Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Paoli - Mafia Associations and Enterprises
Paoli - Mafia Associations and Enterprises
Global Crime
Vol. 6, No. 1, February 2004, pp. 1931
The paper reviews the different forms of organised crime in Italy. To begin with, it focuses
on the Sicilian Cosa Nostra and the Calabrian Ndrangheta, Italys two largest and most
powerful mafia associations. With their centuries-old histories, articulated structures,
sophisticated ritual and symbolic apparatuses and claim to exercise a political
dominion, these associations have few parallels in the world of organised crime. In its
second section, the paper reviews other groups and networks that arewith varying
degrees of justificationalso routinely described as organised crime: these range from the
Neapolitan Camorra to Apulian organised crime and the so-called new foreign mafie
and other criminal entrepreneurs. Whereas the new Italian and foreign players are likely
to expand their activities on Italys illegal markets, the future of Cosa Nostra and the
Ndrangheta is more uncertain and largely depends on the decisions made by the public
administrations.
Keywords: Organised Crime; Italy; Mafia; Cosa Nostra; Ndrangheta; Camorra
For almost a century the Italian mafia has been regardedin the United States and
elsewhereas the prototype of organised crime. In Italy itself, however, the
identification between mafia and organised crime was frequently questioned and even
denied right up until the mid-1980s. For the social scientists carrying out the first field
studies in Sicily between the 1960s and the early 1980s, for example, the mafia was
simply a form of behaviour and power. That is, they asserted, there were mafiosi, single
individuals, who embodied determined sub-cultural values and exercised specific
functions within their communities, but no mafia organisation existed as such [1]. As
late as 1983, Pino Arlacchis successful book, La mafia imprenditrice (Mafia Business),
opened with the following statement: Social research into the question of the mafia
has probably now reached the point where we can say that the mafia, as the term is
commonly understood, does not exist [2].
ISSN 1744-0572 (print)/ISSN 1744-0580 (online) q 2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd
DOI: 10.1080/1744057042000297954
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Secret Brotherhoods
Cosa Nostra and the Ndrangheta possess the distinguishing trait of organisations:
independent government bodies that regulate the internal life of each associated family
and that are clearly different from the authority structure of their members biological
families. Starting from the 1950s, moreover, superordinate bodies of co-ordination
were set upfirst in the Cosa Nostra, then in the Ndrangheta as well. Composed of
the most important family chiefs, they are known as commissions [5]. Although the
powers of these collegial bodies are rather limited, the unity of the two confederations
cannot be doubted. In fact, it is guaranteed by the sharing of common cultural codes
and a single organisational formula. According to a model very frequent in premodern societies, in fact, the Cosa Nostra and the Ndrangheta are segmentary
societies [6]: that is, they depend on what Emile Durkheim called mechanical
solidarity [7], which derives from the replication of corporate and cultural forms.
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Neither the Cosa Nostra nor the Ndrangheta can be compared to Max Webers ideal
type of legal-rational bureaucracy, as was suggested by Donald Cressey in the late
1960s with reference to the American La Cosa Nostra [8]. Far from recruiting their
staff and organising the latters work according to the criteria and procedures of
modern bureaucracies, mafia groups impose a veritable status contract on their
members [9]. With the ritual initiation into a mafia cosca (group), the novice is
required to assume a new identity permanentlyto become a man of honourand
to subordinate all his previous allegiances to the mafia membership. If necessary, he
must be ready to sacrifice even his life for the mafia family.
The men of honour in Sicily and Calabria are obliged to keep secret the
composition, the action, and the strategies of their mafia group. In Cosa Nostra, in
particular, the duty of silence is absolute. Secrecy constitutes, above all, a defence
strategy. Since the unification of Italy in 1861, mafia groups have been at least formally
criminalised by the state and, in order to protect themselves from arrest and criminal
prosecution for their continuing recourse to violence, they have needed to resort to
various degrees of secrecy.
The ceremony of affiliation additionally creates ritual ties of brotherhood among
the members of a mafia family: the status contract is simultaneously an act of
fraternisation [10]. The new recruits become brothers to all members and share what
anthropologists call a regime of generalised reciprocity [11]: this presupposes altruistic
behaviour without expecting any short-term reward. As F. Lestingi, chief prosecutor
for the king, pointed out in 1884, mafia groups constitute brotherhoods whose
essential character lies in mutual aid without limits and without measure, and even
in crimes. [12] Only thanks to the trust and solidarity created by fraternisation
contracts does it become possible to achieve specific goals and thus satisfy the
instrumental needs of the single members.
As secret brotherhoods using violence, Southern Italian mafia associations have
remarkable similarities to associations such as the Chinese Triads and the Japanese
Yakuza [13]. With their centuries-old histories, articulated structures, and
sophisticated ritual and symbolic apparatuses, all these associationsand the
American descendant of the Sicilian Cosa Nostra [14]have few parallels in the world
of organised crime. None of the other groups that systematically traffic in illegal
commodities have the same degree of complexity and longevity [15].
The Will to Power
Cosa Nostra and the Ndrangheta share another important peculiarity with the
Chinese Triads and the Japanese Yakuza. Unlike other contemporary organised crime
groups, they do not content themselves with producing and selling illegal goods and
services. Though these activities have acquired an increasing relevance over the past 30
years, neither the trade in illegal commodities nor the maximisation of profits has ever
been the primary goal of these associations. As a matter of fact, it is hardly possible to
single out an encompassing function or goal that characterises the mafia
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As a result, ever since the early 1990s Cosa Nostra and Ndrangheta families have
extracted a growing percentage of their income from entrepreneurial activities that
depend on the exercise of regional political domination. They practise systematic
extortion in their communities and, thanks to intimidation and collusion with corrupt
politicians, they have struggled to control the market for public works [25].
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Unlike other Western forms of organised crime, the meaning (and danger) of
Sicilian and Calabrian mafia associations cannot be limited to their involvement in
illegal markets. Their peculiarity lies in their will to exercise political power and their
interest in exercising sovereign control over the people in their communities.
Other forms of Organised Crime in Italy
In addition to the Sicilian Cosa Nostra and the Calabrian Ndrangheta, two other
clusters of crime groups are usually referred to as organised crime in Italy: 1) the
galaxy of mafia-like and gangster-like groupings in Campania, collectively known as
Camorra and 2) the multiplicity of criminal groups, gangs and white-collar criminal
networks operating in Apulia.
The Camorra
The Camorra consists in a variety of independent criminal groups and gangs. Some of
them are well-established family businesses that, as much as Sicilian and Calabrian
mafia groups, claim to exercise a political dominion over their neighbourhoods and
villages and systematically infiltrate local government institutions, at some point
enjoying the protection of high-level national politicians as well. Other Camorra
groups are less lasting formations that have developed around a charismatic chief,
usually a successful gangster. Finally, there are also loose gangs of juvenile and/or adult
offenders, whichaccording to police sourcesrather belong to the sphere of
common crime than to that of organised crime [26].
To strengthen their legitimacy and cohesion, many of the above groups frequently
resort to the symbols and rituals of the nineteenth-century Camorra. This was an
organisation sharing several cultural and organisational similarities with its Sicilian
and Calabrian counterparts, though it distinguished itself by its concentration in the
city of Naples and its plebeian background. Unlike Cosa Nostra and the Ndrangheta,
however, the contemporary Campanian underworld does not directly derive from its
nineteenth-century forerunner. As Isaia Sales puts it, if Camorra means a criminal
organisation that ruled over Naples popular and plebeian strata, we can safely say that
it started and ended in the nineteenth century [27].
The Camorra was born again in the 1960s, thanks to the expansion of smuggling in
tobacco and later, in drugs. In the 1980s, several Camorra groups and short-lasting
coalitions of groups (above all, the Nuova Camorra Organizzata and the Nuova
Famiglia) then gained great wealth and power with the appropriation of the public
money flows invested in Campania after the earthquake of 1980 [28]. Despite their
extensive infiltration of the legitimate economy and the public administration,
however, contemporary Camorra groups have not succeeded in establishing stable
co-ordination mechanisms such as those of the nineteenth-century Camorra or of the
Sicilian and Calabrian mafia associations. As a result, Campania has had the highest
rate of murders and violent crime in all of Italy for more than a decade.
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The heterogeneity and anarchy of the Campanian underworld are also proved by
the great variety of entrepreneurial activities the local crime groups are involved in.
The most powerful Camorra clans are still able to condition the local legitimate
economy, despite the devastating investigations conducted by law enforcement
agencies in the 1990s. The smaller groups and gangs engage in all sorts of illegal
activitiesfrom extortion to fraud, from drug trafficking and dealing to
loansharking, from counterfeiting to the exploitation of prostitutionand are
ready to resort to violence whenever they see their turf and activities being
threatened [29].
So-called Apulian Organised Crime and other Groups
The development of Apulian organised crime goes back to the 1970s, when the region
became Italys major import point for smuggled cigarettes and was colonised by
neighbouring mafia and Camorra groups. In the following years, indigenous crime
groups and gangs sprang up in different parts of Apulia. The most successful of these
collective actors was long the Sacra Corona Unita (United Holy Crown), a
consortium of about ten to fifteen criminal groups and gangs from Southern Apulia,
which was founded in 1983 [30]. Contrary to the accounts of the media, the Sacra
Corona Unita never controlled the whole of Apulian organised crime; despite its
imitation of the Ndranghetas structure and rituals, its cohesion and stability have
always been much lower. Today, after the defection of some of its leaders and the arrest
of most of its members, the Sacra Corona Unita no longer exists as a single viable
organisation [31].
Notwithstanding the decline of the Sacra Corona Unita, illegal business activities
go on. Up to few years ago tobacco smuggling was the main source of revenue for
most Apulian criminal enterprises. Since the early 1990s these have diversified their
investments, exploiting their strategic geographical position to smuggle drugs and
migrants from the close Balkan countries. In the last few years, as the improved cooperation of Italian and Albanian police forces resulted in an intensified repression
of tobacco smuggling, Apulian crime groups have also started to engage in
extortion, usury, robberies and counterfeiting, to compensate for their loss of
revenues.
The members of Italys four major domestic crime clusters are the privileged
addressees of charges pursuant to Article 416bis of the Italian penal code, that defines
the offence of membership in a mafia-type delinquent association (associazione a
delinquere di stampo mafioso) and represents the most stringent legal translation of the
concept of organised crime in the Italian legal system [32].
A few other criminal coalitions and gangs located in Eastern and Southern Sicily
and in Northern Calabria, such as the Stidda in the Agrigento and Caltanissetta
provinces or the Laudani, Cursoti and Pillera-Cappello in Catania, are also
occasionally referred to as organised crime or mafia. Their internal cohesion and
political and economic resources are much lower than those of Cosa Nostra or
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Ndrangheta families, though Sicilian groups have from time to time been able to
threaten the supremacy of the local Cosa Nostra families due to their larger number of
members and their readiness to use violence [33].
The New Foreign Mafie and Inconspicuous Players
The expressions organised crime and mafie are also increasingly used to refer to
foreign criminals operating in Italy. For example, the last bi-annual reports on the
activities of the Direzione Investigativa Antimafia, a police body specialising in the
fight against organised crime, all contain a chapter devoted to criminalita` organizzate
straniere (foreign organised criminalities) [34].
As a matter of fact, Italy has over the past 20 years undergone a process of
internationalisation and ethnicisation of its illegal markets. This trend, which started
in other Western European countries in the 1950s, took place very rapidly in Italy from
the mid-1980s on, when Italy, too, became the destination of considerable migration
flows. All over Europe, the internationalisation of illegal markets was strongly
accelerated in the 1990s by the European integration process and the abolition of
border controls as well as by the radical transformations that occurred in what was
once called the Second World: the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.
Paradoxically, in Italy the internationalisation of illegal markets was also favoured by
the successes of the law enforcement forces, that in the 1990s dismantled the most
consolidated branches of mafia groups in the Centre and North of Italy. The empty
spaces, once controlled by the powerful clans of the Calabrian Ndrangheta and the
Sicilian mafia, are today occupied by various groups and gangs of different ethnic
origin and make-up [35].
As a result, today in Milan as in Rome, Frankfurt, London or Amsterdam, illicit
goods and services are offered and exchanged by a multiethnic variety of people. Next
to mafiosi and local criminals, one finds illicit entrepreneurs coming from all parts of
the world. A few of these ethnic criminalsin particular the Chinese onestend to
exercise a sort of political power within their own communities [36]much like the
Sicilian and Calabrian mafiosi in their strongholds. However, most of the foreign
criminal groups and actors active in Italy cannot claim to exercise a political authority.
They merely content themselves with making fast money by trading in illicit
commodities and/or reinvesting dirty money from their home countries in the
European Union and, specifically, in Italy.
Their internal composition is also much different from that of Southern Italian
mafia families. Foreign crime groups and gangs active in Italy hardly have the longevity
and organisational complexity of Southern Italian mafia associations. Some of them
are family businesses or organisations cemented by profit-making or by shared
revolutionary or ideological goals; many more are loose gangs, founded on ties of
friendship and locality. These are usually small, ephemeral enterprises that can be most
correctly described as crews: loose associations of people, which form, split, and come
together again as opportunity arises. In crews, positions and tasks are usually
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Future Trends
Whereas the new Italian and foreign players are likely to expand their activities on
Italys illegal markets, the future of the Sicilian Cosa Nostra and the Calabrian
Ndrangheta is more uncertain.
Far from expanding outwards, Cosa Nostra groups and, to a lesser extent, even
those of the Ndrangheta have in the last fifteen years receded into their territories,
avoiding international competition. Today they obtain a growing and preponderant
quota of their revenues by manipulating the tendering process of public works and
imposing generalised extortive regimes on all the economic enterprises of their areas.
Instead of creating stable enterprise syndicates [40] capable of operating on
international illegal markets, both Sicilian and Calabrian mafia families tend to fuse
entrepreneurial action with the action typical of power syndicates and thus to
concentrate on those profit-making activities that are more directly advantaged by the
control of a territory and collusion with politicians and government officials. Though
the relationship with the latter has lost its rooting in a common weltanschauung and is
accepted by shrinking portions of public opinion, Cosa Nostra and Ndrangheta cosche
have become even more dependent on the decisions made by public, local and central
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administrations. These administrators are thus today largely arbiters of both the
judicial and the economic-financial lots of mafia coalitions.
It is, above all, to condition the outcome of the pending trials, to amend heavy firstdegree sentences in appeal trials and to improve the detention conditions of their
imprisoned members that the Cosa Nostra and Ndrangheta families need politicians
and public officials to comply with them. The manipulation of state decision-making
processes, however, does not merely have judicial goals, as mafia families count on
their ramifications in the state administration to improve their financial lot as well.
All Sicilian and Calabrian mafia families place their hopes for economic recovery in
the gaining of public contracts, which have just started to be distributed once more,
especially in the South, after the sharp drop following the Tangentopoli (Bribesville,
initially an allusion to Milan) inquiries [41]. Between 2000 and 2006, Sicily and
Calabria will respectively dispose of e9,000,000,000 and e5,000,000,000 coming from
the EU funds of Agenda 2000. Apparently, the cosche intend to acquiredirectly and
through front-mena substantial portion of these funds and of the sums that are
being distributed by the central government and the local administrations. Unaware of
being wiretapped, a Sicilian man of honour recently stated: They say we should not
make any fuss, they recommend that we all avoid making noise and attracting
attention, because we have to get all this Agenda 2000. . . [42]
What is at stake was clearly singled out in the report on the DIAs activities in the
second half of 2000: if Cosa Nostra relies on dragging the public funds foreseen for
large-scale construction works in order to recover definitively, preventing it from
implementing this project could plunge it into one of the most serious crises it has ever
known [43]. Unfortunately, this awareness does seem to shared by the cabinet headed
by Silvio Berlusconi, set up in June 2001. As the Minister for Public Work,
Pietro Lunardi, officially stated a few months afterwards, while talking about the huge
public investments foreseen for the construction of a bridge over the Messina straits,
in Southern Italy there is the mafia and we need to come to terms with it [44].
Incompetence or mafia collusion? It is hard to say. There can be no doubt, however,
about the following point: even more than in the past, mafia associations survival now
seems to depend on how their relationships with politics and different sectors of the
public administration are set up in the future.
If mafia groups do not receive the political support they desperately need, in the
middle-term Italy might end up having the same type of organised crime that is
widespread in the rest of Europe: namely, a myriad of criminal enterprises selling
prohibited commodities with no ambitions to exercise a political power of any sort.
Notes
[1] See Hess, Mafia and Mafiosi: the Structure of Power; Blok, The Mafia of a Sicilian Village,
1860 1960: a Study of Violent Peasant Entrepreneurs; Schneider, Culture and Political Economy
in Western Sicily.
FGLC 6010326/10/2004124362
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[2] Arlacchi, Mafia Business: the Mafia Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. See also Catanzaro, Men of
Respect. A Social History of the Sicilian Mafia.
[3] Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods: Organized Crime, Italian Style.
[4] Pezzino, Stato violenza societa`. Nascita e sviluppo del paradigma mafioso. For a similar
opinion, see also Lupo, Il tenebroso sodalizio. Un rapporto sulla mafia palermitana di fine
Ottocento.
[5] Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods, 40 64.
[6] Smith, Corporations and Society, 98.
[7] Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, 176 7.
[8] Cressey, Theft of the Nation.
[9] Weber, Economy and Society, 72.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Sahlins, Stone Age Economics, 193 200.
[12] Lestingi, Lassociazione della Fratellanza nella provincia di Girgenti, 453.
[13] Murray, The Origins of the Tiandihui. The Chinese Triads in Legend and History; Kaplan, Yakuza:
Japans Criminal Underworld.
[14] Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods, 3 12.
[15] Paoli, The Paradoxes of Organised Crime.
[16] Catanzaro, Men of Respect; Santino & La Fiura, Limpresa mafiosa. allItalia agli Stati Uniti.
[17] Gambetta, The Sicilian Mafia. The Business of Private Protection.
[18] Franchetti, Condizioni politiche ed amministrative della Sicilia, 100.
[19] Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods chapters 4 and 5.
[20] Stille, Excellent Cadavers: The Mafia and the Death of the First Italian Republic.
[21] Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods, 215 7.
[22] Becchi, & Turvani, Proibito? Il mercato mondiale della droga, 156.
[23] Falcone with Padovani, Men of Honour: The Truth about the Mafia, 115.
[24] Scarpinato, Mafia e politica, in Mafia. Anatomia di un regime, 45.
[25] Paoli, Mafia Brotherhoods, 218 9.
[26] Ministero dellInterno, Rapporto sul fenomeno della criminalita` organizzata (anno 2000), 60 5.
[27] Sales, Camorra, 468.
[28] Sales, La camorra. Le camorre; Monzini, Gruppi criminali a Napoli e a Marisglia. La delinquenza
organizzata nella storia delle due citta` (1820 1990).
[29] Ministero dellInterno, Rapporto, 60 75.
[30] Massari, La Sacra corona unita: potere e segreto.
[31] Ministero dellInterno, Relazione semestrale sullattivita` svolta e i risultati conseguiti dalla
Direzione Investigativa Antimafia nel primo semestre del 2002, 57 64.
[32] Ingroia, Lassociazione di tipo mafioso.
[33] Ministero dellInterno, Rapporto 2001 and Relazione semestrale 2002.
[34] See, for example, Ministero dellInterno, Relazione semestrale sullattivita` svolta e i risultati
conseguiti dalla Direzione Investigativa Antimafia nel secondo semestre del 2000 and Relazione
semestrale, 2002.
[35] Paoli, Pilot Project to Describe and Analyse Local Drug MarketsFirst Phase Final Report: Illegal
Drug Markets in Frankfurt and Milan, 110 15.
[36] See Suchan, La criminalita` oranizzata cinese in Toscana.
[37] Paoli, Flexible Hierarchies and Dynamic Disorder: the Drug Distribution System in Frankfurt
and Milan.
[38] Paoli, Pilot Project, 110 15.
[39] See Paoli, The Paradoxes of . . . cit., and Fijnaut & Paoli (eds), Organised Crime.
[40] Block, East SideWest Side: Organizing Crime in New York.
[41] Barbacetto et al., Mani Pulite: La vera storia.
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L. Paoli
[42] La Repubblica, 6 February 2001, 15; see also Consiglio Superiore della Magistratura, Verifica
della evoluzione delle forme organizzativo-dirigenziali di Cosa Nostra al fine di uneventuale
elaborazione di proposte per attuare strategie di contrasto. Risoluzione approvata dallAssemblea
Plenaria nella seduta antimeridiana del 7 giugno 2001, 13 15.
[43] Ministero dellInterno, Relazione 2001, 16.
[44] La Repubblica, 23 August 2001, 2.
References
Arlacchi, P. (1988) Mafia Business: the Mafia Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Oxford University
Press, p. 3.
Barbacetto, G., Gomez, P. & Travaglio, M. (2002) Mani Pulite: la vera storia, Editori Riuniti.
Becchi, A. & Turvani, M. (1993) Proibito? Il mercato mondiale della droga, Donzelli, p. 156.
Block, A. A. (1983) East Side West Side: Organizing Crime in New York, Transaction Books.
Blok, A. (1988) The Mafia of a Sicilian Village, 1860 1960: a Study of Violent Peasant Entrepreneurs,
Polity Press.
Catanzaro, R. (1992) Men of Respect. A Social History of the Sicilian Mafia, The Free Press.
Cressey, D. (1969) Theft of the Nation, Harper and Row.
Durkheim, E. (1964) The Division of Labor in Society, The Free Press, pp. 176 177.
Falcone, G. & Padovani, M. (1993) Men of Honour: The Truth about the Mafia, Warner, p. 115.
Franchetti, L. (1993) Condizioni politiche ed amministrative della Sicilia, Donzelli, p. 100.
Gambetta, D. (1993) The Sicilian Mafia. The Business of Private Protection, Harvard University Press.
Hess, H. (1973) Mafia and Mafiosi: the Structure of Power, Saxon House.
Ingroia, A. (1993) Lassociazione di tipo mafioso, Giuffre.
Kaplan, D. (2003) Yakuza: Japans Criminal Underworld, University of California Press.
Lestingi, F. (1884) Lassociazione della Fratellanza nella provincia di Girgenti, Archivio di Psichiatria,
Antropologia Criminale e Scienze Penali, vol. 5, p. 453.
Lupo, S. (1988) Il tenebroso sodalizio, Un rapporto sulla mafia palermitana di fine Ottocento,
Studi storici, vol. 29, no. 2.
Massari, M., La Sacra corona unita: potere e segreto (Laterza, 1998).
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Deputati, 2001), 60 5.
Ministero dellInterno, Relazione semestrale sullattivita` svolta e i risultati conseguiti dalla Direzione
Investigativa Antimafia nel secondo semestre del 2000 (2001) and Relazione semestrale, 2002.
Ministero dellInterno, Relazione semestrale sullattivita` svolta e i risultati conseguiti dalla Direzione
Investigativa Antimafia nel primo semestre del 2002 (2002), 57 64.
Monzini, P. (1999) Gruppi criminali a Napoli e a Marisglia. la delinquenza organizzata nella storia
delle due citta` (1820 1990) (Meridiana Libri).
Murray, D. H. (1994) The Origins of the Tiandihui. The Chinese Triads in Legend and History,
Stanford University Press.
Paoli, L. (2000) Pilot Project to Describe and Analyse Local Drug MarketsFirst Phase Final Report:
Illegal Drug Markets in Frankfurt and Milan, EMCDDA, pp. 110 115.
Paoli, L. (2002) Flexible hierarchies and dynamic disorder: the drug distribution system in frankfurt
and Milan, Drugs: Education, Prevention and Policy, vol. 9, no. 2.
Paoli, L. (2002) The paradoxes of organised crime, Crime, Law, and Social Change, vol. 37, no. 1.
Paoli, L. (2003) Mafia Brotherhoods: Organized Crime, Italian Style, Oxford University Press, pp. 2432.
Pezzino, P. (1987) Stato violenza societa`. Nascita e sviluppo del paradigma mafioso, in la Sicilia, eds
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FGLC 6010326/10/2004124362
31
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evoluzione delle forme organizzativo-dirigenziali di Cosa Nostra al fine di uneventuale
elaborazione di proposte per attuare strategie di contrasto. Risoluzione approvata
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Sales, I. (2001) Camorra, Appendice 2000, Treccani, p. 468.
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organizzata italiana e straniera al Centro Nord, eds M. Massari & S. Becucci, Comunita`.
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fGLC
Vol.1 No.1
Letizia Paoli
Manuscript
No. (if
applicable)
AUTHOR: The following queries have arisen during the editing of your
manuscript. Please answer the queries by marking necessary corrections at
the appropriate positions on the PROOFS. Do not answer the queries on
the query sheet itself. Please also return a copy of the query sheet with
your corrected proofs.
QUERY NO.
QUERY DETAILS
AQ1
Im unsure of the sense of the sentence: Cosa Nostra, for example, prohibits settling families outside
of Sicily.
Does this mean that no Cosa Nostra member is allowed to move away from Sicily? If so, the meaning
would be clearer if the sentence were rephrased as follows: Cosa Nostra, for example, prohibits
families settling outside of Sicily.