TYING THE SPIRITUAL KNOT African Cosmology OF THE Bantu-Kéngo Principles of Life @ Living KIMBWANDENDE KIA BUNSEKI FU-KIAU, PH.D, ATHELIA HENRIETTA PRESS PUBLISHING IN THE NAME ORUNMILAArmcan Comoiooy OF mt BAXTU-KONCO ‘An Afican leader who considers 3 tbs our na coma diverse commit a ational come becase, by doing so, hel denies the exer ofthe nation i Sei Ae ntti dienes that made USA, Rosa and tina pen ations! Eni ota ses, Sivenoy a onal pride, Navons ae fress—'Ns tnd says Kongo prove. A fre of one pe of es stots frente ¢eldima” (echard) no mares How tage ora rest alaye an ensemble in diversi. Out atonal eral ings ri, nd economic divers ter are abo our national! pide on which out acoral ‘Aan Constains soul be based. These ea ad INGE crcl thee based on Kengo cate, a inca hme group nthe cone of wese Af, Les now bi SL shri clr! one ands hol background 4 il HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE KONGO CULTURAL ZONE others ofthe Angolan Popular Republic and that ef the Congo Popular Republic were constitution parts of the Ancient Kingdom of the Kongo thae was de stroyed by the Portugese and is alles in 1482. The Berln Geographical Conference in 1884-85 divided this King dom into three imperialistic ones: One part, pat ofthe present Angola, went to the Lustanian imperio-dictate- ral system; the second, pare of the present Congo, to th imperialistic system of France, and the thied, part of te present, undemocratic Democratic Republic of Conge, twas made the private propercy of Leopold Il, the King Belgium. ‘Unable to develop his private property, his ich terston within what the colonists called the “dark continent” ( point of view thar opposes that ofthe ancient Orecks wha ‘knew that Africa was the source oftheir cientifc progress Leopold Il gave up the Congo atthe consent ofthe Belsiar people in 1908. The Congo of Leopold Il then became the Belgian Congo. Since then the Congo entered period dur ing which ics important traditional instiutions were sy ¢= parts of Ex-Belgian AMfica, aswell 9g certsatematically destroyed. Bok, the most popular and most im portant school wae destroyed; social and political institu tions were prohibited. Kinda, the structural base of the ‘African community le as well eis organizational patterns ‘were disorganised. “Those who were people became apes,” ‘says a popular folk song which shows how colonial tortures transformed Afican people. We were people, but by ex- ploitation we are made apes, working in corvee [Tabet keweto bantu swayikidt bankewa;salanga! o kiniemo! ‘The word Salongo, in lingala, 1s a deformation of ikdngo, “salanga", which had in that case negative con notations during the colonial epoch. Ic signified dictator- ship, wicked authority, forced work, exploitation, and ‘many other similar meanings. Today, its apolitical more, pure and empty pretension of certain Affican govern ments used to lead their countries ifrt to the first, to the second or to the third position of economic development, but never tothe fourth one. “African authorities, because of thei lack of collaboration ‘with their well informed counteymen and scholars, end to reverse the national historical ruth. This isthe case of Sa- longo in Mobutu's “Zaire”, and many other cases. Sslongo ‘was a popula fk song among civilian as well ss among rilitarymen, This flk song was the strongest popular song criticising and insulting the Belgian colonial authority in Congo. This song isa veritable monument of attack against colonialism, the Teopoldian one in particular, in central ‘Africa during the time of what is known as “Efiort de Guerre” (war effort). [produce here the lingala version of, the song after corporal Bandi-Makaya, a veteran of 56 he an ken W919, one eft te kan ts national oral history collected by our efforts at Luyaln- ‘gunu iva Komba-ns Insitute Saloego Eee Sslongo Alings ocala Bo tahoma bakoko ma bino Koraela bina ‘Masala ya mbongo okela bende (machine) Salongo Eee Salongo ings mola Bis rkuma beumby na bino Kotekisa biso Na Saki ya mong Lokal saeco Salongo Eevee Bio tokoma banyama na bine Kokengela bino Na porte ya ndako Lekota bopaya Salone Bio rakoma bangamba na bine Koremska bina(Ns) Mapeka na biso [Lala ba mpunda “Mondele mobomaks biso Lela ba nama samba ilo mabele Bakoko bat bso Slongo Opposition against colonialism and exploitation led the ‘country to fight for and win ts feeedom in 1960. The peo- ple’s main goal at that time was to build che country upon traditional positive cultural values of ll our regions’ partc- tlariies. Values deeply rooted in our social organizations, in our traditional unwritten lgislarures, the furkia-nt, the national socio-stuctural systems. Social Organization “The Kengo socien as wel as most African societies were and sill are, communalisti, Le. each community sel-de- termines the social, political, economic organization and leadership. “The Kongo had a king up until che time of col ‘nization, but his postion was decidedly titular” and the same author continues “The mode of production estab- lished a minimum dependence between diferent commu nity segments and there was no pevare ownership of the ‘means of production.” (Kajsa, 1972:3) ‘Each local community or Vata, which is relatively nde pendant, has two or more Belo. Each belo has two or more Hisoncl Balen ef he Kings Cll Ze Mitlo-nao (sing Mwélo-nzo/mwélonze). The Mwélona is divided into Miyo (singular Méyo). The Moyo is also termed as Buta, The Buta is the smallest but mot por: ‘ane instcution in KBngo social and organizational suc: cue. Ie is here chat basic family education is caried out language, parenthood relationships, 2 general knowledge concerning local plant as an introduction to popular ne icine, community o ethnic history (a; migrations, ances- tors), etc. Each ofthese divisions isa socal and politcal tigy which meets to discuss of to regulate community problems under the leadership of the wisest ad strongest of the group. ‘The most importane and powerful institution win the community, vata, is the Belo. The Belo is symbolzed by its public house where socal. poitieal, economic and organizational isues are discused before being dicued by the community assembly. This public house is ealed Boko [mbongi, yémbo, lusings, kido], 2 word that lee ally means “house without rooms", i. a house in whch privacy has no room. I give here certain proverbs related to that basically very important K@ngo social institution, the BOKO: 1) *Boko wabokodkeankunt mu vat.” I i the boko tae orders the cllectionofreood ithe village (Go make site ice for a ble hearing) 2) "Vata dkOndo mbéngl daa.” A ville without oko i dead A society without insiutions where public Freedom i waranted ir straight to fall °» a ” 6 a ‘Arica Comotoay oF rs BANTU-KONGO Boko wabokula mb." Ils the boko that breaks {cats he afar the community. All decisions in ‘he community ae public agreements made in pub Tic at ka bok the public howe “Boko waka ma vet." [tis the koko chat calls for meetings in the vilage. Boko, the entire com munity, deere a state of emergency in the commu i *Mbilaboko ni bet kl." the eal of boko belongs to al of us, Public istictions are public indi tls cannot make them private affirs. The public call makes ual stand *Mbongi wabings mambo," variant "MbOng! waboala mms.” Tes dhe mbit that cakes ere, frvescigees, al ffs inthe political, economic, social, and dplomatie mates, in order to discuss hem publ in the view and ehe hearing ofall fommunity members Community alone ean do hate best forts members. ‘Lustngy wasengumuna miu" Ie i the toko that ass problems and sues floes, be they of rested, today, af the Fatre. The communicy lone is aware ofthe problems ofits members. The Bokoybings can undertake any project forthe veelfare of ts members “Losing didi dia kimvula” The hsangaboko is the center, think tank of community activites sone! Bag of te Kongo Call Ze (covemone). Outside of this “ddl la Kinwaka.” rman’ etnies ae sterle 9) "Yerba wayembamana mim ma kinda "eis the boko thar covers community aflas. The comm nity covers more than whet one can sy 19 Nam katoma hits kabia fie” Also- lucions are posible atk bok. Conflicts ate not discus outside ofthe communiyisituions " *Kidw Kidko kia Kindo kalinbang.” It he boko that cooks commun nhalstion. The com ‘munity healing meal is made at the boko. The oko ithe healer of community diseases, prob lems ofl orders ‘The short lst ofthese Kongo provetbs shows how the Boko isan important social institution among the Bantu: Kéngo, where only public an community afats are dis: cussed. To speak about private affairs inthis public ins tution, mba, isa public rime. One doesnot plot inside Kongo public institutions. I is interesting to notice here thae the external pare of @ house, veranda, among the Kéngo is called yemba, i. the public part ofthe house. ‘This pat is for public use, to st, work, gather, take shel- teroreven sleep under it. The owner of the house has no right against those acts. Another very interesting KOngo proverbypriniple says "Whar you think belongs to you, bout what you say belongs to the publi,” (Ma kw naa tima, maku; matéle, ma ku mbazi). Inside you are you‘Amncan Cosnotoor oF THe Basre-KOMGO SoS SENS outside you are not. You are only a tiny part of a huge fand coherent body, the community within the universal totality “The community council of elders (mfandu a mbuta 23 vata] meets it the boko. Their duties are to review and dis Case all questions related to che community life and submit their proposals tothe community assembly of honored eld- ters [fBngo dia mfumu ye ngdnga 22 vata]. Members of the community council are sent co the community assembly. ‘The boko i also the center, di, of culeural information. Ie fs here that research or study on social problems is done. I 4s heve also that new members in the community, visitors make theif step toned integration in the commun All personal and politial alliances are made in che boko in public view and by public accord. All decisions made ku boko have “force de loi (orce of the I) ‘When the community assembly (ongo dia vats} meets, delegations from other communities are fee to participate in the asembly in the interest oftheir own communities. Here each belo, as delegation, carefully handles all per- nent questions concerning the community ie Tn any assembly, the community delegations can discuss all issues pertaining to community except the three issues fofcommunityclan land, taboo (Kanda, Noto, Kina). The ‘Community land is untouchable, i is considered taboo Tkina or nllngo) because it belongs first to the etemal community roots che ancestors, (the real living gods) as well as to the people in the living community. Traditionally every assembly must start with alternatively repeated mot- tocs called “bikimu” (Fu-Kiau 1973) i" Ain al Hisonc! Bact ef the King Call Ze EEA G ES Kab Kina kia ot! ake Kinski nt iba Kia aot Kiki Kia kn teas Kind Kia ka wang! amb Nef eka kl Kinda Ean dkdnda! Kane Ning bul ko! Lealer: The lind taboo! Audionce: Country's taboo! Leader; Country's taboo! Aaulnce: People's taboo! Leader: People's taboo! ‘Audience: Infalible oath! Leader: What about the community’ bio-string! ‘Audience: It must be strengthened na be cut down (weakened)! “These ey poner lect phot a chan a used bythe Bin Kongo when pal Ging he ons statons menacing sacral frdamena, ol Creston or team, wh wo oo pb Sicha and. Sieh Km lca aporuns ne oad tre 0 epublica ct, and atthe tne tne fee sci aot a atte “The soa de feo mechan sat candle mpc danger" alk, 1910223). Defers mechan ves Ning sce by he com a te coune of tine. The rngeiknda te mor solArsucan Cosnouooy oF ma BANT-KONOD spiritual, cultural, and physical tink becween community ‘members, but also berween them and their ancestors, the eternal root not ony of life, but alo of the law. The nsinga- dlikanda is the biological string that links all community members, dead or alive, to both ends of the rope ‘Through its community council and community assem- by, the K@ngo society makes its laws and tain its youth for rational and community defense. Because the army had to serve che community's interest, it was the responsibilty of all people to educate their young men and women. "In the Kéngo there was no real standing army. Soldiers were re- cruited by general mobilization” (Kajsa, 1978:79). The ‘army inthe old Kango was by and forall peopl. The main ‘mission of such a populist army was to kick all enemies out Of the ancestral taboo lands. The defense of che land was and sis the coenerstone of oral and unwritten legislation. ‘One who knows the Kéngo land holding system, knows is social organization, and therefore its concept of law and crime in the pastas well as the presen. ‘The Ancestral Land (One of the essential characteristics of the Kéngo system ‘of property i its inlienabiliy. There i no valuable condition ‘hae could change this inaienabilty of che ancestral land. “Land was not a commodity tobe bought and sold, Land was inalienable in the traditional system. Each domain was owned ‘bya cereain matilineage which could indeed gran the use of a put oft area to a elative or even foreign matrlineage, but thisdid not mean that cave up its land rights” (Kajs, 1978, 6 | | Hiconcal Boke of te Kage Call Zine 71) In thet frkia-ns, the unwritten law, the trata! land system, the Kongo say to sell community lan i to cery mortal yoke[Wacela ritoro wa kinda neti ngnorolange) Malengreau also wrote about chis same coneepe ofthe in alienabily of the land among other Bins people ofthe ‘Congo basin. He says that the AMfican communalistic con ‘cept of society was based ona very strong la thatof "the in- dlivssbity and the inalienabilty of the land” (cited by ‘Muller, 1956:13). Whoever doesnot have acces ¢o land i dead; no matter how rich hehe i: Contrary co what is happening in the Modern Mian puppet states, with afew exceptions among the more fo ‘ressive countries, “The chief of the community i not the landlord, but enly a manager ofthe interests of the con unity of which hei the head, (Muller, 1956). That hy ie was almost impossible to corrupt a true African societal leader as the Kongo wil say the community leader is wn corrubable for he knows kinswil, corruption, i a pital 0 the community and to the coun, Mfum-dikinda keaimbulanga kinswélia ko, ltimbu kis Kinda ye ai) ‘Today, Kinswekila (emberslement) has becine current ‘money among leaders in Africa. When Africans talk about ‘hat oral traditions say about land ownership, most schol ars, Bought by capitals imperialist companies and cor rations often reply tha they donot trust unrecorded ca tions; hey totally ignore what their fiends, athe fellow scholars, have recorded about the Afican concept of nd ‘ownership. There are many documents by westem writers and reporters on Afiican oral erations related co the ie ofland ownership. Most of them poine out the upholdingof 6‘Ammean Comsexooy OF rH BAYTU-KENCO this concept throughout most Aftican societies and com- munities as one A¥ricanist scholae writes, “The clan pos- ‘sexes lands in title of occupation and of use, ie, (0 live on it and fori. The right of occupation and the right of use belong, not ro the chef ofthe clan but xo the entire colle: tivity" (DeCleene, 1946:25), Capicalistimperalist forces did not understand the ‘African concept of the land holding. European colonial ex- ploitation introduced che theory of “vacant land” “noting totally, as Malengreao (cited in Muller, 1956:10) stares that "The teritory isthe property ofthe community ‘vacant teritory does not exist.” The uncultivated lands lefein dhe natural process of rferilization according to the ‘African traditional rotary system were seen by Europeans as ‘wasted and vacant lands. The African rotary sytem was i= stituted in order to avoid the impoverishment ofthe sol in ‘continent, such as Africa, witha very harsh and drastic climate, Without knowing the reason for what they saw ‘and believed asa precarious abandonment ofthe land, they selaed it because they had firearms and made it “vacant.” Due tothe postesion of ams and agressive technology, the colonisation ordered che expropriation and relocation of native communities. They declated al of what was believed to be vacant land the stat’ land, ie, the property of Eu- ropean settlers, the colonaliss. It was by this process that the illegal and minority govenments of Southern Arica ‘seized the lands they occupy today, where they built the ‘os inhumane governmental system that man has exper enced since the beginning of time: the western, Christian, apartheid system ((n Zimbabwe and in Azania) i t 1 | ' } | | | Hs Background ofthe Korg Call Ze ‘The Congo Free State, feed from western penetation through an ordinance on July 1, 1885, gave the mining ‘company of UMHK (Mining Union of Higher Katanga) an rea larger than half the sizeof Belgium. Many other do mains and concessions were also feely distributed to other allies of imperialism (Kaja, 1972-73). Lemarchande sates the same view “Thousands of aces were given to mision- aries, private companies and setters.” (Lemarchande, 1964-11). Only good and fete land was expropriated Land was also automatically expropriated at any time once 28 mineral was found on i. This expropriation of goud, fer tle, and rich soi, between 1910 ro 1930, became the prin cipal cause of malnutrition, disease, the increase of the death rate, and arual exodus. The tmneer of African com ‘munity land to capitalistic and private ownership wae the key to the destruction ofthe traditional Aican institutions of law and justice. This same factor hecame, since 1950 to the present, the main cause of strugale on the Afi con- tinent, the strugle to feee taboo ancestral land fon the hands of corporations and ther allies. ‘The existing legislaure in Aftica cannot free the Alcan people beeause tha legislature is sterile and ake: aed from its ue cultuel and environmental mili. Ls not rooted within the people's culture. As Yabila says “The law becomes sterile when one separates i from its rilieu”(Yabila, 1974:78). Its primary goal sto defendex- lacing and future adventuriss’ properties and interest in African land, the people's land which sa taboo ancestral land. There needs to bea radical change inthis legislature today because “The law is not only a scence, a set of otechniques of analysis, but a vehicle of culture” (Yaila, 1974.79), That law, in order to be take root in African s0- ciety and serve a a cultural vehicle, mus rise from within the people's culture. The law must speak the same lan {guage spoken by the people and be written in that lan- fquage. All modern Aftican constitutions and laws are written in foreign languages—che fact that they are writ- ten in languages unknown by the majority of the African populations, is already depriving the African masses of, fone oftheir most important sights, that of knowing theit law. To understand the law fairly, exactly and completely {sa human right. African laws are nor, in that ease, wri ten forthe African people, they are written for those who are interested in exploiting Afeica and its people in order to facilitate their tasks, thar of underdeveloping AMtiea o tp certain countries only 1% of the entire population could read and understand che offical language in whieh Tas are written (Fu-Kiou, 19692:12). In many Aftican countries, documents, newspapers, and books related (0 governmental activities ofen are not allowed tobe sold in the country. They ate kept in secrecy from the citizens, but exploitative companies and corporations have all rights of access to them. This fact shows and proves that ost Affican governments work as agencies of foreign governments ‘Changes in matter of law are almost impossible in _Affica because ofthe state of African parliaments existing there today "The parliament as tis. retards che appli cation of viil decisions and does not play its role of guardian of che public interest” (Young, 1965:355) 6 onl Backend ote King Cal Ze REARS ‘Afican patlaments cannot fnetion with efficacy fr the people's well being because ofthe external nfuenses which always ty to “buy” al sons ofthe continent tho are supposed to be responsible fori. This situation has gotten worse forthe case of Zaire since the withdrawal of the UN army forees in 1963. The removal of the interea- tional forces from the Congo (Zaire) gave way to a new situation: Neo-colonsation and it intensifiation. The country found itself ina situation where i could find no solution to its problems. As Young says "There are 00 doubt solutions, but no one among them leads automa cally to success because inal cieumstances the exteral influence become again more and more important since the retreat of the UN forces (Young, 1965:356). As such, internal struggles will continue in Afica until change in the intrest of che mastes occurs ‘The African mosses fight today because their pest leaders continue fallow the path of a very neqatve cap cals, which isnot their way of fe. This capitalism ress in crimes against innocent and pacefl people by revere ing chem access to their ancestral tabooed land an the py ofliberty; the liberty of political participation. The Affion masses see the behavior of thei leaders asa public cime. They wll be judged as well as eheir supporters Crime (One talks about “committing a crime” in western jud- ciary language, Bur in most African cultures, and that ofArica ComoL00% OF THe BANTU-KONCO crime. One must discuss the contrast between these two concepts in order 10 more easily understand the ‘African concept of erime, This distinction is basicaly li fguistico-culeural, Understanding "les.jeux-des-mots ‘wordgames, ie very important in any study of two or more distinct cultures. A wordgame isa key word co intllec- tual or scientific understanding. In English one “feels a pain’; in Kongolese (Kik®ngo), one "sees a pain,” (mona ‘mpasi]. When an Englishman "smokes 2 cigarette," 3 ‘Makéngo will drink a cigarette” [nwa saka/nsGings). In English one “smells certain perfume,” the Mukéngo will “hear it” [va nsGngal. When western school defines man as “an intelligent animal, an imperial animal” or as a *toolmaker” as do the non-iniiated African scholars, the westernized, Le, the “kiyinga” in the African way of thinking, the "Niginga,” the initated African man in the ‘African way of thinking, who is a specialist of perceiving the word's things, will, himself prefer to say that the ‘human being isa system of systems (Mincw i kimpa kia ‘impel. He is also variably called *n'kingu a r'kingu"—a principle of princples, Le, the pattern of patterns. Be- ‘Cause "mdm," the human being, is the key system of sy tems, he is able ae such to produce materially and tech- rnolopically other mechanical systems. For che Bancu, in fccordance to the concept expressed in the KOngo lat ‘Buage, man is not an animal, nor is he comparable to one, dnt,” the human being has the dual [mwvéla-ngindu} ‘For more information about Bint Kongo thought ead the forthcoming book by F-Kau, Makuku Marat Hoi! Baclrandof eKingo Call Ze soul-mind that distinguishes him ftom the rest of the things of nature? ma-bia-nsemono}. ‘When the physical body dies, says a Mant the dus! lena ngindu) of ehae being remains within the coma: nity or out of i. The dual of the being (Muéla-ngindul, ‘continues to act and to ralk to and among the eoauniy’s nembers as well as to che world's communi, through dreams and visions, waves, radiations, and through ment ‘mental act: the biological, material, intellectul and spi ‘tual ereasures accumulated in sro hu mpm the pas, ‘ce, the perpetual bank of the generacing/diving forces of lie. (See figure 17). There is no end in the dingo-dingo Proves, the perpetual going-ard-coming hack of fe aswell 4s in the Manca’s [mwéla-nglndul. Life is continvum theough many stages (as discussed in Makuky Matta) For ‘he Banc, there is no death and no resurrection; for them lie i a continual proces of change. An animal's ie [xngy ia bulw/méyo a ula} does not have the dual {mil ngindul soul-mind. Ie doesnot follow the proces bocase the animal is nota system of sytem [kim ka bmp) is not vertical being, it isa prostated being. Animals ate hae izontal beings, they move and act netinctally. The mine, Jhuman being, is a V-H-being kad kiaelama lvimbangtinga va lukOngolol. He stands vertically om his feet fist, he thinks and reasons before moving horizontal to meet the challenges of lfe and ofthe wold ‘These diferences in feeling, cisking and perceiving sre 2 The trandadon of Minew a person or human beings mre fsccurate than the word “man,” which hoe ie equivalent "takala, metal, jend” in certnin Bint linguages, "_Astcan 0840064 OFTHE BANTU-KONCO ore? silat the cones foci nd ctu nition ° “ : rec uh evgresins snk ehce (re a Cae om ck ace ola win). ae sl amok ce re nen ts ioe emponile tor ut iheconeet concept mening» Mokine> aie amok a ser bet tongae Thal bow ae ctelmpones new spe bat eannat oe ordre hae tr oma ste of ue Ia Shot ene ler that ele fen with Ws kno St The Abana who insted 1 e- ea i and iing wl syn. Koowledge 0) 20018 Eo ca of Th on ng we in a reeks the ifomason dat nu ed eral Onecanot dance wth enn above ke tek omar mala) won Fee ety to manipulate or impose cre’ 2 re eer tems Sach an temps ony Hes Cin Peas, condaton ofthe ol lak f Ce the wes of tooing coding and woking to te) ion ee he ng e kul ms ng Ice gu bck tothe conesp of ie. n Hatori Bacon ofthe Keng Clea Zane In che westem concept, the individual seems to bet sponsible for his crime, He is either conscious or uncor- scious of i; iis only committed by him. The western ex pression “to commit a crime" does not seem to have any historic or cultural implication, But in the case of te Kengo, the expression, to bears erm [naa kamu, ther are cultural, linguistic, social, environmental, and ge ‘etiologic roots. The individual, before commiting sry crime, carries certain set of learned criminal concepe, images, expressions, symbols, discussions, words, habis, and facts upon diverse social scenes. In other words forte incu, a crime is the result of an internal psychologial state caried by an individual since bis childhood, minke accumulated during the period of growth when the chill scquites social patterns. That state i given to him by bi social, cultutal, physical, and systematic environment ‘within which he is bathed by negative as well as poste waves/radations [minikasminiene) (Crimes are not individual ats. Thy ar, in many cass, calier socal creations which do not appear until later = the moment they are committed by an individual who only 1s the symptomatic furuncle of the criminal radiations 2¢: ccumlated within the society CCrimes are found within cocil and culzural pater; i the food and in the way a society eats that feo in is taboos; in its language, and the vocabulary used to con: rmunicate concept, ideas and values inthe way alien cul: tures are interpreted, and in the way social, cultural and Ideological discrepancies are understood Before he goes t initiation ku Kinga, ku kéngy or kx 3[Anica Comro.ooy OF TH BANT-KONGD Ieade] (Aiea) or ro school (other societies), the child Jeams auch concepts a8 steal, Kil, lie sin, rich, poos, mic rority, foreign, mine, yours, illogical people, eserved for fren people only et. Its through this kind of socials ion thatthe concept of crime is cransmizted to members of ‘a particular cultural system. Societies as wel as systems pre pare dheir own foes and hele own undermines. Crimes are foes and undermines of societies and systems. They are the ‘conduct of societies and systems. The repetition ofa eri {nal act shows how bad a system i. Crime, fr the Bantu: Kéngo, isa learned behavior, and itis possible to eradicare it from human society “To teach young men any word that has a negative con- notation forthe community i regarded as injecting exit ral roots within the community. The African people and the Kéngo in particular, believe that che reason for com Initting a crime is relative to che crime and social or eu! tural system in which he lives, In other words, a socal sy fem either favors of does not favor crime. In pouring ‘warlike toys in our communities chuldren are engaged in the easiest process of learning how to commit crimes. In ther words, the warlike toys industry has industrialised ‘crimes within human society. ‘When a rime ts commited, judgment should not onty be passed on tothe criminal, but also on tothe entie commu ity in which the crime found its rooss. A community in ‘which man or a woman poisons his ot her spouse would have touble finding new alliances with other communities, tnd one wil say to such a community: Be avare chat chat ‘community gives poon by all means [kinda cio nla " socal Bacon of King Cull Ze tng. acon robo il ake mre wil tne a comm cel Cylch comm ned ie ei such a community; nobody will dream to marry in such a Scamuniy so mater bow teal Be pre ‘Eero nosed il sek po en a comma Sch scl Wve ame te Ease feeb cine nxn arouse bre eal One the ae cl eve tin he conan treo ar hon ling hemi a £5 he conmonty (ot ha Emly wl eer ‘Songs od tic abn he we ef hye Tne cei mich pop bel in the onc benog ces tee poly commiting then, Pn tm fin canned commas nga hd tal mer and a9 cverqem he ls ce Seog etapa “Re Kgs ect pod eagle of scythe cote veal cecal essen Tet Siero ve rtd oth od on thon anda merce ommoni ae o tac mfr Cone ie reel etl or ef alg sof 2) Crimes concerning the an We have aed sow th ih fandom exhiptetng nthe canmaniy Note nthe Con tun cnt cm pas ove apa ee ln Tocwnor lind scented on emt sus cme tan nde may comm ees 8which he may not be forgiven by community members Land, because it i an inviolable taboo, should remain in the service ofall community members. During his ifetime a coramunity member has che right t0 harvest his fields and fruit erees, but after his death, the and and all property on that land, i. tui res, houses, industties, farms, ete. go back to community ownership, ‘This kind of propesty inherited by the community, accord: ing tothe basie concept and taboo ofthe inaienability of the land, is called fva-dia-knda. The fwa-dia-kénds is an fccumulated heritage thet enforces community control of, land and all properties related toi. These properties con- stitute the basic sources of kanda's common-wealth mvwilu a kinda} also called kimvwima kia kinda or ‘mayudukwa ma kinda wed to solve kinds’ diverse prob- ems (linda osama mia ns ye mia kAnda] ovo assist com- munity members in time of need 1) Individual wealth is an abominable crime Individual wealth of oll kinds sbove the accepted stan- dard of necessary goods, is considered a crime. One says that this kind of wealth could not be accumulated without exploiting [wokafiba) other members ofthe community. In that cate the wealth tse called kimvwama kia muyeke, ‘wealth that betrays, yekul, che community and its mem- bers. The owner of such excesive properties was often Killed or hoodooed flokwal- Affican communities believe strongly that the individual accumulation of property has always had negative effects on the traditional social struc- ture and on policy-making institutions. ERR iso! Balen of Kings Cuno Ze ‘The traditional social system ofthe Kéngo does not pe rit rich people o lead national or community stitutions because proverb say a rich man never talks or fights for ‘other people's interest unless i i to farther his own ite cests. [Mvwima nsusu; kanwina, maki mandi katénai ‘That is why traditionally, wealth does no play a role ine ther the social ranking system or alliance making among the Bantu (Muller, 1956.8). This situation is changing today because the same rich individuals have the power to ‘buy guns which give them not only more powe, but the li cense t0 kill whoever they declare as dangerous. Firing squads are increasing throughout the African continent, ‘ot of eriminals, but of innocent individuals who are chal: lenging corupe practices of politicians. ©) To misrepresent his kimvuka isa political crime A Kongo proverb says politi a community mater; the Individual does not make community policies, for indvial policy was unknown since the une ofthe ancestors [Kinin ‘ia kinda; kia kingenga bakut (ka) bass ki ko) The ind vidual does noc make community policies says anocher KBngo proverb one mouth san empeycalabsh [N'nwa mes ‘ut. Kongo tational thought explains clacy that ail peo: ple develop and direct community policies. Individuals do rot make policy even though they ae allowed mo repeeseat the community by delegation. An individual who is git 0 represent the community policy is publicly rested before being sent on any diplematie mission If he fai by mastepte- sending the community he is buried alive ina public place, generally in the marker place, ndu (Muncele, 1965), ”