exakten Platz zu
kennzeichnen versuchen.49 Bei einem umbauten Raum wie dem Buleu
terion bietet es sich an, auf den Eingang des Gebudes zu rekurrieren, um
die Lage eines Objekts zu bezeichnen. In einer im Jahre 337/6 gesetzten
Inschrift heit es, da Gesetzesstelen am Zugang zum Areopag, einem
durch seine erhabene Lage topographisch ausgezeichneten Bezirk, aufge
stellt werden sollen, und zwar dort, wo man ins Buleuterion eintrete.50
Wir haben bereits bemerkt, da mit bestimmten stdtischen Bezirken
oder Gebuden spezifische Funktionen verknpft waren, die implizit auch
in der Referenz auf die rumlichen Gegebenheiten vermittelt wurden. In
der Zuschreibung von Funktionen kommt auch eine Hierarchie der std
tischen Topographie zum Ausdruck, da der wiederholte Rekurs auf einige
ffentliche Bezirke oder Gebude sie aus der Masse des urbanen Raumes
47Demosth. or. 24,23; ebenso 20,94; 24,18; And. 1,83; Aischin. Ctes. 39.
48Agora 16, 225.19f. (224/3222/1 v. Chr.): []
([...] auf der Agora neben dem Altar der Artemis Bulaia aufzustellen).
49Antiph. 6,45 (Heiligtum des Zeus Bulaios und der Athena Bulaia im Buleuterion, an
dessen Eingang; vgl. Paus. 1,3,5).
50SEG 12, 87, 2227 (= Agora 16, 73): /
/ /
/ , /.
216
jan stenger
51Dies erlaubt freilich nicht den Umkehrschlu, da topographische Punkte, die in den
Textzeugnissen nicht oder nur selten erwhnt werden, keine Bedeutung fr die Raum
wahrnehmung der Athener besessen htten.
52Zur symbolischen Dimension der Topographie und stdtebaulichen Gestalt Athens
Hlscher 1991.
53IG II2 450 fr. b 312.
54Harmodios als Orientierungspunkt auf der Agora etwa bei Aristoph. Eccl. 681683;
Lys. 631634; Lykurg. 51.
217
lern will, da man dort die Aufstellung weiterer Statuen genehmigt.55 Das
mentale Stadtbild ist ohne eine solche Bedeutung, die auch emotional
besetzt ist, berhaupt nicht denkbar. Es lt sich nicht auf rein topogra
phische Informationen reduzieren.56
Die hier vorgestellten Punkte, die selbstverstndlich nur eine Auswahl
aus der Raumkognition der Athener reprsentieren, sind, wie angedeu
tet wurde, mit bestimmten Praktiken des ffentlichen Lebens verknpft.
Jeder athenische Brger, der am ffentlichen Leben partizipiert, sucht
die Agora und die dort befindlichen Bauwerke auf oder begibt sich zu
bestimmten Gelegenheiten zu den stdtischen Heiligtmern. Um diese
Orte auf einem mglichst effizienten Weg zu erreichen, greift er auf sein
mentales Bild der Stadt zurck und setzt verschiedene Punkte zueinan
der in Beziehung. Mit der modernen Stadtsoziologie kann man von einer
Syntheseleistung sprechen, insofern der Mensch in seiner Kognition Bau
ten, Objekte, Personen, aber eben auch Funktionen und Bedeutungen zu
einem Ganzen, seinem mentalen Stadtmodell, zusammenfgt.57 Damit
die Orte tatschlich miteinander verknpft sind und das Modell zur Ori
entierung gebraucht werden kann, bedarf es zahlreicher Wege, die durch
den Stadtraum gelegt sind. Whrend wir in den literarischen und den
epigraphischen Dokumenten zahlreiche Hinweise auf Rume und Punkte
finden, sind Angaben zu solchen Wegen weitaus seltener.58
Die Nennung bestimmter Straen anhand einer gebruchlichen
Bezeichnung ist in einer Zeit, in der es keine offiziellen Straennamen
gibt, ohnehin nicht zu erwarten. Da der Komdiendichter Aristophanes
einmal eine Myrmex-Gasse erwhnt, deren Name offensichtlich gelufig
55Die Bedeutung der Statuengruppe fr die kollektive Identitt der Athener erkannte
der Perserknig Xerxes und lie sie deshalb als Beute abtransportieren. Um diesen Erin
nerungsort wieder erfahrbar zu machen, lie man eine neue Gruppe fertigen, und erst
in hellenistischer Zeit kehrten die Originale aus Persien zurck (Paus. 1,8,5). Im brigen
wich man im Einzelfall auch von dem Grundsatz, die Tyrannenmrder allein auf der Agora
stehen zu lassen, ab, so, als man den Diadochen Antigonos und seinen Sohn Demetrios im
Jahre 307 auszeichnen wollte (Diod. 20,46,1f.).
56Lynch 1960, 46 erkennt zwar an, da die mentale Reprsentation (image) fr den
Wahrnehmenden eine praktische oder emotionale Bedeutung (meaning) hat, schliet
diese jedoch aus seiner Untersuchung aus.
57Lw 2001, 158161.
58Fr die Terminologie und die Realien der athenischen Wege und Straen immer
noch ntzlich Wachsmuth 1874/90, 2.279303; Judeich 1931, 178189. Vgl. die Bezeichnun
gen im kaiserzeitlichen Lexikon des Pollux (1,220; 9,19). Zu den athenischen Straen jetzt
Greco 2008 und besonders Ficuciello 2008 (mit einem Katalog der Bezeugung von Straen
in literarischen Texten und Inschriften).
218
jan stenger
ist,59 ist eine Seltenheit. Wenn berhaupt einmal ein Weg durch die
Stadt oder vor der Stadt beschrieben wird, gibt man seinen Verlauf an,
indem man ihn relativ zu anderen Orientierungspunkten und Begren
zungslinien situiert. Die Sprecher in Platons Dialogen erklren mitunter
ihren Gesprchspartnern, auf welchen Wegen sie zu bestimmten Punkten
im Stadtgebiet gelangt sind, doch ist es nicht ihre Absicht, den Verlauf
des Weges in allen Einzelheiten zu beschreiben. Whrend Phaidros im
gleichnamigen Dialog lediglich erklrt, er gehe auerhalb der Stadtmauer
spazieren,60 markiert Sokrates im Lysis, wie wir oben gesehen haben,
seinen Weg immerhin durch die Angabe des Anfangs- und des Zielpunk
tes sowie durch eine Station und eine Grenzlinie, zu der sein Weg parallel
verluft (Pl. Ly. 203a). Er sei, so gibt er Auskunft, von der Akademie direkt
zum Lykeion marschiert, und zwar auf dem Weg auerhalb der Mauer,
der direkt unter der Mauer liege; auf seinem Weg habe er auch das kleine
Tor am Brunnen des Panops passiert. Bisweilen bemht sich der Histo
riker Xenophon, seinen Lesern eine rumliche Vorstellung von Trup
penbewegungen zu vermitteln, indem er Mrsche der Soldaten durch
das Stadtgebiet anhand von Referenzpunkten definiert.61 Beispielsweise
erwhnt er Straen, die vom Lykeion zur Stadt oder aus der Stadt zum
Pirus fhren, und zeichnet einen Marsch durch das Athener Weichbild
mit Hilfe von Zielpunkten nach, wobei als Ausgangspunkt lediglich allge
mein die Stadt benannt wird:
,
Die anderen begaben sich
aus der Stadt zum Hippodamischen Markt und stellten sich geordnet auf,
so da sie die Strae fllten, die zum Heiligtum der Artemis von Munichia
und zum Bendis-Heiligtum fhrt.62 Allein wo es der Kontext gebietet,
erachtet Xenophon eine detaillierte Wegbeschreibung fr ntig. Als er in
seiner Schrift ber den Reiterfhrer ber einen Prozessionsweg spricht,
versucht er selbstverstndlich, diesen so nachzuzeichnen, da seine Leser
59Aristoph. Thesm. 100. An der Stelle ist der Name zwar eher bildlich zu verstehen,
der Lexikograph Hesych bezeugt jedoch, da es im Bezirk Skambonidai eine Strae dieses
Namens gegeben habe ( 1904).
60Plat. Phaidr. 227a. In 229a bezeichnet Sokrates den Verlauf seines Weges mit dem
Flu Ilissos, der im Sden Athens in sdwestlicher Richtung flo.
61 Xen. hell. 1,1,33; 2,4,8; 2,4,10; 2,4,27; 2,4,31.
62Xen. hell. 2,4,11. Die hier von Xenophon erwhnte Strae lt sich aufgrund des
archologischen Befundes lokalisieren; siehe Goette / Hammerstaedt 2004, 280f.
219
220
jan stenger
221
Diese relativen Ortsangaben, die keine Aussage ber die absolute Lage
des Objekts treffen, sind weitaus zahlreicher zu finden als Hinweise auf
einen absoluten Referenzrahmen, nmlich auf die Himmelsrichtungen.73
Immerhin wird bisweilen in epigraphischen Zeugnissen auf diese abso
luten Bezugspunkte rekurriert wie in dem folgenden frhhellenistischen
Beispiel: /[], , /
, / [...] dem von Norden
her ein Garten benachbart ist, von Sden das Grundstck des Olym
piodoros, vom Sonnenaufgang (Osten) her eine Strae, vom Sonnenun
tergang (Westen) her das Grundstck des Olympiodoros.74 Obgleich die
Griechen in der Lage waren, bei der Lokalisierung sowohl einen relati
ven als auch einen absoluten Bezugsrahmen zu verwenden, machten sie
71Die Terminologie von Figur und Hintergrund wird in der linguistischen Forschung
zur sprachlichen Darstellung rumlicher Relationen verwendet und ist der Gestaltpsy
chologie entlehnt. Daneben finden sich in der Kognitiven und der Psycholinguistik auch
andere Begriffe wie etwa trajector und landmark oder Locatum und Relatum. Talmy 2000,
Bd. 1, 311344.
72IG I3 84,3437 (418/7 v. Chr.).
73Siehe Thuk. 2,15,3 (Gebiet sdlich der Akropolis).
74IG II2 1241,912 (300/299 v. Chr.). Siehe auch IG II2 1579 (Anfang 4. Jh. v. Chr.); SEG
12, 100, 912 (367/6 v. Chr.); Agora 19, 75 (P4, Z. 10) (370/69 v. Chr.); aus dem 3. Jahrhun
dert Agora 19, 177f. (L4b, Z. 1118). Um die rumlichen Relationen zu bezeichnen, wird in
den Inschriften hufig der Ausdruck (benachbart) verwendet.
222
jan stenger
in der Regel von dem relativen Gebrauch.75 Offenbar empfanden sie die
ngaben der Himmelsrichtungen jedoch als exakter, da sie unabhngig
A
vom Betrachterstandpunkt sind, weshalb sie im juristischen Kontext auf
diese zurckgriffen.
In dieser Praxis drften sich die Athener der klassischen Zeit kaum
von westlichen Stadtbewohnern der Moderne unterschieden haben, die
fr gewhnlich ebensoselten Himmelsrichtungen fr eine absolute Lokali
sierung zu Hilfe nehmen und stattdessen Relationen zu bereits bekannten
Orientierungspunkten verwenden, wenn sie einer anderen Person die Ori
entierung in der Stadt bzw. das Auffinden eines Objekts erleichtern wollen.
3.Das mentale Stadtbild und seine Bedeutungsebenen
Unsere Analyse von literarischen Texten und Inschriften der klassischen
Zeit lt erkennen, da die Athener zum einen ber ein differenziertes
mentales Modell ihrer Stadt verfgten, zum anderen mit Hilfe verschie
dener Kategorien in der Lage waren, ihre Raumkognition anderen mit
zuteilen. Nach Ausweis der schriftlichen Zeugnisse konstituierte sich
das mentale Raumbild durch Grenzlinien, die Bereiche definierten und
voneinander unterschieden, durch eben diese stdtischen Bezirke wie
Stadtviertel oder Pltze, durch markante Orientierungspunkte von ganz
verschiedenen baulichen Dimensionen sowie durch Wege, die bis zu
einem gewissen Grade eine Orientierung innerhalb der urbanistischen
Topographie widerspiegeln. Sofern der kursorische und keineswegs voll
stndige Durchgang durch die Texte nicht trgt, spielten Punkte und Berei
che in der Raumkognition der Athener eine wesentlich grere Rolle als
die brigen Kategorien. Whrend die Autoren hufig auf Orientierungs
marken wie Heiligtmer, das Buleuterion und Statuen oder Areale wie
die Agora und den Kerameikos rekurrieren, begegnet man Beschreibun
gen von Wegverlufen relativ selten. Auch haben wir festgestellt, da
Markierungssteine offenbar nicht dazu aufgestellt wurden, Grenzlinien
mglichst kontinuierlich im Gelnde zu kennzeichnen, sondern vielmehr
allgemein die Lage eines Bezirks signalisierten. Informationen, die fr ein
Zurechtfinden in der Stadt relevant wren, also genaue Richtungs- und
Distanzangaben, scheinen die Ausnahme zu sein. Gleichwohl erlaubt die
75Ausfhrliche Bemerkungen zur Unterscheidung zwischen intrinsischen, relativen
und absoluten Bezugsrahmen in der Raumkognition und ihrer sprachlichen Reprsentation
findet man bei Levinson 2003, 2461.
223
224
jan stenger
225
226
jan stenger
ja die ganze Form der Stadt tragen fr die Bewohner symbolische Bedeu
tungen, fungieren als Zeichen fr berzeugungen, Werte oder Normen.
Eine Rekonstruktion des mentalen Stadtbildes darf diese semiotischen
Aspekte nicht ignorieren, wenn sie nicht Gefahr laufen will, ihren Gegen
stand seiner Komplexitt zu berauben und entscheidende Konstituenten
zu bersehen.76
berdies geht es nicht zu weit, in der mentalen Reprsentation und
ihrer sprachlichen Vermittlung eine Handlungsanleitung zu sehen. Statt
allein Informationen ber verschiedene Schichten der Topographie zu
bewahrenStdtebau, Politik, Gesellschaft, Kultur, Religionsagt das
Modell seinem Benutzer auch, was er in bestimmten Situationen zu tun
hat. Er erfhrt, wohin er sich begeben mu, um offizielle Dokumente
zu konsultieren, wo er sich als Mitglied der Volksversammlung oder des
Rates einzufinden hat und an welchen Pltzen er zu bestimmten Termi
nen kultischen Handlungen beiwohnen kann. Indem er sich gem die
sen Vorgaben im urbanen Raum verhlt, reproduziert er die Strukturen,
die der stdtischen Topographie und ebenso seinem mentalen Stadtmo
dell inhrent sind.
Diese Eigenschaften des mentalen Stadtbildes machen schlielich auf
seine kollektive bzw. soziale Natur aufmerksam. Zwar gehen in die Raum
kognition auch je individuelle Erfahrungen ein, aber zum groen Teil ist
sie von Erfahrungen und Vorstellungen der Gruppe, der das Individuum
angehrt, geprgt. Der Rekurs auf Orientierungspunkte wie die Stoa Basi
leios oder den Zwlfgtteraltar ist in jedem Kontext deswegen mglich,
weil sie zu dem gemeinsamen mentalen Stadtbild aller Athener gehren.
Es handelt sich um Pltze und Orte, die im Leben der gesamten Stadtge
meinde eine wichtige Rolle spielen und den ffentlichen Raum konstitu
ieren. So verschieden die individuellen Raumkognitionen auch ausfallen
mgen, bilden diese Orte, an denen sich das soziale Leben abspielt, eine
gemeinsame Schnittmenge, ohne die eine sprachliche Verstndigung ber
den Stadtraum unmglich wre. Die Raumreferenzen spiegeln damit auch
einen Teil der kollektiven Identitt der athenischen Brgerschaft wider,
was nicht zuletzt darin zum Ausdruck kommt, da in den Texten das poli
tische und ideelle Zentrum Athens, nmlich der Bereich um die Agora,
berproportional vertreten ist, indessen die Peripherie weitgehend aus
gespart bleibt. Es wre demnach unangemessen, das mentale Stadtbild
76Einen berblick ber die sozio-semiotische Sicht auf die Stadt bieten Gottdiener /
Lagopoulos 1986. Vgl. May / Steinert, Introduction.
227
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Downs, Roger M. / Stea, David (1973), Image and Environment: Cognitive Mapping and
Spatial Behavior, Chicago.
Dunbar, Nan (1995), Aristophanes, Birds, edited with Introduction and Commentary,
Oxford.
Ficuciello, Laura (2008), Le strade di Atene, Athen / Paestum.
Giovannini, Adalberto (1991), Symbols and Rituals in Classical Athens, in: Anthony Molho /
Kurt Raaflaub / Julia Emlen (Hgg.), City States in Classical Antiquity and Medieval Italy:
Athens and Rome, Florence and Venice, Stuttgart, 459478.
Goette, Hans Rupprecht / Hammerstaedt, Jrgen (2004), Das antike Athen: Ein literarischer
Stadtfhrer, Mnchen.
Gottdiener, Mark / Lagopoulos, Alexandros Ph. (Hgg.) (1986), The City and the Sign: An
Introduction to Urban Semiotics, New York.
Gral, Herbert (2002), IrrwegeOrientierungsprobleme im antiken Raum, in: Eckart
Olshausen / Holger Sonnabend (Hgg.), Zu Wasser und zu Land: Verkehrswege in der
antiken Welt, Stuttgart, 8392.
Greco, Emanuele (2008), Traffico urbano e percorsi cerimoniali nella citt a forma di
ruota, in: Dieter Mertens (Hg.), Stadtverkehr in der antiken Welt, Wiesbaden, 312.
Hansen, Mogens Herman (1995), Die Athenische Demokratie im Zeitalter des Demosthenes:
Struktur, Prinzipien und Selbstverstndnis, Berlin.
(Hg.) (2007), The Return of the Polis: The Use and Meanings of the Word polis in
Archaic and Classical Sources, Stuttgart.
Hansen, Mogens Herman / Nielsen, Thomas Heine (Hgg.) (2004), An Inventory of Archaic
and Classical Poleis, Oxford.
Hlscher, Tonio (1991), The City of Athens: Space, Symbol, Structure, in: Anthony Molho /
Kurt Raaflaub / Julia Emlen (Hgg.), City States in Classical Antiquity and Medieval Italy:
Athens and Rome, Florence and Venice, Stuttgart, 355380.
(1998), ffentliche Rume in frhen griechischen Stdten, Heidelberg.
228
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230
und die Fremdheit einiger Kultsttten und Heiligtmer auf dem Hgel
analysieren. Abschlieend werde ich fremde Elemente in antiquarischen
Schilderungen des Stadtgrndungsrituals untersuchen.6
Bei der Analyse werde ich die Grenzziehung hinterfragen, nach der
die Kulte fremder Gtter, die aus sabinischen, etruskischen oder griechischen Stdten nach Rom bernommen worden waren, auerhalb des
Pomeriums angesiedelt wurden. Wie sind die antiken Texte, die darber
Auskunft geben, zu verstehen?
Georg Wissowa, der Autor des Standardwerkes fr die Religionsgeschichte Roms, Religion und Kultus der Rmer, vertrat die Meinung, dass
die aus griechischen Stdten bernommenen Kulte auerhalb des Pomeriums angesiedelt wurden.7 Wissowas Idee wurde erst vor wenigen Jahren
angefochten, wobei seine Auffassung von fremden Kulten in der altertumswissenschaftlichen Forschung weiter lebt.8 Im Aufsatz wird gezeigt,
dass der Ausdruck fremd in den Diskursen ber die Religion Roms nicht
wrtlich zu nehmen ist. Fremde Kulte waren typisch rmische Formen
der Religion.9
1.Das Pomerium
Zunchst zur wichtigsten rumlichen Grenzlinie in Rom, dem Pomerium.
Livius schreibt, dass die Innenstadt (urbs) nach der Vogelschau eingeweiht
worden war.10 Hier denkt man an das Ritual der Einholung der auspicia
durch Romulus, das in der antiquarischen Tradition ber die Stadtgrndung fest verankert war. Bei der Einholung der auspicia in der historischen Zeit wurde ein Raum durch einen Spruch der Auguren abgegrenzt
und zum sakralen Bereich gemacht, in dem ffentliche Handlungen vollzogen werden konnten.11 Der inaugurierte Raum wurde durch das Ritual
6Antiquarische Texte in Rom waren Untersuchungen der vergangenen, altertmlichen Institutionen. Varro z. B. hat in seinen Antiquitates rerum humanarum et divinarum
(Altertmer der menschlichen und gttlichen Dinge) die Ursprnge rmischer Sakral-,
Rechts- und Lokalaltertmer systematisch dargelegt.
7Wissowa 1912, 62, 8889; Cancik / Cancik-Lindemeier 1996, 271: die fremden Kulte
werden...an der Peripherie angesiedelt; Jacqueline Champeaux spricht von einer rgle
pomriale vgl. Champeaux 1998, 77.
8Z. B. Gall 2006.
9Deshalb wird der Begriff in diesem Aufsatz in Anfhrungszeichen gesetzt.
10Liv. 5, 52, 2.
11 Wissowa 1912, 528; Varro ling. 6, 53; Serv. Aen., 3, 463: Loca sacra id est ab auguribus
inaugurata effata dici. Heilige Pltze werden diejenigen genannt, die von Auguren eingeweiht und abgegrenzt sind.
231
der Einholung von Auspizien von allen auf ihm ruhenden lteren sakralen
Verpflichungen losgelst. So war die Innenstadt (urbs) als Raum, geeignet
fr die Einholung der stdtischen Auspizien (auspicia urbana), rituell definiert.12 Dieser Bereich innerhalb der Pomerium-Grenze war heilig, da
sich dort, wie Livius schreibt, eine Flle von Gttern befand:
Urbem auspicato inauguratoque conditam habemus; nullus locus in ea non
religionum deorumque est plenus.13
Wir haben eine Stadt, die nach einem Auspizium und nach den Regeln der
Auguraldisziplin gegrndet ist. Keine Stelle in ihr ist nicht voll von religisen Verpflichtungen und von Gttern.14
In der urbs waren die wichtigsten Gtter der civitas angesiedelt, Iuppiter Optimus Maximus, Iuno und Minerva. Im hierarchisch strukturierten
Raum innerhalb des Pomeriums hatten sie ihren Tempel auf dem sakralpolitischen Zentrum Kapitol. Vitruv, der Autor des Werkes De architectura aus der augusteischen Zeit, erklrt die Ansiedlung dieser drei Gtter
am hchsten Punkt der Stadt damit, dass vornehmlich sie die civitas
beschtzten.15 Die fr die ffentliche Religion wichtigsten Gtter hatten ihre Tempel in der urbs, wo auch die politischen Institutionen lagen
(curia, der rmische Senat, comitium, die Volksversammlung).16 In der
urbs bten Magistrate die zivile Gewalt (imperium domi) aus. Auerhalb
der urbs, im ager, wo sich auch der Aventin befand, lag der Bereich der
militrischen Gewalt (imperium militiae). Die durch Grenzsteine (cippi)
markierte und von den Auguren bewachte Linie zwischen dem Pomerium
12Gell. 13, 14, 1: Pomerium quid esset, augures populi Romani, qui libros de auspiciis scripserunt, istiusmodi sententia definierunt: Pomerium est locus intra agrum effatum per totius
urbis circuitum pone muros regionibus certeis determinatus, qui facit finem urbani auspicii.
Was pomerium ist, haben die Auguren des rmischen Volkes, die Bcher ber die Auspizien verfasst haben, in folgendem Sinn definiert: Pomerium ist der Raum innerhalb des
abgegrenzten Umlands, welcher durch den Umkreis der gesamten Innenstadt hinter den
Mauern durch gewisse Gesichtslinien bestimmt ist, der den Raum der stdtischen Auspizien eingrenzt. Liou-Gille 1998, 351; Scheid 1998, 5556; Rpke 2001, 179180.
13Liv. 5, 52, 2.
14Der moderne Begriff heilig gibt nur teilweise den lateinischen Ausdruck religiones
wieder, der religise Regeln und Bruche bezeichnet. Zu den verschiedenen semantischen
Feldern von religio vgl. terbenc Erker 2008.
15Vitr. 1, 7: aedibus vero sacris, quorum deorum maxime in tutela civitas videtur esse, et
Iovi et Iunoni et Minervae, in excelsissimo loco, unde moenium maxima pars conspiciatur,
areae distribuantur Den heiligen Tempeln derjenigen Gtter, in deren Schutz die Brgerschaft am meisten zu stehen scheint, des Jupiter, der Juno und der Minerva, werden
Baupltze auf der hchsten Stelle (sc. der Stadt) zugeteilt, von wo aus der grte Teil der
Stadtmauern zu sehen ist.
16Belayche 2001, IV.
232
und dem ager stellte somit eine symbolische Grenze zwischen der zivilen
und der militrischen Gewalt dar.17
Wie bereits angedeutet, berschnitt sich der sakrale Raum mit dem
politischen, darauf weist die Verankerung der stdtischen Auspizien in
der urbs hin, denn nur hier konnten Magistrate die auspicia urbana, die
gttliche Zustimmung zur Ausbung von Staatsangelegenheiten (z. B. vor
den Volksversammlungen), einholen.18 Nicole Belayche stellt heraus, dass
die zivile Amtsgewalt rmischer Magistrate rumlich strikt definiert war,
nur die Einholung der Auspizien auf dem Kapitol verlieh den Magistraten
cum imperio eine vllige Legitimitt.19
Wie erklren antike Autoren die Tatsache, dass der Aventin auerhalb
des Pomeriums blieb? Rmische Legenden verdeutlichen, dass der Aventin
eine Sonderrolle bei der Grndung Roms hatte. Seneca nennt zwei Legenden, um zu erklren, warum der Aventin auerhalb des Pomeriums blieb:
Hoc scire magis prodest quam Auentinum montem extra pomerium esse, ut ille
adfirmabat, propter alteram ex duabus causis, aut quod plebs eo secessisset,
aut quod Remo auspicante illo loco aues non addixissent...20
Das zu wissen ntzt mehr als dass sich der Aventin auerhalb des Pomeriums befinde, wie jener stets versicherte, und zwar aus einem der folgenden
zwei Grnde: entweder weil sich die Plebs dorthin zurckgezogen hatte,
oder weil, als Remus an jenem Ort die Auspizien hielt, die Vgel nicht zugestimmt hatten...
Die Legende ber die erste Auswanderung der Plebejer aus Rom auf den
Aventin im Jahr 493 v. Chr., sowie Remus mythische Auspizien auf dem
Hgel vor der Grndung Roms sind die zwei aitiologischen causae fr den
Auschlu des Aventin aus der urbs. Seneca rationalisiert allerdings diese
Legenden und hlt deshalb die Auspizien von Remus auf dem Aventin
und die Erzhlung ber die secessio plebis fr Lgen, was die Bedeutung
seiner Erzhlungen fr die Konstruktion der rmischen rumlichen Vorstellungen jedoch nicht vermindert.21 Da der Aventin durch negative
augurale Zeichen markiert wurde, liegt der Schlu nahe, dass diesen
17 Reste der Grenzsteine aus der Kaiserzeit wurden gefunden, vgl. Beard / North / Price
1998, 9596.
18 Gell. 13, 14, 1; Wissowa 1912, 529; Beard / North / Price 1998, 179.
19Belayche 2001, III.
20Sen. briev., 13, 8.
21 Zur secessio plebis auf den Aventin (oder alternativ auf den Mons Sacer), vgl. Cic.
rep., 2, 33, 57; 2, 34, 59; Dion. Hal. ant., 6, 45, 3; Liv. 2, 32, 4; 2, 33, 3; Val. Max. 8, 9, 1;
Bernstein 1998, 82.
233
22Es gibt jedoch auch eine andere Variante: Ennius zufolge habe Romulus auf dem
Aventin Auspizien eingeholt, vgl. Enn. ann., 75(80); Plut. Romulus, 9, 4. Liv. 1, 7, 2 erwhnt
zwei Traditionen. Nach einer habe einer der Anhnger des Romulus Remus beim Streit
darber, wem die Auspizien die Zustimmung fr die Stadtgrndung erteilten, gettet.
Nach der anderen habe Remus die bereits gezogene Stadtmauerlinie bersprungen, um
sie zu schmhen, weshalb ihn Romulus ermordet habe, vgl. Ov. fast., 4, 812814.
23Plut. Romulus, 9, 4. Plutarch betont, dass Romulus seinen Bruder belogen hatte, weshalb Remus ihn an der Durchfhrung der Rituale der Stadtgrndung gehindert habe, was
der Grund fr seine Ermordung durch Romulus oder Celer gewesen sei. Nach Ovid wurde
Remus von Celer, einem der Begleiter des Romulus, gettet, da er die winzige Stadtmauer
geschmht und bersprungen habe, vgl. Ov. fast., 4, 840844; Plut. Romulus, 10, 1.
24Gell. 13, 14, 4.
234
Gellius verweist hier auf den Zusammenhang zwischen der Gre des
Imperiums und der Gre des Pomeriums; die Feldherrn, die das Imperium ausgedehnt haben, hatten das Recht, ebenfalls das Pomerium zu
vergrern.25 Gellius fragt sich deshalb, warum Sulla und Julius Caesar
hierbei nicht den Aventin eingeschlossen haben.26 Gellius zitiert Marcus
Valerius Messalla Rufus, der eine Schrift ber die Auspizien geschrieben
hat, dem zufolge der Aventin mit ungnstigen Zeichen beladen wurde.
Deshalb wurde der Aventin in der antiquarischen Tradition als der Hgel
des legendren Auenseiters Remus bekannt. Dies war also die aitiologische Erklrung rmischer Autoren dafr, dass der Aventin innerhalb der
Stadtmauer und auerhalb des Pomerium lag. Diese aitiologische Spekulation hatte jedoch keinen Einflu auf den rmischen Alltag. Am Ende der
Republik war der Hgel kein marginaler Raum oder Ort fr Auenseiter.
Im 5. Jh. v. Chr. wurden hier plebejische Familien angesiedelt, am Ende
der Republik und insbesondere in der Kaiserzeit wurde der Hgel jedoch
zum Wohngebiet der rmischen Nobilitt.27
Wie eben gezeigt, verknpfen die aitiologischen Erzhlungen ber die
Stadtgrndung sowie der Verlauf der Servianischen Stadtmauer aus dem
6. Jh. v. Chr. den Aventin mit der urbs. Auf die enge Anbindung des Hgels
an die Innenstadt weist auch die republikanische Regelung hin, dass die
Magistratur der Volkstribunen durch die aedes Cereris, Liberi Liberaeque
beschtzt wurde, deren Unverletzlichkeit hauptschlich innerhalb des
Pomeriums und bis zum ersten Meilenstein gewhrt wurde, also einschlielich des Aventin.28 Die politische Macht des princeps Augustus
wurde allerdings in Bezug auf das Pomerium und das Volkstribunat neu
konzipiert. Im Jahr 23 v. Chr., als Augustus die volle potestas und Rechte
eines Volkstribuns erhielt, durfte er die Grenze des Pomeriums berschreiten, ohne dass die auguralen Vorschriften ihn zwangen, sein impe-
235
236
Die peregrina sacra waren somit Rituale, die in Rom nach der Art des Herkunftsortes zelebriert wurden, Kybele auf phrygische, Ceres auf griechische und Asklepios auf epidaurische Weise. Diese fremden Arten
der Kultausbung erweisen sich jedoch als typisch rmische Rituale, bei
denen lediglich einzelne Wrter oder nur die Bezeichnung an den Herkunftsort des Kultes erinnern.37 Die Kategorie der sacra peregrina wird
in antiken Texten in der Regel dann erwhnt, wenn die Autoren auf die
rmische bernahme der Gtter aus verschiedenen Orten des Imperiums
verweisen und dadurch die Untersttzung Roms durch ein quasi universelles Pantheon inszenieren.
Problematisch ist Wissowas Trennung zwischen den di indigetes und
di novensides, weil sie aus einer einzelnen Angabe des Livius zu einem
archaischen Ritual der devotio hervorgeht. Livius legt dem rmischen Feldherrn Publius Decius Mus einen devotio-Spruch in den Mund. Durch das
Aussprechen dieses speziellen Gelbdes weiht sich der Feldherr in einem
schwierigen Moment whrend des Krieges den Gttern der Unterwelt und
strzt sich in den Kampf. Wie in Gebeten blich, nennt Decius die Gtter, die dem rmischen Volk den Sieg gewhren sollen. Neben Ianus, der
als Gott des Anfangs zuerst genannt wird, wendet sich der Feldherr an
Iuppiter, Mars und Quirinus, die archaische Kapitolinische Trias, dann an
die Kriegsgttin Bellona, an die Laren, an divi novensides (oder novensiles)
und di indigetes, di Manes (die Unterweltgtter der Verstorbenen) und an
alle Gtter, die Macht ber die rmischen Feinde haben.38 Bei Livius ist
36Fest. 268.
37Scheid 1995; 2005, 87110; terbenc Erker 2013, 185189.
38Liv. 8, 9, 6.
237
keine Dichotomie zwischen den divi novensides und di indigetes herauszulesen, wie Wissowa sie gesehen hat, sondern nur eine Aufzhlung, die
alle betreffenden Gottheiten nennt.
Francesca Prescendi hat gezeigt, dass Wissowas Unterscheidung zwischen den einheimischen und fremden Gttern ein Resultat der romantischen Bemhung war, eine reine, einheimische genuin rmische
Religiositt zu finden, in welcher der rmische Volksgeist zu erkennen
ist.39 In dieser evolutionistischen Perspektive sind Wissowa zufolge nur
die ltesten rmischen Gtter, die bis zum 2. Punischen Krieg in Rom
verehrt wurden, rein rmisch.
Wissowa beruft sich dabei auf die Angabe von Cassius Dio (2. Jh. n.
Chr.) zur Verbannung der gyptischen Kulte aus der urbs durch Augustus:
,
.40 Und zum einen nahm er die gyptischen Kulte
nicht in den Bereich innerhalb des Pomeriums auf, zum anderen aber
trug er Sorge fr die Wiederherstellung der Tempel, sowie auf Sueton,
dem zufolge Augustus zwischen rmischen und fremden Kulten einen
Unterschied gemacht habe: Peregrinarum caerimoniarum sicut ueteres ac
praeceptas reuerentissime coluit, ita ceteras contemptui habuit.41 Von den
fremden Ritualen beging er die alten und seit langer Zeit veranstalteten
ebenso ehrerbietig, wie er die brigen verachtete.
Graf stellt richtig heraus, dass hinter dieser Unterscheidung das ideologische Programm der Augusteer steht, die zwischen rmischen und
griechischen Tugenden unterscheiden.42 Der Grund fr Augustus Verbannung der fremden Gtter aus der urbs war also die ideologisch-politische Situation. So sei die Gttin Isis aus dem Pomerium verbannt worden,
weil sie als Schutzgttin gyptens galt, somit als Gegnerin Oktavians und
des rmischen Volks.43 Mary Beard, John North und Simon Price nehmen
deshalb an, dass Augustus die Regel, nach der innerhalb des Pomerium
nur die traditionell rmischen Gtter verehrt wurden, erfunden habe.44
39Prescendi 2003, 1214.
40Cass. Dio 53, 2, 4.
41 Suet. Aug., 93.
42Graf 2003, 133: ...Cette dichotomie renvoie au projet augeusten, celui de Virgile
et dHorace, de distinguer aussi prcisment que possible entre les vertus des deux
peuples.
43Scheid 1998, 57.
44Beard / North / Price 1998, 180, Such a gesture of respect for the old sacred boundary
is akin to Augustus himself banning Egyptian rites within the pomeriumso restoring (or
maybe inventing) a principle that the worship of foreign gods should not occur within
the sacred boundary of Rome.
238
Tatschlich ist nach der augusteischen Zeit der Diskurs, der den Unterschied zwischen den fremden und rmischen Kulten hervorhob, weit
weniger prsent. Die Zuschreibung der Fremdheit, die an bestimmten
Kulten haftete, erweist sich somit als eine diskursive Strategie augusteischer Autoren, die Augustus politischen Gegner Antonius und alle mit
ihm verbundenen Kulte diffamiert. Ein prominentes Beispiel ist Livius
Darstellung des Bacchanalienskandals von 186 v. Chr., in der der Bacchuskult als fremd diffamiert wird.45
Graf wendet weiter ein, dass die von Wissowa postulierte Trennung
eine Konstruktion ist, die griechische und etruskische Einflsse auf die
rmische Religion nicht adquat wahrnimmt.46 Hier stellt sich jedoch
die Frage, inwiefern es berhaupt mglich ist, aus unseren Quellen herauszulesen, was griechisch und etruskisch gewesen sei, wenn diese
beiden Kulturen die Religion Roms schon seit der Grndung der Stadt
geprgt haben.47
3.Tempel und Kultsttten auf dem Aventin
Auf dem Aventin wurden einige Tempel erbaut, denen antike Autoren
eine fremde Herkunft zuschreiben, da die Gtter aus etruskischen und
griechischen Stdten Italiens nach Rom bernommen worden sind. Ein
prominentes Beispiel ist die aedes Cereris. Rmische Autoren behaupten, dass sich ein Mutterheiligtum dieses Tempels in Henna auf Sizilien
befand.48 Die aedes Cereris stand in Rom am Fu des Hgels Aventin, in
der Nhe des westlichen Teils des Circus Maximus, oberhalb der Startpltze fr die Rennwagen (carceres).49 Laut der Legende gelobte der
Dictator A. Postumius Albus Regillensis whrend des Krieges gegen die
Volsker ein Heiligtum, Opfer und Spiele fr die Trias Ceres, Liber und
Libera.50 Antike Autoren helfen uns nicht wirklich weiter, wenn sie erlutern, warum der Tempel auerhalb der Stadt erbaut wurde. Vitruv weist in
45Liv. 39, 16, 810; terbenc Erker 2013, 202238.
46Graf 2003.
47S. u.
48Cic. Verr. 2, 4, 108.
49Dion. Hal. ant., 6, 94, 3; Platner 1929, 109110; Richardson 1992, 8081 nimmt an, dass
die Fundamente unter der Kirche der S. Maria in Cosmedin, wo Le Bonniec das Heiligtum
lokalisiert (vgl. Le Bonniec 1958, 266276), eher zur Ara Maxima gehrten, und hlt den
Westhang des Aventin oberhalb des Circus Maximus fr den wahrscheinlicheren Ort des
Heiligtums; De Cazanove 1990, 375, Anm. 4; Coarelli 2000, 318.
50Dion. Hal. ant., 6, 17, 24; Tac. ann., 2, 49.
239
51 Vitr. 1, 7, 2: Item Cereri extra urbem loco, quo <non quolibet> nomine semper homines
nisi per sacrificium necesse habebant adire; cum religione, caste sanctisque morisbus is locus
debet tueri. Ebenso wird (sc. der TempelD..E.) fr Ceres auf einem Platz auerhalb der
Stadt gebaut, den Menschen stets aus keinerlei anderem Grund betreten, auer, wenn es
zum Opfern notwendig ist; jener Ort muss durch religisen Brauch und heilige Sitten als
rein beschtzt werden. In Griechenland wurden Demeterheiligtmer ebenfalls auerhalb
der Stadt auf einem Hgel erbaut, vgl. Graf 2003, 141.
52Le Bonniec 1958; Fasti Esquilini zum 19. April CIL I2 315; Ov., fast., 4, 393ff.
53Paul.-Fest. 86; terbenc Erker 2006, 120.
54Spaeth 1996; terbenc Erker 2013, 80139.
55Coarelli 2000, 318321.
56Paul.-Fest. 86; Val. Max. praef., 1, 1, 1; Paul.-Fest. 60.
57Ausfhrlich zum Bona Dea-Kult: Brouwer 1989.
240
396 v. Chr. mit dem Ritual der evocatio aus der etruskischen Stadt Veji
nach Rom bernommen.58 Zur blichen Taktik der rmischen Feldherren gehrte es, die Gtter aus den belagerten Stdten fr die eigene Seite
zu gewinnen, indem sie ihnen einen Kult in Rom versprachen. Ebenfalls
durch die evocatio erfolgte die bernahme des Vortumnus nach dem Triumph Roms ber die etruskische Stadt Volsinii.59 Der rmische Feldherr
Camillus weihte Iuno Regina einen Tempel auf dem Aventin, wo sie den
Kult nach griechischem Brauch (Graeco ritu) erhielt.60 Dieser Kult war
whrend des zweiten Punischen Krieges sehr eng mit dem Staatswohl verbunden, da die Gttin in die Expiationsrituale anlsslich der Prodigien
einbezogen wurde.61 Die Gttin Minerva wurde nach Rom bersiedelt
nachdem ihre sabinische Heimatstadt Falerii besiegt worden war und
erhielt eine Kapelle auf dem Caelius, spter einen Tempel auf dem Aventin, wo sie als Schirmherrin der Handwerker verehrt wurde.62 Das Heiligtum von Diana auf dem Aventin erinnerte an ihre Bedeutung als Gttin
des Latinischen Bundes.63 Weiter wurde im Lucus Stimulae in der Nhe des
Ceresheiligtums der fremde Gott Bacchus verehrt, dessen Rituale laut
Livius ein Grieche in den etruskischen Stdten verbreitete. Von dort seien
sie nach Rom gebracht worden.64
Ein zu allgemeiner Schlu wre, dass auf dem Aventin Kulte weiblicher und fremder Gtter ausgebt wurden. Rmische Autoren nennen
diejenigen Kulte fremd oder griechisch, die aus griechischen (Henna
im Fall des Cerekultes) und etruskischen (Veji, Volsinii) Stdten kommen.
Die Bezeichnung griechisch scheint ein Sammelbegriff fr all die verschiedenen kultischen Einflsse zu sein. Die Fremdheit der Kulte auf
58Iuno Regina: Liv. 5, 52, 11: at etiam, tamquam ueterum religionum memores, et peregrinos deos transtulimus Romam et instituimus nouos. Iuno regina transuecta a Ueiis nuper in
Auentino quam insigni ob excellens matronarum studium celebrique dedicata est die. Aber
sogar, wenn wir auch gleichsam im Gedchtnis die alten Religionen erhalten haben, haben
wir sowohl fremde Gtter nach Rom verlegt als auch neue eingesetzt. Die Juno Regina
wurde aus Veji berfhrt, und doch, mit welch einem wegen des herausragenden Eifers
der Matronen hervorstechenden und feierlichen Tag ist ihr Tempel neulich auf dem Aventinus geweiht worden; vgl. Liv. 27, 37, 7; Coarelli 2000, 318. Zur Evokation der Gtter
whrend der Kriege vgl. Van Doren 1954; Rpke 1990, 162164.
59Prop. 4, 2, 3f.
60Liv. 5, 22, 7; Wissowa 1912, 188; Rosenberger 1998, 188.
61 Liv. 27, 37, 711.
62Ov. fast., 3, 835838, 843844.
63Varro, ling., 5, 43; Scheid 1985, 45: ...cest le lieu des alliances avec les amis du peuple Romain, comme le montre le sanctuaire de Diane, sige de la ligue latine; Gras 1987.
64Liv. 39, 8, 4; Wissowa 1912, 245; Latte 1960, 270271.
241
dem Aventin ist haupschlich als Verweis auf Roms kulturelle Kontakte
oder Siege ber die etruskischen und griechischen Stdte zu verstehen.
Die Heiligtmer auf dem Aventin wurden nicht in erster Linie wegen
ihres fremden Charakters auerhalb des Pomeriums erbaut, sondern um
eine gewisse symbolische Distanz gegenber den Gttern und den politischen Ttigkeiten der rmischen Brger in der sakralen Innenstadt zu
markieren.65 Die Tempel auf dem Aventin spiegelten die jeweilige Religionspolitik der res publica wider. Die Religionspolitik vernderte sich ber
die Jahrhunderte und damit auch die literarischen Schilderungen der Tempel und ihrer Bedeutungen. Aufgrund der sprlichen textlichen Beleglage
ist es jedoch unmglich, fr alle Tempel auf dem Aventin eine historisch
differenzierte Interpretation ihrer politisch-religisen Bedeutung in verschiedenen Perioden der rmischen Geschichte zu formulieren.
Zuletzt ist es angebracht, den Begriff fremd in den Legenden ber die
Stadtgrndung zu untersuchen.
4.Fremde Einflsse bei der Grndung Roms
Die antiquarischen Legenden ber die Grndung Roms bezeugen, dass das
rmische Konzept des Pomeriums auf die Einflsse anderer Stdte verweist. Die Erzhlungen ber die Anfnge Roms stellen einen wesentlichen
Beitrag zur Konstruktion der rmischen Identitt dar, hier sind die fremden Einflsse nicht zu bersehen.66 Antike Autoren schildern, wie Romulus Rom unter Anweisung etruskischer religiser Spezialisten, Haruspices,
gegrndet habe.67 Zuerst hob er eine Grube (mundus) aus, in die seine
Begleiter die ersten Feldfrchte (fruges) und Erdschollen aus ihren italischen Geburtsstdten hineinwarfen.68 Dann spannte Romulus eine weie
Kuh und einen weien Stier vor einen Pflug mit bronzener Klinge und
zog damit die Linie, die nach etruskischem Ritual markierte, wo die
Stadtmauer verlaufen soll.69 Mehrere Autoren verweisen auf die etruskische Art der Grndung Roms und der latinischen Stdte. Varro schildert
242
den Ritus der Stadtgrndung als etruskischen Brauch (Etrusco ritu); Paulus Festus erwhnt gewisse etruskische rituelle Bcher (libri rituales), in
denen die religisen Regeln fr die Stadtgrndung beschrieben waren.70
Bernadette Liou-Gille betont mit Recht, dass nicht auszumachen ist, was
bei der rituellen Markierung des Pomeriums etruskisch war.71 Liou-Gille
versteht die antiken Erwhnungen der etruskischen Komponenten als
einen Hinweis auf den Einfluss, den die etruskischen Stdte auf die Religion in Rom ausbten.
Servius erwhnt einen weiteren durch fremde Herkunft markierten
Brauch bei der Stadtgrndung. Der Kommentator Vergils zitiert aus den
Origines Catos, dass ein Stadtgrnder den cinctus Gabinus trug, eine nach
der latinischen Stadt Gabii benannte und in besonderer Weise gegrtete Toga, deren Rckenteil ber den Kopf gezogen wurde.72 Dies war
die typisch rmische Art, eine Toga whrend des Opferns zu tragen.73
Die Angaben ber die etruskischen und latinischen Merkmale des
Rituals der Stadtgrndung und der typisch rmischen Opferungsweise
weisen darauf hin, dass die Autoren, die die Anfnge Roms beschrieben,
die rmische kulturelle Identitt als Zusammensetzung verschiedener
benachbarter Traditionen verstanden.
Da anhand archologischer Funde die griechischen Einflsse auf Rom
seit der Grndung im 8. Jh. v. Chr. belegt sind, wird in der jngsten Forschung angenommen, dass die Stadt seit ihrer Grndung immer wieder
fremde Einflsse aufgenommen hat.74 Dies besttigen die antiquarischen
Angaben ber die etruskischen Charakteristiken in den Erzhlungen
ber die Grndung der urbs, die ebenfalls auf die Integration fremder
Einflsse hinweisen.
5.Fazit
Eins der Ziele des vorliegenden Sammelbandes ist die Untersuchung der
Korrelation zwischen der topographischen Struktur der Stdte und der
70Varro, ling., 5, 143, s. o.; Paul.-Fest. 358.
71 Liou-Gille 1998, 348, 355. Die Autorin nennt das einen rmischen Komplex, ohne
nher zu bestimmen, was antike Autoren mit Begriffen wie etruskisch und fremd
beschreiben. Jacqueline Champeaux dagegen bezeichnet nicht den etruskischen Brauch
als eine Konstruktion, sondern nimmt an, dass die bereits vorhandenen italischen Elemente in den etruskischen Brauch integriert wurden, vgl. Champeaux 1998, 69.
72Serv. Aen., 5, 755.
73Wissowa 1912, 417; Scheid 1995, 19.
74Cornell 1995, 242ff; Graf 2003, 133, 144; Chirassi Colombo 1981, 409.
243
75S. o. die Fragestellung von Natalie N. May und Ulrike Steinert in der Introduction.
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Index
Keywords
access13, 21, 82 n. 34, 86, 108, 127 n. 11,
132133, 138, 159, 180181, 189, 194,
198199
access pattern(s)180
activity area(s)19
Achaemenid108, 131, 181
Akkadian14, 24, 61 n. 42, 79, 89, 95, 107,
130, 146 n. 99
alley(s)128 n. 15, 131, 133 n. 47, 138139,
176, 178, 180181
animal(s)57, 81, 126, 130 n. 33, 131,
136137, 139, 142, 147
archaeology1, 3, 5, 6 n. 11, 8, 171, 199
architectural communication theory172
architecture3, 5 n. 8, 9 n. 18, 1618,
2023, 25, 27 n. 71, 4445, 4748, 50,
59, 65, 67, 125 n. 5, 159, 192 n. 11, 194
domestic, see also houses, household
20 n. 51, 2123
monumental5 n. 8, 1617, 25, 4445,
4748, 50, 59, 67, 134
army camps11, 27
auspicia230
baldachin86 n. 58
bazaar130 n. 26
bedroom191, 199
beggars137, 143
Bible, Biblical3 n. 2, 8 n. 16, 15 n. 39,
2324, 49, 77, 79, 89, 91, 9395, 98,
100 n. 142, 107108, 109 n. 196
block(s)11 n. 25, 17 n. 43, 4950,
178182
block configuration180
boundary/ies22 n. 57, 45, 124 n. 4, 132,
159, 178, 180, 237 n. 44
building fabric174
built environment68, 172, 182
businesses93 n. 103, 99, 124 n. 3, 129,
131 n. 35
bottom-up processes1718, 172
canal(s)6, 18, 27, 133, 141 n. 80,
142 n. 82, 158, 178
cardinality62 n. 43
categorical question62 n. 43
248
index
harem, harem196199
Heilsherrscher55, 56 n. 35
Hellenistic10, 12, 28, 84, 129130,
180181, 185
heralds136, 148, 158
heterarchy16
hierarchy5 n. 9, 16, 147
hinterland, see also Central Place Theory
5, 7, 16
historiola56
Hittite80 n. 24, 88, 99, 146 n. 101
homeless65, 125 n. 6, 137, 143, 147
house11 n. 25, 12, 17, 1923,
27 nn. 7172, 124, 125, 130, 131 n. 38,
141142, 159, 160, 175, 177182
house form1921
house omens124 n. 4
household12 n. 29, 17, 2021, 22 n. 57,
23, 124, 143145, 146 nn. 100101, 173,
175, 189
hubris4849, 55 n. 31, 56
imprisoned king67
impurity139142, 147
judgement see also (legal) judgement
jury93 n. 103, 95
jus ad bellum47
jus in bellum47
just war theory43 n. 3, 44
Karte, kognitive, see also mental map
205, 224225
Kassite27, 79 n. 11, 81 n. 32, 89 n. 84, 91,
100, 152 n. 120
land-sale tablets176
land-use pattern(s)/mode(s)174, 177180
language2, 24, 43 n. 3, 189
Late Babylonian81, 83, 105, 109,
134 n. 48, 141 n. 81, 146 n. 100,
151 nn. 117, 119
Levites98
(legal) judgement78, 9597, 99, 148, 157
legal document(s)78, 96, 108,
146 nn. 99101, 151 n. 117, 157 n. 133, 177
litigation13, 78, 85 n. 56, 90, 9499
map(s), see also Karte 27, 54 n. 28, 58
geographical205
mental28, 129 n. 24
map of Nippur27, 127, 152, 154, 155
mappa mundi27
marginal spaces2, 26
index
marginalisation160
market6, 14, 26, 79 n. 15, 91 n. 97, 105,
109 n. 195
market gate104106, 108, 133 n. 46
market place1415, 26, 29, 60, 78, 104,
129
Middle Assyrian44 n. 6, 80, 84 n. 40, 86,
90, 150, 155, 157, 195
Middle Babylonian89, 101, 107, 110
middle-range theory172173
militarism49
namburbi-rituals139 n. 75, 140 n. 78
negative space125, 137
neighbourhood2, 11 n. 25, 12 n. 30, 1619,
20 n. 54, 25, 131 n. 39, 171, 173, 175
Neo-Assyrian11, 22 n. 59, 27, 44, 46 n. 9,
81, 84, 87, 92, 95, 104, 107, 109110,
125 n. 6, 127, 138 n. 67, 141, 191 n. 7
Neo-Babylonian81, 107108, 146, 180, 182
Neo-Babylonian housing22 n. 59,
175176
New Years Festival, see also aktu44,
127 n. 11, 133, 134 n. 49, 151, 156 n. 126
normative urban theory172
North American Cliff Swallow
(Petrochelidon pyrrhonota)65
occupation6, 16, 18, 159, 179
official see also functionaries5, 13, 16,
95 n. 113, 100, 106107, 144, 193, 194, 198
oikos, see also household21 n. 56
Old Assyrian15, 79, 85, 9697, 100, 104,
109
Old Babylonian7 n. 14, 11 n. 26, 1819,
20 nn. 52, 54, 2223, 28, 48, 51, 56,
61, 79, 81, 83, 96, 104, 106107, 128 n. 18,
130, 132, 133 n. 46, 135 n. 56, 141 n. 81,
144, 145 n. 97, 150, 156158, 180181, 195
omen51 n. 23, 52 n. 24, 5556, 104,
123 n. 2, 124 n. 4, 126 n. 9, 130 n. 33, 137,
139 n. 71, 140 n. 79, 144 n. 95, 145 n. 97,
146 n. 100, 149
open space12, 13, 29 n. 75, 91 n. 97,
129 n. 20
open-air shrine133134
outsiders22, 24, 125, 137138, 143, 145,
149, 159160
ownership2, 173, 177, 179, 181
palace6, 9, 1113, 14 n. 37, 1516,
20 n. 54, 25, 4546, 81, 83, 87, 103,
123 n. 2, 124 n. 3, 141 n. 80, 144, 149150,
156, 157 n. 33, 189199
249
250
index
index
251
252
index
Lugalzagesi48 n. 17
Lynch, Kevin26, 204206, 217 n. 56
Mallowan, Max131
Manzt133
Marduk24 n. 61, 80, 100, 107, 132133,
134 n. 48, 135 n. 50, 149 n. 105, 151
Marduk-apla-iddina101
Margueron, Jean-Claude193
May, Natalie N.2, 8, 13, 13 nn. 32, 35, 14
25, 26 n. 66, 67 n. 57, 68 n. 58, 77, 77
nn. 1, 5, 79 nn. 13-14, 94 n. 110, 109, 123,
124 n. 3, 125 n. 6, 126 n. 7, 129 n. 25, 158
n. 134, 159 n. 141, 173 n. 12, 189, 203 n. 4,
207 n. 13, 226, 76, 229 n. 5, 243 n. 75
Merton, Robert K.172
Meslamtaea133, 134 n. 48
Michalowski, Piotr48
Mori, Lucia176
Mumford, Lewis5
Muzib-Marduk107
Nab90, 133 n. 46, 151 n. 117
Nab-um-re103
Naomi99
Naram-Sin4749, 5158, 66
Nebi Yunus135 n. 51, 137 n. 62
Nebuchadnezzar90
Nergal136 nn. 5859
Ningirsu49 n. 17, 51
Ningizida84, 133 n. 46, 151 n. 113
Ninlil80
Ninmuga136
Ninurta85 n. 56, 87, 118, 135, 152, 155
Ninurta-tukult-Aur83
Novk, Mirko10, 12 n. 29, 25
Ovid233, 233 n. 23, 239, 241 n. 68
Pflzner, Peter20 n. 54, 22 nn. 5960
Pisisris88
Platon203, 207, 210, 210 n. 28, 212, 213,
218
Plutarch233, 233 nn. 2223
Preusser, Conrad141
Remus232234, 243
Rib-Adda6768
Romulus230, 233234, 241, 241 n. 69
Ruth99
Samsuiluna106
Sargon II4041, 49 n. 17, 102 n. 157, 119
Sargon of Akkade56 n. 35
Saul89
index
253
254
index
index
255
Sources
1 Chronicles: 1 Chronicles 26:12108
1 Kings: 1 Kgs 5:61115 n. 39
1 Kgs 7:16-3982
1 Kings 8:6481 n. 28
1 Kgs 20:3479
1 Kgs 22:1091
2 Chronicles: 2 Chronicles 24:8981
2 Chron 32:679 n. 14, 92
2 Kings: 2 Kgs 7:1105
2 Kings 7:3101 n. 148
2 Kings 7:17108
2 Kings 10:8101
2 Kgs 23:886, 107
2 Kgs 23:1185
2 Samuel: 2 Sam 1:2079
2 Sam 18:1591
2 Sam 18:6, 789
2 Sam 19:992
Agora: Agora 16, 73 see also SEG12, 87,
2227 215 n. 50
Agora 16, 73 see also SEG 12.87.25f.
213 n. 38
Agora 16, 225.19f.215 n. 48
Agora 19, 23f. (H10)209 n. 21
Agora 19, 27 (H25)208 n. 19
Agora 19, 28 (H30 und 31)211 n. 31
Agora 19, 29 (H3235)209 n. 24
Agora 19, 29 (H34)220 n. 67
Agora 19, 75 (P4, Z. 10)221 n. 74
Agora 19, 114 (P26, Z. 453f.)219 n. 66
Agora 19, 177f. (L4b, Z. 1118)
221 n. 74
Aischinus: Aischin. Ctes. 13212 n. 36
Aischin. Ctes. 39215 n. 47
Aischin. Ctes. 67213 n. 39
Aischin. Ctes. 176209 n. 23
Aischin. Tim. 92213 n. 38
AMT 95, 2 = BAM 471 iii 14139 n. 76
An = Anu a amli136 n. 58
An = Anum134 n. 50, 136 n. 59
ana ittiu III iii 2833146 n. 100
VII ii 2325144 n. 95
iii 11f.146 n. 100
iv 11f.146 n. 101
Andokides: And. 1,6211 n. 29
And. 1,16212 n. 35
And. 1,42209 n. 25
And. 1,45210 n. 28, 212 n. 34
And. 1,71209 n. 22
And. 1,76209 n. 22
And. 1,82213 n. 41
And. 1,83215 n. 47
And. 1,8385214 n. 43
And. 1,95213 n. 38 , 214 n. 44
And. 1,111212 n. 35
Antiphon: Antiph. 6, 39212 n. 35
Antiph. 6, 45213 n. 38, 215 n. 49
Aristophanes: Aristoph. Av. 9921020
204 n. 8
Aristoph. Ach. 1722211, n. 28
Aristoph. Eccl. 681683216 n. 54
Aristoph. Eccl. 684f.213 n. 41
Aristoph. Lys. 631634216 n. 54
Aristoph. Thesm. 100218 n. 59
Aristotle/Aristoteles: Aristot. Ath. pol. 7,1f.
213 n 41
Aristot. Ath. pol. 18,3209 n. 25
Aristot. Ath. pol. 21204 n. 7
Aristot. Ath. pol. 50,2208 n. 16
Aristot. Ath. pol. 53,4213 n. 38,
214 n. 46
Aristot. Ath. pol. 57,4209 n. 23
Aristot. pol. 7, 11f.25, 203 n. 4,
204 n. 5
Aristot. pol. 2, 2, 24
Aristot. pol. 3, 1, 124
Assyrian Dream Book56
Babylonian Theodicy130 n. 33, 143
Bilgames and Huwawa158
BiMes 24 19186
BiMes 24 24185
BiMes 24 25182, 188
BiMes 24 27186
BiMes 24 46187
BRM 2 28186
bt mseri136 n. 57
bt rimki84
bt sal m ritual67
BM 33206+ iii 1134 n. 48
BM 34878 rev. // BM 77236: 2f.133 n. 46
BM 41138: 5133 n. 46
BMS 13: 79149 n. 105
Borger 1956: Ep.22192 n. 13
Canonical Kagal80 nn. 1718
Cassius Dio: Cass. Dio 53, 2, 4237 n. 40
Cicero: Cic. rep. 2, 33, 57
Cic. rep. 2, 34, 59232 n. 21
Cic. Verr. 2, 4, 108238 n. 48
Codex Hammurabi44
CT 16, 25 i 42ff. 138 n. 68
CT 16, 15 v 21f.136 n. 58
CT 16, 49: 302f.136 n. 58
CT 17, 1: 4ff.139 n. 73
256
index
Ezek 46:21282
Ezek 46:2, 1282 n. 34
Fest. 268236 n. 36
Gellius: Gell. 13, 14, 1232 n. 12, 232 n. 18
Gell. 13, 14, 3234 n. 25
Gell. 13, 14, 4 233 n. 24
Gell. 13, 14, 7235 n. 29
Genesis: Gen. 34: 20, 2193
Gen 23: esp. 101199, 100 n. 142,
Gilgamesh Epic8 n. 16, 24 n. 62, 142,
145, 158
Gilgamesh Epic III 208f.158
VII 106ff.145 n. 97
XII 154142
Gtteradressbuch80 n. 16, 90, 158 n. 134
Gudea Statue B27, 49
Hammurapis Laws 250126 n. 9
Haremserlasse195
Herodotus/Herodot: Hdt. 4:42
Hdt. 5:4927
Heidel 1956192 nn. 9, 12
Himerios: Himerios or. 47,12219 n. 65
IG I3 507 and 509 219 n. 64
IG I3 1092bis220 n. 68
IG I3 10931094, 1094bis 10971099
209 n. 24
IG I3 10951096219 n. 66
IG I3, 11091110210 n. 27
IG I3, 84,3437221 n. 72
IG II2, 120.25f and IG II2, 298.4f.213 n. 38
IG II2, 140,35214 n. 45
IG II2, 450 fr. b 312216 n. 53
IG II2, 1241,912 and IG II2 1579221 n. 74
IG II2 2639220 n. 70
Inannas Descent to the Netherworld
62 n. 43
Innin agurra144
Isaeus/Isaios: Isaios 5,26210 n. 28
Isaios 6,20210 n. 28, 213 n. 42
Isaios 8,35212 n. 35
ITT 5, 686362
IVR 56 i 2135 n. 53
Jeremiah: Jer 38: 793, 95 n. 113
Job: Job 5: 1079 n. 15
K. 236126 n. 9
K. 2259 Rev. 7126 n. 9
K. 3725126 n. 9
K. 4026 rev. 13146 n. 100
K. 8063+126 n. 9
index
Kagal80 n. 16
KAR 142 obv. ii 110133 n. 44, 135
KAR 169 rev. ii 51136 n. 57
KAV 42 iii 3794 n. 110, 158 n. 134
Livius: Liv. 1, 7, 2233 n. 22
Liv. 2, 32, 4232 n. 21
Liv. 2, 33, 3232 n. 21
Liv. 3, 55, 67234 n. 28;
Liv. 5, 22, 7240 n. 60
Liv. 5, 52, 2230 n. 10
Liv. 5, 52, 11240 n. 58
Liv. 8, 9, 6236 n. 38
Liv. 27, 37, 7240 n. 58
Liv. 27, 37, 711240 n. 61
Liv. 39, 8, 4240 n. 64
Liv. 39, 16, 810238 n. 45
Ludlul (bl nemqi)67
Luke 19:2938109 n. 196
Luke 19:45109 n. 195
Lycurgus/Lykurg: Lykurg. 1,66214, n. 45
Lykurg. 51216 n. 54
Map of Nippur27, 127, 152
Maql III 1ff.138
III 136ff.141 n. 79
VII 121f.139 n. 71
VII 133135139, 140 n. 76
VII 134135139 n. 75
IX 56f.141 n. 79
Mark 11:115109 n. 196
Mark 11:1517109 n. 195
Matthew: Matt. 21:110109 n. 196
Matt. 21:1213109 n. 195
Middle Assyrian Laws 12, 14150 n. 110
40150 n. 9
55156 n. 110
NBC 9112146 n. 100
ND 2803 (Parker 1961, 5561)198 n. 35
Nebi Yunis inscription102 n. 154
Nehemiah: Neh 8:379 n. 1314
Neh 8:1679 n. 14
Neh 8:2393
Ninisinas Journey to Nippur (KAR 15+16)
155
Ninurtas Return to Nippur152 n. 121
Ovidius/Ovid: Ov. fast. 3, 835838
240 n. 62
Ov. fast. 3, 8434240 n. 62
Ov. fast. 4, 393ff.239 n. 52
Ov. fast. 4, 812814233 n. 22
Ov. fast. 4, 821823241 n. 68
Ov. fast. 4, 840844233 n. 23
257
258
index
SAA 4, 142196 n. 25
SAA 5, 206190 n. 1
SAA 7, 21194 n. 19
SAA 10, 263191 n. 8
SAA 10, 52196 n. 26
SAA 14, 60192 n. 16
SAA 14, 62192 n. 16
SAA 15, 94190 n. 2, 191 n. 4
SBH No. 70 Rev. 14f.128 n. 16
SEG 12, 87, 2227215 n. 50
SEG 12.87.25f. (= Agora 16, 73)213 n. 38
SEG 12, 100, 912221 n. 74
SEG 12.100.11f. und 21f.219 n. 66
Seneca: Sen. briev., 13, 8232 n. 20
Servius: Serv. Aen., 3, 463230 n. 11
Serv. Aen., 5, 755242 n. 72
SF 7654
ir3-nam-gula of Ninisina65 n. 48
Sin of Lugalzagesi (Urukagina Lament,
Ukg. 16)48 n. 17, 50 n. 20
Sm. 332139 n. 71
Stele of Vultures49 n. 17
Suetonius/Sueton: Suet. Aug. 93
237 n. 41
Sumerian King List56 n. 35
Sumerian Sargon Legend56 n. 35
umma lu124 n. 4, 126 n. 9, 139 n. 71,
141 n. 79, 144 n. 95
urpu III 83, VIII 48133 n. 47
Tacitus: Tac. ann., 2, 49238 n. 50
Tac. ann., 12, 24235 n. 29, 241 n. 69
tkultu-ritual8485
Tintir = Babylon80 n. 20, 91 n. 94,
96 n. 123, 132133, 151 n. 114
Thucydides/Thukydides: Thuk. 2,15
209 n. 25, 211 n. 32
Thuk. 2,15,3221 n. 73
Thuk. 6,54,6f.220 n. 69
Thuk. 6,57219 n. 65
Thuk. 6,61,2212 n. 36
Thuk. 8,92,6; 8,93,1213 n. 38
Utukk lemntu136 n. 58, 138 nn. 6870,
149 n. 106
Valerius Maximus: Val. Max. praef. 1, 1,
1239 n. 56
Val. Max. 8, 9, 1232 n. 21
Varro: Varro ling. 5, 43240 n. 63
Varro ling. 5, 143241 n. 69; 242 n. 70
Varro ling. 6, 53230 n. 11
Vitruvius/Vitruv: Vitr. 1, 7231 n. 15
Vitr. 1, 7, 2239 n. 51
VS 15 50: 611181
Weidner Chronicle55 n. 30
Wiles of Women, The (t i g i -song of
Inana)128
Xenophon: Xen. equ. 1,1212 n. 35
Xen. hell. 1,1,33218 n. 61
Xen. hell. 2,24,2213 n. 39
Xen. hell. 2,4,8213 n. 42, 218 n. 61
Xen. hell. 2,4,10218 n. 61
Xen. hell. 2,4,11218 n. 62
Xen. hell. 2,4,27218 n. 61
Xen. hell. 2,4,31218 n. 61
Xen. hell. 2,24,2213 n. 39
Xen. hipp. 3,2f.219
Xen. oik. 8,22210 n. 26
Yale Tablet iv 172177158
YBC 7288, lines 6783 n. 38
YBC 2401 vi 77f.134 n. 50
vii 18135 n. 50
Zechariah (8:16)99
bb abullim79
bb dayyn96
bb dn96
bb ekallim79
bb ilim97
bb mari104, 133 n. 46
bb erti100
bbnu195196
bbn kisallu196
bbtu129
bbu79, 102 n. 154, 107, 195
bl abulli107
index
bt189192
btu dannu190-192
bt arri192
btnu195196
btu qallu191
bt abullim85 n. 52
bt ili81, 132
bt ritti181
btu132
madau151
mullum85, 9798
mtaqu151
muzzaz abulli107
dayyn a bbi96
di indigetes235237
di novensides235236
dru7 n. 14
qannu196
quppu81
- k - g a l 85 n. 52
edur7 n. 14
emantulu107 n. 186
erb li89, 156
erbu a bbi81
erbu a quppi a bbi81
eu81
forum, fori14, 2526, 109, 129
garraku81
g i - g a l 83
arimtu139 n. 71, 144, 145 nn. 95, 97, 150
ibratu133, 134 n. 48
insula/insulae20 n. 54, 179
k 79
k - d i n g i r 79 n. 11, 80
k - g a l 79
k - g a l - - s i k i l - l a 80
kafr7 n. 14
kal81
kapru7 n. 14
karbu83
k a r - k i d 130 n. 34, 144145 n. 95,
145 n. 97
kru/krum1415, 97, 129
kfr7 n. 14
kudurru101, 147
lil145
mazu132
maru129
mr abulli107
maar bbi107
259
nemdu133 n. 47
parakku84, 132133, 134 n. 49, 135
purum94
rab abulli107
rab bbi107
rbi li133
rebt Ninua79 n. 13
ribt li129, 147 n. 102
ribtu8 n. 16, 79 n. 13, 108, 126 n. 9, 127,
127 n. 14, 129130, 150, 152, 155157
ribtu = rebtu79 n. 13
sairtu130
sairu130
SILA127, 129, 145 n. 97, 146 n. 100,
151 n. 113
s i l a - d a g a l - k - g a l 79 n. 14
SILA.DAGAL.(LA)79 n. 14, 126 n. 9, 127,
130 n. 27, 132
simmiltu a maltu100
sq imtim129
squ126 n. 9, 129, 151152
squ qatnu151, 151 n. 118
squ rapu127 n. 14, 151
alam arrtiya86 n. 61
ru7 n. 13, 147
a abulli106107
a b[bim]107
a bb ekalli107
a mui bbi107
akintu197, 198
ang81
- t a m k - - g a l 107
- t a m k - g a l 107
bu94
ubtu132
dtu96
urinnu84
u b - l i l 2 - l a 2 133135
urbs230232, 234235, 237, 242243
index
86
79//
95
-
108
79
79,
260
urigallu84
u r u 7
u r u - b a r 7 n. 13
watmnum85
zilul(l)130