PRINCIPLES in the Age of Humanism i Ln wo gl bd roe Van he Sader Sherer ato “he prea elon i pried rrr wanes, oh the Waring fn RUDOLF WITTKOWER 952 ALEC TIRANTI LTD, 72 CHARLOTTE STARLET LONDON, W.1PART II PRINCIPLES OF PALLADIO'S ARCHITECTURE 1. The Archies as “wom universle” : Pallacio, Trvsno and Barbaro 1 1547 appeared Giangiorgio Trissino’s L'taie liberata doi Gol, vas the frst of the great heroic epics ofthe x6th century, dogmatically based on ancient precepts. The author himself proudly repeats more than nce that he had chofen Aristotle as his “maestro” and Homer “per de, e per idea.” This epic had a topical interest. It tells of the ‘expulsion of the Gothe from Itsly by Belisarius, Justnian’s commander, ‘feat of arms which safeguarded the survival of classial traditions in Italy, and made Italy part of the eastern empire from which Greek civilization had sprang, But by the time the epic was written the lnfdels were masters of that ancient empire; the book was therefore fiingly dedieated to the emperor Charles V, the new Justinian, who ‘would now come from the West and liberate the East. Tm the course of more than 20 years, during whicl, as the author sscerts, he kimmed through all the Latin and Greek writers, a work was completed which not only combined history with mythology and theology, but also threw much light on astronomy, medicine, alchemy, ecromancy, mathematics, and, last but not least, on naval, military tnd civic architecture, The epic summarized TTrissino’s ife-work and ‘ambitions, He was an all-round humanist with an encyclopedic know- ledge, and immensely productive. He tried to revive the great Greck epic, and he introduced Greek tragedy in Italy with his Syfonishe 1514-5); his comedy I Similini (1548) followed Plautus, and his Cmzon? imitated Pindar; he wrote Eelagus and poems in Latin and translated Horace. Linguistic problems, so much cherished by humanists of the period, attracted him particularly. He published an drs feutica and books on grammar, and he is above all remembered for ntempting to hellenize Ttalian spelling and pronunciation, and to cxeate artificially a common Italian language. This was in opposition to the general humanist trend which with Bembo, Speroni, Varchi and so many others led to the acceptance of the Volgere (the Tuscan lan- sage) as the language of cholarship and learning, a movement which was erowned by the work of the Accademia della Crusca. Trissno's brand of humanism was aristocratic and in a way anachronistic; he advocated a formal, esoteric and dogmatic classicism, free from any popular tendencies. “6G. Tolan, 1 Cngcene, “Stra eteraia Tals," May 1559,= ‘Principles of Palladio's Architectare Inthe fifth book of Lala libmatais the description ofa palace, which sgives a good impression of the working of his mind. After an exact description of the precinets and the entrance to the palace follows an account of the courtyard A liter re ao the ite outed fs spacioy arches reg on ound play Whe bh seal othe pavemaa's with ‘The thickness heght by eight divided Each column has a ver capita ‘Whose height repeat the measure oft thickness, we sends ona mec bese ‘Which bs again exacly half high This scoot ofthe seademicallycounruced courtyard a pote Jara of ity an Vin‘ tn utr hs oo had, ue we ball fs moe una fener! ocr ode te alae, by nme Acasa af all sor of eogreable array othe ESoqdzing sy, aod Cato cleaner God Heal var Blears Guardian tel cath a gue and helpmate, Tei he ho ghee Preparatory Sexcptin ofthe place, and hs name Plog When the young miplor Aude Cl rete dal Pato ee ie ‘eins orb he fave Hm, ater the Eubion of trsait ces ‘lane natte “Palos” vows anocaton with ie imge chase Indica wit be enpetel fom the young art, A cleanageal tertng males evden ha the name wat a ehosen fr the fog Of the Epc, who so wall vere in cheers tad ths made Se Confer the mame on the sce dubly ales ‘Anes ltr was born nal" Atte ogc of ln Apel 506 tc was imerbed st Vicenn in the guid fhe bndcjon sat Iman For the nea ten ears he fur in documents cape oa sculptural wrk andin adocumentof 542 hess clled apeda+ But some tine beore tha, probably fe igg6 or gam ake en ook Place which bad 9c frees ac eieton Wutspeasechinctor Frio, at that ine engaged onthe bling of sila Goal net * Work on Zi fibga was begun in 1526, in 1599 approximately bal ‘he poem was finshed; cf: Bernards Monll, Gangeigo Frisina, Vicenon, 1878p ath Pala nope ot wth is humans name indies ot asth February and rolh Marcy ie4o. In all the documents etre fst ate he i called “Andrea tr “Andrea di Peta” GE Zoe in dros Vere Trike, sge3, . 98, "The old pusale of Palade birth (1508 or 1518) was finally seed by ocumentay evidence i favour of 1508,2h Zora ps De ta6 fe he fantosery fut is place ord Padas Vitenea eR AUD Fran, Paley Vizemts a, fl, ove ine Vee ody SF. Lampertio, Set sor ltt 188, 1, pp. an6, 966 * Fortis ee ae me 1), snd sy G: lobe Veber Palate Patra, 1g 5 Brom 5430 Palade vegulary named sachet ‘The Architect as “Uomo Universale” 33 ‘Vicenza, discovered the gifts of the young man who worked there as a maton. Trisino was not only responsible for Palladio's change of profision, but also had a formative influence on his conception of architecture. "The Villa Cricoli has usually been attributed to Palladio, but there is strong evidence that Trissino himself was its designer. Some of his Schitectoral drawings have survived and one is inseribed: “‘Aleune paante della casa di Cricoli"? His keen interest in architectural pro- blems is further documented by the survival of an undated manuscript fragment which, though very short, shows the trend of his thought. He had undertaken, he declares, the task of writing a treatise on archi- tecture because he noticed how much enlightenment was needed : “for alter having read Vitruvius attentively... I find that those things which this time were very familiar are now entirely unknown . . . and that this Vitruvius is very badly understood and that he teaches nobody sufli- ciently in that art; therefore, while he endeavours to show that he knew things extremely well, he teaches very few of them. Leon Battista Alberti wanted to follow in his footsteps... but apart from the length ofhis treatise it appears to me that one mises int many things while fone finds many which are superfiuous.”* Trisino built his Villa Cricoli in order to realize his dream of creating a learned academy, the “Accademia Trissiniana” as it was ater called, in rural solitude, The rooms were decorated with Greek and Latin inscriptions and over three doors was written : "Genio et Stodiis,” “Otio et musis” and “Virtuti et quiet” Study, Arts and Virtue—these Key-words embrace the programme of the Academy Swudents lived in Cricoli and their work was regulated from day-break. to nightfall, Trissino seems to have wished to blend the ideals of "A document of oh February, 1598 (cf. Zor, oes pp. 137 148) i she fn proof af famaiaety betvcen the two mes. * Gc was built between tayo and #538. Ck. Rumor in Archie Vode Tide, 1926 p. 208 In spew the-enidence tothe contrary Rumor a Well at Feces op et p40, inaintan the old ation 9 Palla, But or authors before them were doubtful eg, O, Berto Seamozs, Let Atmms et les dans de Ande Palladi, 1786 (and ed.) I p. fan Banger, Die Vilen ds Andie Pala, x90, p.3}--Colao Cua’ leer to Trtuino of May aay 1536, sein conclusive; i mentions “la maggior parte el dnegno (el, Gico} dk Vostra Signosia” ("la magsior partes FES parse ke ding) Monon, hp ss Dal Ponsa peer pp. 48, 50 ff), usiog ilar arguments tour excludes FalndiGh parietfaube ithe planning of Gc “In the Brera at Milan. “The inerption, by Teisino hse, confirms the rlation of hese planet Cro, These dennis were discussed, bat not published, by Monin p.aa5 {The one published by Dalla P0228, sin shows that Trietno Began i planning with a reconstruction of Vieutine Roman house, Gr Nore Pewricoertolini, Delt Arckitctura, Franments di Gersing® Trvin, Viens, 1878.* ‘Principles of Pallaio's Architecture ‘monastic life with the traditions of the Greek schools of philosophers, ‘ict moral conduct at well as physical cleanliness were peremptory demands. "The study of Latin and Greek, guiding the student to an accomplished Italian style, was the medium through which he hoped to infuse civie virtues into the young generation. Trissino had been an active participant in the meetings of the Ordi Orialari where these Jdeas were discussed at ength among the leading Florentine humanists Here is the thread that links Trissino's enterprise to the old Platonic ‘Academy in Florence. And in this truly eneycloprdjc tradition the subjects of study included philosophy, astronomy, geography and, ‘above all, musi, Tn the late 1590's and "4o's all the young noblemer ‘of Vieenza went through the Trisinian Academy, and though Palladio Yate Jonge a young man he seems to have taken part inthe ie a ‘About the intimate ties between Palladio and Trissino there cannot bbe any doubt. In the preface tothe Quatro libri dal! rchittera Pallado singles him out as the “splendore de’ tempi nostri,” and in the preface to his edition of Caesar he relates that it was the “dottissimo” Trissino who taught him the secrets of ancient military science.? Giuseppe Gualdo, Palladio's contemporary, wrote in his reliable life of the architec, that “when Trissino noticed that Palladio was a very spirited ‘young man with much inclination for mathematics, he decided in ‘order to cultivate his genius to explain Vitruvius to him, and to take hhim to Rome three times ...” In view of Trssino’s Vitruvian record 2 The importance of rhetoric as an incentive to poliial virtues in this clecle was daciwed by Cantimon in the Joona of te Warbwe Inti, hp te Soe alo F. Gilbert, tide Ny ty. 114 ‘Morolin, op. cit, . 292 H.gives detailed account of the Academy, ‘with forherliterstre” Ch leo Lampertcn, sp. ata p. 154M. Teachers of the Academy were men of high reputation {ke Betnartino Dovato and Bernardino Barteno. Palo Manzi letter of May goth, 1995, to Parte about his election as teacher ofthe Academy gives an ides of the importance Attached to that iesttuton, “Manusio writes: s+» con noi mi rallegr, con quella magnifica citadel honorato persirointorna all academia {quale uicranno, come dal cavalo Trokno, in poco tempo eccellentinis evan large tye and ome half bay at eneh end in Cxcol instead of fie lane bays = loom entablature in both ters intend ofthe breakin the entablature above the orders, Inall ches particulars Cricoll corresponds to Serliosilustraion ‘of Raphael's loggia of the Villa Madama (bk. 111, p. 148 £). But Sexio’s third book did not appear until 40, at atime when Cricoi was finabed “Tin had acces elder wo Serio material bene as publied (Serio seas in Venice from 15a8 onwards) or brought a smular drawing back from Rome, The close relationship between Cecoli and Serlio had been noticed by H. von Geymiller, Rafualsctiiato come ert, 1884, p. 873 - al Dalla Posen, Bot, pe 59 Tire rlatomhip ofthe humanist snd philosopher Ligh Cornaro t his achitect Faleoneto (about is studies of ancient architecture im Rome ‘Vasari, ed. Milanea, V, ps 19) anticipates that of Tris to Palladio. On Comnato of: J-Burckhart, Die Ral der Renaissance, roth ed, Wp 5 The arguments for ad. against ‘Trsino' infience on Paliadio's carly ager have both found their advveats. Dalla Pozzay in hs valuable book ‘on Palacio, stresses unduly Serio’ influence (pp. 05-87),6 Principles of Palladio's Architecture the fact speak for themselves, as is often the case with creative artists.” ‘Yer his contribution to the humanities was probably greater than that of any other architect of his period, and by no means confined to architecture, ‘The frst fruits of his journeys to Rome were two small {uide-books, of greater importance than their size might indicate. Both appeared in Rome in 1554. One, Le anicité di Roma, consists of short {descriptions of the classical ruins and their history, arranged in groups, for the information of travelers. ‘The book replaced the mediaeval Mirabilia Urbis Romae which, a8 Palladio put it, were “ull of strange lies.” Classical material was now presented in accordance with the new standards of Renaissance research. “Knowing,” wrote Palladio, “how great everybody's wish is to understand truly these antiquities” the undertook to measure the ruins and to collect reliable information ‘about them, His scholarship is impressive; he not only used the works of the modem Roman antiquasians, Biondo, Fulvio, Fauno and Mar- Jiani, but also classical authors, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Livy, Pliny, Plutarch, Appianus Alessandrinus, Valerius Maximus and Eutropius. By the middle of the 18th century Palladio’s litte work had gone ints Imore than 30 editions, and helped to form the conception of ancient Rome which travellers carried home for 200 years. His second book, the Deseiione de le Chet, Statoni, Indulgence & Religuie de Corpi Santi, che foam in Ua Citta de Roma, also grev out of the old Mirabile, which, apart from the antiquities, contained a description of Roman churches under a purely religious aspect forthe use of pilgrims. Though clearly deriving from this traditional pattern, Palladio re-arranged the itinerary and for the firt time introduced artistic appreciations, and his work was the nucleus from which, until the 18th century, most Roman guide- books developed.” Towards the end of his career, in 1575, Palladio published Cacsar's Commentaries with 41 illustrations.* I throws a light on his absorption in ancient writers that he studied Caesar together with his sons Leonida and Orazio, who prepared the illustrations. After their premature death he had the book published in their memory. In the preface he relates that for very many years he had studied ancient military science and “read all the sncient authors and historians who had treated of it.” GE the prem to the Qptr ir: “Bein uti quest ibe io foegid 1a i ae era eaten etc eae pteunno pit neewsnie?” See'alo the preface 10 the third book In the preface this ntte he delared that he had witten "com quanta pil Brevita ho potates™ "Aceortog to Gualdo, Palladio was in that year in Rome, 1 or the anfhid and the Deuon cf Ludwig Schutt, Le Guide Rena, 1930, pp. 26 fy 126 Hoth compete bibliography of the efiions "Taner i ©. Gu Cae ol fren tome Sg alloomant de fi dae le sent’ de eit“ Nene eo de rance, 1575 ‘The Architect as “Uomo Universale” 7 ‘The preface contains an abstract of what he had found in them. He ako applied his knowledge of ancient historians when illustrating [tis be the works which was ddietd tothe Grand Dake of Tuscany, is lost. "AIL these works were modest by-products in comparison with Palladio's ambitious Quatro libri de arcktettra, published. in 1570, im ‘which he set out to survey the whole field of architecture. ‘The first book deals with the orders and elementary problems, the second with domestic buildings, the third with public buildings and town-planning, fand. the fourth with the temples “without which no civilization is possible.” In the dedication of the fist two books to Conte Giacomo /Angaranno, Palladio gives usa glimpse ofthe impulses which animated his undertaking. ‘The remains of antiquity were his constant measure of permanent values. Hie regarded the ancient “enormous ruins as a hing and sublime testimony of Roman excellence (vir) and gran- fleur,” and professed to have been deeply stired by studying that "quality of virtue” and having concentrated all his thoughts on these dies In the preface to the third book he returns to the idea that the vestiges of so many of their sumptuous buildings” give us “a certain knowledge of Roman virtue and greatness, which perhaps had ot otherwise been believed." The practice of good architecture is for him a moral faculty, and architecture is one emanation of the unity of the ecieners and arts which together constitute the ideal of virtus—a central doctrine of life and thought in the Trissinian Academy. But itis probable that architecture as a manifestation of virtue implies for Palladio something more specific, and this will be shown at a later point of this chapter, Palladio's plans of publication were interrupted by his death. In the prefice to the first book he gave a summary ofthe whole scheme which ‘was to comprise theatres, amphitheatres, arches, thermae, aqueduets, foctifications and ports, In his text he referred more than once to his forthcoming “libri dell'Antichith"® or his “libro degli Arcki,”* and, according 10 Gualdo, a volume containing “Tempi Antichi, Archi, "the devon of 569 pled by Massny Meri it soe dh Andee Patio, Padus, 1895, appendix, . 16. Paladio' stas ‘Wom exited in pre (ef: dp Ll ut far nota single copy bas tuned %, Preface tothe third ook. Tendon anco nelle grandisime ruin loro chiro, & illuste testimo= rio delia vire, & della grandezza Romana: in modo che strovandomi io ffandemente Gercitato, & infiammato ne gi ott studi di quest qualith (F'Virta, & havendo con gran sperarina reso in el ttt mie penser.” “English translations from the Ovatro fini are quoted, sometimes with sll alteration, from Isaac Ware’ edition of (738. “Be I. Tid, and, 15. 1p. 47 and paisin. See alo hs dedication tothe third book.s snipe of Palladi's Arehitectre Scpolture Terme, Ponti, Specolee alti pubbiii eit del! antec Roman was lel to Giacomo Conarni, Palla’ rend and patron ready for poisson. OF allthis material only the Roman thermae ‘were publshed, by Lord Burlington, 150 years after Palladio's death Paladio emphaizd that in preparing hs book he had studied the works of predecenors who had writen on architectures" on more tig occ sere tis iiperance of Alber ud indod, [Albert nfaeneeon him was very great + But above all the modern tools he paces Vitruvius whom he haschosen per mnt, e guia,"* “Hr was probably more familar with Vitruvius than sny other eontem porary architect, and in beeping with Trsino' own views he eliewed that Vitruvius revealed the deeper secrets of ancient architecture. His imaginative and penetrating interpretation of itrvive x apparent in * Pallai's book had been long in preparation and seems to have been ready forthe prem in adiffretforn Uture 1939. GE A. F- Donk La eres Tire, Veriee, 155.135, roo has a remarkable passage about the work which at that period fad aor pet ate “ma da quale che in exo spo pene pe linea: Nem diver Aveta” Dale Baar in Kis Commentary to Vituviun, 1590p. s7o, say that “peeto yeni in Ice un ibe dele case privat, compono segnsto dal alli.” Abo the changes in Palla plane for pubicsion eh also Tomaso Tesanea Vite at dniies Paleo, Vente, 1960, p- xin, Cacogna fers Veng TV, 408.5, Magrini, op i, p. 105°, ami Dalla Poza, op cit, p. 109 fh The great uajority GPunpiblished drawings by Palldo are now in the Tis of Bltbh Arcitet from the elletion of Lord Burlington” About 60 of thee dating rere purchased bythe ltr isthe Villa Mase, but by Palladio for his frend Daniele Barbaro (ct Burlington inthe preface to Ih Falincte dtc diggs da dina Plladi 1790). Others had been acquired by Burlington fom the collection of Inigo jones who got poseson them in Hal (10142) probably through Seatnoral (. W. Grant Ret in Joana! RLEB.A., NSXUIT, 3985, p99). Asal series of drawing, poisibly a portion of those mentioned by Gualdo as in the possesion ci Etacsmo Ubetari cached the Museo Cul in Vicenza through the hans of Scarce, Francesco Albanese, Matont (crete di Palladis fon i osertasions dellArcitett NIN, [Mutton 1740, 1, pp. wi 3) ‘Temanga, Dal Peder and Pinal; cf Magn of cl, ppg fy Gir lore Zora in La Preah Vien, May 17,1910, 8.198. ATeN daw {ng are inthe Binacotec at Brexia and oft i the Masco Clvico Mt Verona. “Four rconstractions of casical building, as far a we con 2 ever before mentioned are in the Vatican Libra, cols Vat iat Otter series of dearings seem to be lot, e 14 Grange which were ne Toth century in the pseation of Giuseppe Vallarc, Nolan, & Magn, Bain lit tea eter, Feo Salen cchini, Dug «prt fasted S Poona, 1999, Po. XVI be * 33 "Ta the dedication tothe fist book: “ho ivolto con faticowo studio di tana i ear, che. anno archi squat sient * Gt avove Part, p20, and blow Part LV, pp. 95 « Prefice tothe Bit books cee ‘The Architect as “Uomo Universale”™ ” the illustrations to Harbaro’s edition of 1556. Concerning Palladio's collaboration in this work we may let Barbaro himself speak: “For the designs ofthe important illustrations I used the warks of Messer Andrea, Palladio, architeet of Vicenza, who of all those whom I have known personally or by hearsay, has according to the judgment of excellent ‘men best understood the true architecture, having not only grasped i beautiful and subtle principles, but also practised it, whether in his most delicate and exquisite drawings of plans, elevations and sections, or in the execution and erection of many and superb buildings both in, his own country and gliewhere; works which vie with the ancients, enlighten his contemporaries, and will arouse the admiration of thote who come after us. And with regard to Vitruvius, the building of ‘Theatres, Temples, Basilicas, and those things which have the most ‘beautifull and most hidden reasons for their proportions (compartimen), have all been explained and interpreted by him (Palladio), with ready ill of mind and hand; he it i who hat selected the most beautiful styles of the ancfents from all over Italy and has made measurements of all their works in existence.”» Daniele Barbaro belonged to Palladio's generation (b. 1513) and, like Trissino, he embodied the Renaissance ideal of an allinchasive celucation based on clasieal scholarship. He was an eminent mathe- ‘maticin, poet, philosopher, theologian, historian and diplomatist, he founded the botanic garden at Padua and tried his hand at interior ‘decoration. Being himself one of the most outstanding personalities of ‘the mid-16th century, tes of close friendship existed between him ancl men like Aretino, Hembo, Varchi and Speroni, His report to the Venetian Senate on his legation to England, 1548-50, is a model of larity and precision, and has gained eclebrity as the first really com- prehensive account of English life and customs by an Italian for Italians.t His publications ranged over a wide field; amongst them isa dialogue on eloquence (1557) and a treatise on perspective (2568) in ‘whieh he used Durer extemsively.? But, ike Trisino, he was above al, LT dc bri dell Archit di ML, Vitrvio taut et commentati da Monsignoe Harbaro, Vineria, Francesco Marcolino, 1556, Bk. I, chap. 8, p40. Barbaro plays tribute in other places to Palladio» help, patiulacly Toc‘the reconstruction of the Tonie volute (HII. 95, ef, Magn of . $0.6) and the Roman theatre (V, vip. 167). Palladio, in the Queine lib eles hie readers several Gest the erations in Barbaro's Vitrvius (Gf bk. 111, chap. 1p and bk TV, chap. 3). The style ofthe ivatratons in th books is vel stil and some of thin are alee ential OF Calendar of State Papers, Vetion, V, 1534-54, B: 338 * A feof Daniele Barbaro hae not been writen, Nott comprehensive i Giovanni Poleni, Exratations Vutracianae ines, 1730, pp. 75-88. There sce tome notes in Ch. Yeiate, La vie d'un Pirin de Vonse aw XVle side (0..) BP. 109 fly 395. ‘Barbaro’s history of Venice for the years 15124515 35 Published fa'drsh. ser, al, 1044," 94960 Principles of Palladi's Architecture fan Aristotelian scholar He published, with a learned commentary, the Latin translation by his great-uncle Ermolao Barbaro of Aristotle's Rhetoric (1544) and edited Ermolao's translations of the Nicamacican Bibs (2544) and his compendium of the Aristotelian works on natural history (1545); all this was preceded by a eatise on Porphyry’s ‘Oragog, which consists ofa discussion of Aristotle's categories and was traditionally published as a preface to his Organon (1542). Daniele Barbaro died in 1570 as Patriarch of Aquileia and left in his will wo Palladio, “nostro amorevole architetto,” a token sum of 15 dueats. Te ‘wat for him and his brother Marcantonio that Palladio had built the famous Villa Maser car Asolo which, decorated with Veronese’: {frescoes and Vittoria's statues, is one of the most perfect Renaissance creations in Northern Ttaly.* Barbaro's commentaries on Vitruvius are most extensive and he often ves line of the text asthe starting point for long and learned exposi- tions on a particular problem. His method reveals immediately his Arisotelian training, i is purely logieal and deductive, leading from Aefinition o definition; while his thought is often thoroughly Placonic. ‘He begins with a preface in which he gives a philosophical definition ‘ofthe arts and of architecture, Fist comes a definition ofthe art in {general system of human pursuits, based on Avstrl’s five intellectual Virtues—arts, science, prudence, wisdom and intellect? We need not follow Barbaro’s procedure in detail and can restrict ourselves to the trend of thought which has an immediate bearing on our subject Science and Intellet are concerned with ‘certain truth” (“il vero necesario"), ie, the truth in the objects themselves, which is found by lunassilable proof. But Science is acquired, while Intellect is innate and reflects the power and virtue of the soul, ‘The Arts are concerned ‘with “uncertain truth” ("i vero contingente’), ie. the truth dependent fon human yill-power which is manifest in human creations. However, there is link between the spheres of “certain” and “uncertain” truths. Mathematics has its life rom the intellect; and those arte which are founded on numbers, geometry and the cther mathematical discipline, hhave greatness and in this lies the dignity of architecture ‘fier having thus explained the relation of the ars to other intellec- + according t9 De Tho, Hikriae ai tmpors, ence 1620, 1, ps 615 Berar el wy a Chan ec fi vo va rh TE Burges op. ct p14, and below Part TV, pe 18 Medley Yoga ot e These a ideas which had long been curent, Federge a Monelhes patent of 1480 for Luciano laarang in which aeirAcctitesurt fendats in Ts Sermetria, che sno delete ar iba e dele principal, perch sono {pmo gradu certian, et @ arte dl gran science etl grande ingen, ds ot lo ata et appresata™ (Cay, Couey penta). ‘The Architect ab “Uomo Univerale” 6 tal proviness, Barbaro carris on with a definition of the ars in detail, ‘With the clean-cut sentence “naice ogni arte da isperienra” he repents exactly Aristotle's maxim that “experience created art." He also follows Aristotle in bis dictum tat experience relies on the senses and is concerned with single instances, while the arts rest on universal prine ciples, though these must be discovered by experience. ‘The arts are therefore near to Wisdom, whieh isthe vitue correlated to science and intellect as being concerned with a cleat knowledge of the proof of certain trath.” ‘The thrend of these ideas is carvied on in the Vitravian text and here the Aristotelian system is given a Platonic bias. Where Vitruvius tals about the capacities an architect ought «0 posses (I, i, 9), Barbaro ‘comments: "The artist works frst in the intellect and conceives in th ‘ind and symbolizes then the exterior matter after the interior image, particularly in architecture.” Architecture, in other words, is nearer {o the Platonic idea than any other art. He carries on: “Therefore archi tecture above any other art signifies, ie. represents, le cose alla vist" by which he means that the form comes near tothe idea. In agreemer Wwith this he affirms in another place (I. i, 1): "Ia virto consiste nel” ‘Many passages show that Barbaro saw architecture not as an isolated discipline but a8 one of the innumerable manifestations of the human rind which all follow the same laws. Characteristic of this, and again Arisiotelian, is his comment to the second chapter where Vitruvius discuses the six categories—ordinatio, disportio, eurythmia, sym metria, decor, distributio—of which architecture consists, Barbaro declares that we find these elements in many things, and it follows that “these terms are general and common and as such have their definition in the general and common science which is the frst and is called metaphysics. But when an artist wants to apply one of those elements to his own profession, then he restricts that universality to the par ticular and epecial needs of his own art.”* Te would be serange if Palladio could have exaped Aristotelian influence; hin practical sense seems to reflect a behef in Aristotle's doctrine of experience and his adherence to ancient prototypes a familiarity with Aristotle's doctrine of imitation; the later, established in the Pete as the supreme principle in the ars, found an intense echo in the North Italian circles from ‘Trssino to Castevetro, A fusion of these Aristotelian tenets with Plato's conception of ideas seems marked | Metab, 08a : Thee indications are not meant asa summary of the complex logial structure of Barbaro's commentary. Also no attempt can here be made to ‘race Barbaro's sources, apart fom Aristotle and Plat. Amongst others, he to have used the Anatolian commentary of Caporals edition of Airvius, Perugia, 15966 ‘Principles of Pallaio's Archivecture in Palais arciteure; and an atentve render wil Sd i ‘Quattro libri clear traces ofthis syt in any case there is no doubt ‘hat Palladio was intimately familiar with the content of these com- ‘mentaries, and Barbaro's own statement is proof that many of them ‘were worked out in common consultation. Palladia’s work embodied for Barbaro his own ideal of scientific, mathematical architectare, anc it may be supposed that Palladio himself thought in the categories which his patron had so sklflly expressed. Itis probable that by associating fn the Quatro lid viriue with architecture, Palladio like Bacbaro regarded as the particular “victue” inherent in architecture the pesi= Billty of materializing in space the “certain truth” of mathematics, ‘This interpretation is supported by the title-page of the Qxatra libri showing allegories of Geometry and Architecture pointing upwards to the crowned figure of Vietue (“Regina Virtus”) with seeptre and book Te may be argued that from Albert's day onwards architecture was ‘conceived in terms of applied mathematica; but hardly ever before Barbaco was this subject submitted to such elosely knit logical analy. Falladio's Quato libri, almost entirely concentrated on the practical Side, are similarly marked by acuteness, precision, and clear and rational arrangement, And as Tessino with his application of Aristotle's Poetic gave sructure, unity and clarity to drama and epic, t0 Palladio aspired to unchallengeable lucidity of architectural planning based on the authority of claseal rules, Tn 1555 the Accademia Olimpica was founded in Vicenza, with Palladio as one ofits chief promoters. The programme was sil that of the older Italian academies, the cultivation of the “ome universe, ‘And so Palladio found himself again in a circle of men who believed in the same ideals at those which had ingpired his early days in Trisino’s company. Theattical performances soon became one of the notable Activites of the Academy, beginning with a memorable representation of Trissino's Syoniba in 1562, in_a theatre built for this purpote by Palladio inside the Sala of the Palazzo della Ragione.t| Later 0° Palladio was commissioned to erect a permanent theatre, Barbaro had been dead for ten years when the foundation stone was laid on ‘March 23, 1580. He, more than anyone else, would have been able to appreciate Palladio's project. For to all intents and purposes it corres pouded to the reconstruction of the Roman theatre which Barbaro, with Palladio’s help, had published in his Vicruvius, Palladio himsel? ded six months after building had started. In 1584 the theatre was opened and, like a tribute tothe mane of Trisino, who had introduced the taste for Greek tragedy, the first performance was Sophocles’ Gesipas Tyran + Dieslippo Castel, La wed Gneagrgn Trim Venice, 175% p26, believed (880 on that ocean the tole! for Pallas Tesco’ Olimpics ‘was shown, See alo Caley ap ety IVs 276 Principles of Pallaio's Architecture 6 2, Pallaio's Geometry: The Villar In a chapter on abuses in architecture, Palladio summarizes as fo} Jows: “although variety and things new may please every one, yet they ‘ought not to be done contrary to the precepts of art, and contrary 10 that which reason dictates; whence one sees, that although the ancients did vary, yet they never departed from some universal and necessary rules of art, as shall be seen in my books of antiquities!” He makes this statement in a definite context, but itean be generalized, and we shall row try to find out what for Palladio were the universal precepts af architecture. In the planning of his villas and palaces he followed cer- ‘ain rules from which he never departed. He demanded a hall in the central axis and absolute symmetry of the leser rooms at both sides. “And itis to be observed that those on the right correspond with those on the left, so that the building may be the same in one part as in the other."* Renaissance architects always regarded symmetry as a. theoretical recesity im design, and we find rigidly symmetrical plans aleeady with Filarete, Francesco di Giorgio and Giuliano da Sangallo.* But in practice thie theory was hardly ever applied. A comparison of 2 Palladian plan (PL. 216) with atypical Renaissance building such as the Famesina in Rome (1509) (PL. a1b) reveals immediately his complete break with the older traction. It isthe systematization of the grounds plan which became the distinguishing feature of Palladio’s palaces and willas.¢ In Cricoli Trissino anticipated Palladio's plans; everything ‘undertaken Iater by Palladio is a development ofthis archetype. ‘The carliest building which can be aceribed with certainty to Palla- io’ the Villa Godi Potto at Lonedo (PL a c) for which he received payments from 1540 onwards," In comparison with Cricoli this villa ‘sxetrogreasive. The asymmetrical arrangement of windows inthe fagade fan be found in inntimerable country-houses of the Venetian tera forma,® and the break caused by the three-arched portico and the * Quattro libri, 1, chap. 20, p. 48. er a ee BEE, oy sista te nadomuie Tons peur 2 ance fee eres ee ee ae oe pe Ne ap ae eel eae Ce ee ee eee Peal cbeter Creche te carat a ay Se et et staat BL ree hei liredern oo i ee ee a ne ee creas care6 Principles of Pllaio's Architecture recesed centre are ako traditional features. ‘The ground-plan too is simplified in comparison with Cricoli (PI. 20b), but with its four rooms of equal sie at each side of the central axis the principle of Symmetry i strictly Kept.?. This surprisingly unpretentious plan ecn- tains al the elements of Palladio's further development. ‘The local and traditional characcer which isso marked in the front ofthe Villa Godi disappeared completely after Palladio’s stay in Rome. But the plans of the many country-houses which he built asthe fashion- able architect of Vicenza, from the end of the 1450's onwards, ae all ifferent orchestrations ofthe same theme (see Fig. 8). ‘The pattern of thse plans is founded on the straightforward needs ofthe [alin villa Pallado's Geomeuy: The Vilas 6 eH — Villa Tene at Gicogna Vila Sarego at Micga Vill Poiana at Poiana Maggiore Joggias and a large hall in the central axis, two or thre living-rooms o- bedrooms of various sies atthe sides, and, between them and the hall space for small spare roomé and the staircases, An analysis of a few ‘ypieal plans ranging over a period of about 15 yeats will prove that they are derived from a single geometrical formula. The Villa Thiene ‘at Cicogna,” built during the 1550's, shows the pattern most clearly ‘The rooms together withthe portion are defined by a rectangle divided bby two longitudinal and four transverse lines. A variation of this type fs the Villa Sarego at Miega, built probably during the 1560's, only parts of which are preserved here the portico also extends across the width of the staircases, About 1360 Palladio had designed a simpler version ofthis plan for the Villa Poiana.® The Villa Badoer at Fratca, Pulesine, ¢. 1566, follows the same pater, but with one portico now placed outside the cube ofthe building. Villa Zeno at Cenalto,? between ' 38, belongs to ths class (reversed), but at each side ofthe hall 90 small rooms have been joined forming large rooms with the! axe at right angle to the hall. We find this feature again in the Vil Comaro at Piombino,? mentioned in 1565, where the staircases have been transferred tothe wings; the hall, which is therefore nearly square, fs now the same width as the porticos. BY another variation of these elements the approximately contemporary plan of Villa Pisani at “Montagnana emerges,? which, in reverse, can be found again in the Off instance Vila Ris, CBr, Ite 1th cena, Fal, of ple 14,15 " n'tvo ofthe rooms are small staircases which alter the shape of these rooms, But by ot showing a dividing wall between the stairs and the races Palladi ngatel is Haaraton ha he wanted the sel bape of th * Palladio 1, p. 60. The vie, 6 Burger, 9, et, ps 97 ‘Palladio Ii, p. 66, Birger, p 99, * Pallaio TE, P98, Burger po * Palladio I, p46, Burger p. 110 1 allio IY, p47, Burger, . 47 * Palladio JEP. $1; Burger . 94 + Palladi I, p. $0) Brunelli Calegas, Wille del Brena, x99, p. 987 ling, which was never finished, has mot sur- Villa Cornaro at Piombino | Villa Pisani at ‘Moatagnana Villa Fimo at Fansolo Villa Malcontenta i Villa Pisani at Villa Rotonda Geometrical Pattern ‘of Palladio's Villas Fig. 0, Schematized Plans of Eleven of Pallado's Villas.cy Principles of Pallado's Architecture ‘Villa Emo at Fanzolo, ¢, 1567... Ifthe staireates of the Villa Comaro. are placed inside along the small rooms the hall acquires the cruciform Shape of the Villa Malcontenta (1560),# a type which was varied in some other buildings, particularly in the Villa Pisani of 1567, at Bagnolo.® Finally, ¢ will now be seen that the plan of the Villa ‘Rotondatis the most perfect realization ofthe fundamental geometrical skeleton ‘What was in Palladio's mind when he experimented over and over ‘again with the same elements? Once he had found the basie geometric pattern for the problem “villa,” he adapted itasclearly and as simply 33 ‘posible tothe special requirements of each commission, He reconciled the tadk at hand withthe ‘certain cruch” of mathematics which is inal and unchangeable, This geometrical keynote is subconsciously rather than consciously, perceptible to everyone who visits Palladio's villas and its ths that gives his buildings their convincing quality. ‘Yet this grouping and re-grouping of the same pattern was not a5 simple an operation a it may appear. Palladio took the greatest care in employing harmonic ratios not only inside each single room, but also nn of the rooms to each other, and it «this demand forthe Palladio's ion of architecture. But this point vill be diseused in the last part ofthis book. ‘The fagades of Palladio’s villas prevent us with a problem exentislly similar co tha of the plan {alian monumental architecture is cube block, allan architects always strove for an “easly en length, height and depth ofa building, ‘and all villas by Palladio have that bloci-lke quality. The cube had tobe given a facade. He found hie motive inthe classical temple front, and almost invariably used it for his villas. The reasons for this were siven by Palladio himself in a passage which shows how for him practical considerations and principles of «higher order went hand in hhand. “K have made the frontispiece (i.e. the pediment of he portico) in the main front of al the villa and also in some town-houses.« beea such frontispieces show the entrance ofthe hotte, and add very much to the grandeur and magnificence of the work, she front being thw ~aclesmose eminent than the rest; besides, they are very commodious for placing the ensigns or arms of the owners, which are commonly 2 Paladio Hp. 58, Burger, p. 102 ft 2 Fllaio I, p 8; Barger pf BownelicCalegat of cp 16 1 Palado I, p. 4, Barge, p. 40 * Paladio IT, pp #6, 17, Burger. 59 ff. The building ofthe Rotona was begun in of doy after 1536, ‘Magoend's poem of 1354 (Burge, p64) Tesves mo doubt about it. A much later date, Hil given by Roberto Pane, Andie Palle, Pi 154, p45, ms therfore be rele Palladio's Geometry: The Vilas 6 ppt in the middle of the front. The ancients ako made we of them in their buildings, as is seen inthe remains of the temples, and other publie ‘edifices, and, as T have said in the preface to the first bok, they very probably took the invention and the principles (of them) from private building, ie. from the houses."* Fagades of ancient domestic buildings were unknown, but with the pplication of the temple front to the house Palladio believed that he hha re-created them in form and spirit; his reconstruction of the front ofthe ancient house in Barbaro's Vitruvius shows a lange eight-colurim portico (Pl.agc). His conclusion was founded on two fallacies, a theory ofthe development ofsociety, and a theory of the genesis of architecture. He thought that man formerly lived by himsell; but afterwards, see: ing he required assistance of other men, to obtain thote things that might make him happy (if any happiness is to be found here below) naturally sought and loved the company of other men; whereupon of several houses, villages were formed, and then of many villages, cities, and in these public places and edifices were made.” Therefore, he concludes, private houses were the nuclei of public buildings; in other ‘words, temples reflet the appearance of the ancient howse.® The idea that the temple ix a magnified howe throws an interesting light on Palladio’s own crystalline conception of architecture. He cannot think in terms of evolution, but envisages readyemade units which may be ‘extended or comtracted.+ His peculiar reasoning led him, in fact, to ennoble aristocratic domestic architecture by using the principal mosit ff ancient sacred architecture, With this unclasieal transposition, the motif acquired a new vitality which he fully exploited. He-swas the rt consistently to graft the temple Font on to the wall of the house, and through him the type was most svidely disseminated. The nearest approach to the casical portico with its broad and majestic staircase is to be found in the Villa Rotouda (Pl. aaa); but even here the Portico must be seen against the background of and ia relation to the cube ofthe building. ‘The portico ofthe Villa Malcontenta (PI, 22b) ical free-standing; havever, with the saireases atthe sides, and vtin- dows and a door in the basement under it, the portico has been. grated into the architecture of the house.* A further step inthis d ton isthe placing ofthe temple front in the plane of the wall, ass the + Palladio 1 chap. 16. + Bk, VI, chap. * Palin Ty preface. “See alto the statement, obviously influenced by Alberti in Bk. 11, chaps ia Gh. i lay che una cata ease grandee pet 1 oo teats Ia casa una cit prvi ‘Attemper in this digction had been made before him, ef. for instance Giuliano da Sangallo's villa at Poggio a Calan. “The relation ofthis villa and ef the Villa Rotonda to Palladi's recor struction of the Temple of Citumnus (S. Salvatore) near Trevi was dieesate cle ee a coe eB ah 5. Ballad and Classical Architecture: Palaces and Pabic Buildings the preceing ei Pati’ bulling ave been considered, danse ke geomet thee diferent realization, as ire ratiiclhc hes Sethe Vil ht i wold be wrong to copie Pan slot This section wl heelae be ag Bae Sih the erable con in heats and ays measure wa ree eat archtertre ie problem of Palla’ devdopmes. ae eis an examin of is changing conceptions of te = eee : Padi fre reat succes war the comminon to spor the meinen Pastas dela Ragone at Views. with 3 sunounding se eeayb) Hiscec coms ofamaminterpedscance, BeAr afte eelersed “Palaian’” move, Palladio mone cea cmcepvon cxrmon in Braantesccle and 1 iantsed through Serio’ found book on Architecture (1537 cused by Achille” Bertini Clow, “Andres Palladioe il Tempio ce Guam te nt car Et Renae Rome, 104, p18 Only a tmall portion ofthe vila, peobtly begun am ta, was execited (Bua 8 op) He mle ro tented om ite 2g0 he surviving wing of a very extenive front, Tt will be note Row ce Patladio cam Here to Albers tamsfortation of the ancient temple front into a conastent wal architecture, e above, P45 ‘Mike solution of the Vila Maser was anticipated the eat, Vil [Angarang meat Basano (1540) which was eniely ebuit inthe begioain ofthe rth century cf Burger, p. 20 tae aime of wring copy bane de dnd Palade: Wordhirg, 4939, was avaable in Stary in te vecew by W. Late etic fe Rung rINbiPy shows that my view about Ballads develope ei Fc im eee. cc “FPalado received payment fo four drawings on October 27th 1545 ( Magus fs pry) ata time whe he had seedy let for Rome tone: ‘wth Trista, Almot thre year later, on September ty 1948, is ods! Mas pracialy accepted for exeeuton ibd, p20 fly also for other dod Tenk on the progres ofthe werk). Dalla Poza, af: i, po. 95642, has ise the story tthe building with new documents 1 book by Herbert Pas, Die Pale ls ‘Palaces and Public Buldigs es (PL 240). When discuning the ancient baslicas in the Qsatte tr Polladio inserted a chapter on "The Boiiess of our Time,” in which he argued chat the name can ightly be used for buildings ike the Palazzo el Comune in Brescia and the Palasst della Ragione at Padua and Vicenza, inspite of the diflerences im custom and bulding methods bperween ancient and modem drnes. There isan important tert cone partons beoween the old and the nev baila, for both are the seats the juridical court? And in this chapter, following the reconstruct Sion ofthe ancient baiiea afer Viruviue, appear two plates of his own building at Vicenza, accompanied by these words? “I do not doubt but that this building may be compared withthe ancient edifices, and raked among the mest noble and host beaut abies, that have bee made since the ancient times, not only for is grandeur and its ore ‘ents but abso for te materials..." He regarded bis own building van adaptation of the antique baila type for moder usage, and the ‘medium through which he accomplished this was the clase orm a interpreted by Bramante ‘According to Temanza the fagadeof the Palazzo Porto-Colleont had an inscription: “Joseph Porto MDLIL"* Work on the building was therefore probabiy begun before or about 1550. ‘The derivation of the fagade fom a group of palaces bule in Rome by Bramaate and| Raphael i too obvious to need any comment (Pi 246, 258).° These bullings are ina clas oftheir own and represent a cima’ ofthe High] Renaisance palace between sst5 and 1320.” With their functional differentiation ofrosicated groun-foor and smooth pia wail, thei tmajestic sequences of double half-columns, thei eof few great forms tnd their economy of detail, the organic separation of one member from another (eg balconies and bac of column), the compact Bling of the wall andthe energetic projection of mace—with allthis in Unique combination these buildings had a magnetic attraction for ahitects witha elascal bis, "They expresed something of the serene fad grave quality of ancient Roman builngs, and ie was this palazzo {ype whiely fined with Venetian clement st by Sanmickeli (Faarza Pompei, Verona) and then by Palladi, was constantly imitated and ‘ae all over Europe. "On the Palladian motive, ef: the author’ remark in England and te Meltononon Trai, edited by the Wabarg and Courtauld Tastes, “PRE THE prec, pi chap 6, p 275 chap. zo pa, er Allrty suman att the arin baie ate seat of urate cabs, e Ai chap. 20, p37 10h a pi * Phiassd Wigon-Caffrli, 125, by Raphael, and the socalled Casa dt Raffaello (destroyed) bus by Bisinance br Court Caprina, finshed Raphael ine 191) Sex alto Palazzo Breaciano (154g) inthe Borgo (Vent Xi, peagy), Pera Palaszo Onl (Bid, Ag 948} acters.pe) Plip af Paa's Aeecte ee enn, ney ee ee ence pag See ena ns pte ieee lores oer ‘ions are characteristic of Venice and the terra ferma, and Palladio eee eet ren ere ete eens poeta hel sees a description after Palladio’s plate (IT, p. 7). In the building figures and XVIL ta Elevation wih Ceashin asters, groveb tose wih ale Palaces and Public Buildings n reconstruction of the Roman howe. ‘The tetrastyle a the leimtif of the ground-plan is one of the permanent characteristic of Palladio’s palaces. In book II, chapter 8, he gives a large-scale reconstruction of the tetratyle under the heading: “Of the Halle with four columns”; and hie text sys: “The following design is of the halls, which were ‘alled Tetras, because they had four columns. ‘They were made Square; and the columns were s0 placed as to make the breadth pro- ‘portionable to the height, and to make the place above seeure; which Thave done myself in many buildings.” ‘The ancient atrium had an, ‘open roof; a this could hardly be built by a modern architect, Plladio {med the tetrastyl hall nto an atrium. But he had good authority for this, for amongst the five types of atria mentioned by Vitruvius is one supported by four columns, ie. a tetrastyle ‘The preference given to this atrium by Palladio was not only due to its structural solidity, but above all 1 its square shape which he regarded as a perfect form. The formal quality of Palladi's plan appears pethaps mos signif ‘cantly in the arrangement of the staircase, which was uncomfortably placed under the portico on one side ofthe courtyard; Palladio explains that he did this in order to compel anyone wanting to go upstairs to Admire the finest part ofthe building fist. Tes, in fact the eourtyard— the ancient perstyle—which was regarded as the most important part ‘of the house. Barbaro, in his commentary, following Albert's compari- fon between the forum of a town and the cortile of a house, says that ‘Gd prima 'occhio alcortile” as the centre where all the other paris ‘come together.* Palladio'scortile with its giant composite colonnade (Pl. 25a) was of a grandeur hitherto unsurpassed; it meant an en« tirely new departure for the [alin corte, the reverberations of which are sill fo be found in Bernini's Louvre project. This revolution was brought about hecause Palladio wanted to make che height of the columns of the perityle correspond to its breadth—an iden which Teising had already expressed in his description of the enchanted. palace. These theoretical ratios are clearly demonstrated inthe illos- tration of the Quatro lib, Ie is not improbable that this conception ‘was derived from a misinterpretation of Vicruvius’ demand (VI ti, 7) that the height of the columns ofthe perstyle should correspond to the breadth ofthe colonnade Bk Ty hap 7-3 pa He mot at elne + Reconstructed by Paladis in IH, chap. 57 “DAV Awo dt Quattco alone." Tle i, chap. 21, ps 48 about “sae: “quanto pit si approsimeranso al rsa ans ean od & anna Sinenary to Vitae Vl chap. 9, P17 1a tebove aia ln le eon ea ae, gsi In lanieesa De faviments tay, however after Viral, be Ine preted team de the het ofthe coum confespends to the Width ote Salonnade,n Principles of Palladi's Architecture tis ear that, while the fagadeof the Palazzo Porto is sill Braman- teigue, the groundeplan war developed on new lines. Palladio was fvidently toying with the idea of recreating the ancient house for Sdern te from Virus text. A further step in this development i repreented by the Palazzo Thiene, built beoween 1556 and 1558 (FL 200). The group of the auium with adjoining rooms, octagonal oom in the corners annex t them, winding stats, corresponds in ‘tence to Palladio’reconatracton of the Reman house as published in Borbaro's Vitruvius, sgnificanly inthe year (1556) when the structure ‘ofthe Palazzo Thiene was ring (PI. 262). Buta feature unknovn in fncient houses was als incorporated into this plan. ‘The sequence of zooms opposite the main entrance, consisting of small octagonal snd rectangular rooms, and, in the centr, along hall with spsial ends is fn ealey novel combination. The long apsidal room Had been wed by Palladiy not only i the two side blocks of che Roman howe of Barbaro'slutration, but alo inthe silly arranged side blocks of the Greck house in the Qjatre tiri;2 but in neither of them is there anything like the dynamic variety of shapes of the Palazzo Thiene Palladio had found such arrangement. wien studying the Roman thermae and Hadrian's Villa at Tivol, and he believed them to be ancient domestic feature.® At this tage of his development he had fan eye for the dynamic effect of auch a suite of rooms, and ancient precedents were an excuse fr their employment. No one had hither thought of vtalising ancient planning in this way. Nor can a contern= porary plan be found in the whole of tay which comes anywhere near this diversity in a sequence of rooms. The most elaborate reconstruction of the Roman house was planned and party executed by Paladin 1361 for the Convent of the Cath st ‘Venice (PL. 270), and this was never misunderstood, Vasari as early 451568, wrote that this building was executed “a imitazione delle case che tolevan far all antici" and Pallaio says himselin his descrip- tion ofthe building: “I have endeavoured to make this houte ike chose of the ancients; and therefore Thave made a Corinthian Atrium to fegace es rene ne ena ee Seen eee eee i CARRE aay tu gent pre agen ‘Selva, Le Fabbricke ¢ monument fui cospicwi di Verecia, 1840 (2nd ed.), pp. 81 ae ies ee eee oar Palaces and Public Buildings B <2 Here, at last, he had an opportunity of building a real atrium ‘with an opening in the eeing.* The sacristy and a corresponding, small oom, which both adjoin the atrium like wings, arc called by him tablioum,” the tablinum being that room of the ancient house which connects atrium and peristyle. From the atrium one proceeds into the Closter which, being to lange for one giant order, was given a system {n thee tiers derived from that ofthe Colosseum. (At the far end ofthe Closter is the refectory, instead ofthe ects ofthe ancient house. “AIL the other plans for palaces take their place inthis evolution, and appear as partial realizations ofthe ideal towards which Palladio was steadily working.* While the planning thas became gradually more Roman, the facades tended to break away from the simple classicism of Bramante which determined the Basilica and the Palazzo Porto. Palazzo Chiericato (Fl. 283), however, probably designed shortly after the Palazzo Porto, presented a particular problem.* The palace was tobe built along one side of a large square, and not in a narrow street. Palladio therefore visualized its facade in terms of a Roman forum, and gave the lengthy front colonnades in two tiers, That the ides of a forum was in his mind ean be proved from his own words} he says in the chapter on “Piazze”: “Porticoes, such as the ancients used, ought ta be made round the piszze.”* Of course, the eolonnade of the plana rubile is interrupted by the fve slightly projecting eentre bays which form a proper palazzo front derived from the same Bramantesque pro~ ‘The Corinthian atrium, aosording to Vitruvius, VI i tas rows of columns slomgsde the open space, Ou expe may show Vow this is meant, Palazzo Antonini at Udine asgby Ph agby Paladio fp.) consis of a tetrastyle atrium fom which GS fea a should be the cas seg nto the tblinum; ight and let frog pen sal rooms, Viva, Further on he min Ss 8 Stra prlnge (the anclest vetbulum, shown in Palaio's reconstruction Gf the Greek house between the stecet ad the atsium) with the staircases at oaks; rom ete ope ees he Inga which replaces the ancien ec “There sno perutyle, The plan would therefore appear to be a contraction Grabbeeviaton of that of the ancient howe, adapted to the particular Tuer, pt p- Op, has demonstrated the derivation of the Vill ‘Thiene ar Quits fein Viteuvio’ description of the Greek house ‘Ppallado, 1 pp. 4.5 Now blusco Civico. ‘The documents published by Ac Magni, I Polezte Ul Mee Cio an Viena, Vieenaa, 1855, P. 67 Mabeit posible to follow up the quick progres ofthe building 8 the Yeaek Tee te’pslace was only party finished by Fallado, the rst as cuit wand the en fhe 7 cena, ct Magen dp 9 and Bertotd Scamors, spt, [ype 29 fl The fetoons along the windows the groupe at both sdes‘of the staircase, shown in Pallado's stration, ‘Were never executed Ty ET Fhe cldence of she documents G. Foes’ recent defence of dhe ate date te Paaago Cia ete uaranied(n: Piet Latics ¢ Sud any IU, Oct 15, 1042p. 384 £) Faladio 1, chap. p. 27. Gk previouly Albers, bk: VIT, chap. 6." Principles of Palladio's Architectare torype asthe Palazzo Porto, But tis deviation from the idl was not ‘only an artic necemitys it belonged to the sphere of the wel and the praccable, which play mich an impartent part in the Qt lib, tnd wich he always strove to reconcile with his ideal demands. On the ‘ther hand, Palladio made his theoretical conception quite evident n +his illustration of the whole facade (P1. 28b) ; for he left the orders white, and shaded ll the vallsn thesame manner, regardless of whether they fre joned ta the calounade or placed much futher back, eving te Fagade of the palace an appearance similar to that of the engraving a his piarza™ (PL, 2) Thiscomparson als shows that he conceived the colonnades of the plazea with rch Tonic and Corinthian orders, while at the period of the Palazzo Chiericato a chaste Doric below and tn unadorned lonie onder above were chosen, The Dorie ha tll Jomething of the simple grandeur of Bramant’s Tempio, and i ntirely untouched by the problematic syle of Michelangelo, who at zac this period wat reviving an ancien piszsa in his design for the Capit Gualdo reports that Palladio was in Rome in 1554. This vit most have opened his eyes to the meaning of contemporary architecture. Not only his planning but alo the style of his fagades went through a meta- Tmorphosis after his retum. The frst document of this change i the facade of the Palazzo Thiene (1556) (Pl. 29a, b, ). Although the one ‘executed front shows again rustication below and order above, expres sion and emphasis are entcly different from the Palazzo Porto. The rustication of the basement here is not a pattera with a decorative quality; its large, rough blocks convey, on the contrary, the impression ‘of mas and power similar to, if somewhat tamer than, the rutication of Angustur walls round the forums which were the model for Brac ‘mante's Palazzo di. Biagio! and for the other palaces of this group. ‘The entrance gate, with is heavy, alternating mall and large bosses ‘overlapping the rustication ofthe wall, was a feature constantly used and varied in Italian Mannerism afler Raphael had introduced it in the Palazzo Pandolfini in Florence. ‘The wall ofthe piano rebil is not shooth asin the Bramantesque Roman palaces, but consist of sharply fet Hat rustication on which the ordcr is superimposed, With this arrangemient Palladio takes up the tradition which leads back through the Cancelleria and Albert's Palazzo Ruccellai to the top storey of the Golesseum; and Pallado's own reconstruction of the exterior of the Pantheon shows that he regarded this teatment as common in ant aquity. The contradiction inherent in this combination sttracted Mannerist architects, and they exploited it in various ways from Giulio ‘Romano's Palazzo del Te! to Ales's Palazzo Marino in. Milan "8G. Giovannoni in Bolin d’Are, VIN, 1914, p. 185 f ‘For the we in the Palazzo ‘Thiene cf motives deriving from Giulio , Palace and Public Baltings 5 Palladio himself made the contrast between the heavy quoins and sousoi ofthe window ternal and the regular, Ratrataton of thera with the smooth, large pier the main Ueme of the aga Theiten fixings rite nder—ihe Tonic clin fe aber pacie are ere alton invisible under the square bose could ako be supported by the classical example of the Porta Maggiore in Rome.* Bye was only in Manner re ‘pen. Manner architects were enchanted. wid he “unished”™ Bepearanceof sch an order, andthe motive had many posable, as {an be seen in its ise by Giulio Romano, Samorne, Sanmich ‘Ammannati,Dosig, Ale) Vignola and many other. in the case of the Palao’Thiene the rosticaed smal Inve colamos andthe oath, Tange Gorinihin platen were rested ina suble way. An entation prepare srecee teste ie lamer tus ona fothats coherent small order altemates withthe large one. ‘The m= plicated shythm crated by the interpenetration ofa sll and large frder Is a recurrent motive of Manners architecture. ‘The horizontal line ofthe fieze of the small order, running arow the length of the facade, has sll another rel; i interferes withthe consistency ofthe uted wall, cutting ity a it were in twos thi are idea wat intro- diced in the Barment (El. aga), where two mmoath bands above and Blow the windows contsnt wih the isepular suface ofthe rusieted Boek Th spite of such Mannesit factors as confct and complication, we nin the bung nies Micheangls exsme enn nor Cilio Romano's almost pathological reternesy i ordery tematic and tatirely logical, and one looks st it with a csengaged cuioiy rather Ahan fh that lent sexpones which macy tote complex Mena structures evo. And lett be si, all its deals had the warrant of clasical proorypes. ‘A farther sep in the direction ofa Manners solution isthe fagade ofthe Palarzo Valmarana built 1966 (P. goad). Tes obvious that Romano, cf. E. Gombrich, “Zum Weike Cilio Romanos" Joke Bau Sin Wie NEI pg "Anong the drawings by Palladio in Vicenza is one showing the Porta Maire bal on ths year tres Ronn orc ik sary ratated ‘Tossinocder, ascribed in Faladids hands “que pera sis ano jane paulo" (PL aga). These arches belonged to the aibrtuctire of the Fremple of Claudise on the Celi. Gk Giuseppe Lugh, Roma aca, Rome, 1046, paz: ri aking up ofthe window taberace already occur inthe Palazso Pando, bt of sourse without alrgeerdet cutting across the band ofthe Plait, pp. 14) 15. Generally ated 1596, ut the foundation medal reported by Magri Yop st, pala p 79), eae the date 1566, CE 50 the deament of Be e185 pubed Vy Dal Foe, os cy6 Principles of Palladi's Architecture ‘this fugade is a reference to the problematic architecture of Michel- Angelo. The stimulus of the Capitoline palaces is apparent inthe com ised se ofa giant and a small order. ‘But apart from this baie idea the diferences are considerable, Th the Palazzo Valmarana the walls Almost eliminated, and the surface is croweled with motives. ‘The ‘window frames in the flare neil ouch the enfablature above, and are TFemmed in a the sides by the enormous capitals. An unequal, ‘ypically Mannerst, competition arises slender profiles ofthe wine rand the bulky mass of te platter. Moreover, the treatment of fhe ground-floor is exemely complicated, for the small Corinthian orders not applied toa proper wall (P gob,d). The ground, to which feis atached, is nsticated, but the ruscation has been given a par- ticular meaning. ‘The strips at the sides of the windows have been treated to ook like Tusean pilaster with heir own capitals," and this results in the impresion ofa third minute order; the relationship ofthe fant compesite oer to the small Corinthian order is repeated in the felationsip of the Corinthian to the Tusean pilasters. Above the dwindows are relief, and as they arein a deeper plane than the rusia tion, the latter appears ike a frame to them, the lower border being at the tame time the intel of the windows. In all this, one would be inclined to believe, Palladio was going his owa way, without regard to ancient models. But even for this building he reverted to classical ‘antiquity, and found there, surprisingly enough, his justification for the extremely complicated interplay of wall and ores (P. oc] ihe sstem of the Palazzo Watinarana m not coherent, as were all other structures whicl have been discussed. It not only broken into and interrupted by the extravagantly high entrance, but also by the complete change of teatment ofthe two end bays. Here the windows are framed diflerently and are different in height, and, above all, the ‘coloseal order matched and balanced atthe comers by a small Gorin thian plaster which carries a caryatd gure. The disquicting effet o this arrangement was observed and put on reeord in the 18th century when Temanza lamented that the comers had been weakened thous these were just the points which should show the greatest strength. We know now, that in no other building did Palladio approach “Mannerist conceptions to an equal degree. Language and patience have limits when deseribing a Mannerist structure, and many other features ofthis building may beleft unrecorded, Buta case of typical Mannerist * 1 je also regular that thowe Tuscan plasters do not cary arches, Palladio [p14 "See two diznings by Palla in the Burlington-Devonshire Cal. (vol. no, 13 and Nil, 23s) after a wall above the Roman Theatre at Verona, cf Pirw Marconi, Virona Reman, 1937, p- 133, S68. Op. ey pH Paleo and Public Buildings n inversion seems worth mentioning." ‘The comice projects above each pilattr ofthe large order, but there is no auch projection atthe corner, Above the caryatid; the enablate of the small order, on the eter hand, is im one plane throvghovt, withthe exception ofthe corners west i projects inde the earyatide similar inversion can be found Tan example of ancient “Alannerit™ archivctore, cho Bort de ‘Banatiat Verona, wbich was well own to Palla nd the influence Df which ean be traced in other late works of his At his phase of is Alevelopment Palacio was discovering the unclasical tendencies in ancient architecture. Anyone falar with the development in Hay wl ace that Pallados individual syle here dn Keeping with the enerl trend of Mannerstarchitectare. But this was not Palladio's lst word, ‘The most important building afhis Inte syle the Loggia del Capitano at Vieenzs of which only Ae bays were erected, in 1975 (Pl. gta)? ‘This typeof building has iteplace n he long tradition of the Palazzo Comunale, the Palazzo del Consiglio of del Poder, with open Togsias for public use below and the offices above. Pallaio again devised the main front towards the Placaa afer she mail of Michelangelo's Capitaine places. Yet he Ebandoned the interplay of several orders, and gave the frat a. moxt powerful sccentuation of giant halcolurs, The weatment of the Dive themeeves remarkable: the windows cut through the enabla- ture? and very heavy balconies are earied by small coreices of their ‘own under which hang Kolated trglyphs. Such reversal of classical tage-—rery rae with Palladio—was fist cared out by Michelangelo in tp tabernacles of the Riceity® and had become almost a stock featate of Manneristarchiteetre, One ofthe strangest features ofthis font i the bro asi; all free wallspace disappears under bewilder 2.0m inversion at a Manoeit principle ck Withower in Art Balin XVI, ton p. 20, "TiLs iieosting dat Seco im his grd book commented upon the Port deBorai as beng enous and "cos barbara" Hpcament i Mage p16) fe and G:F i ice Pay sth sens, Xl, 1996; 385 The Loggia was to seplace a8 cates Siapidaed one.” 122 PBS ‘Hee the Venrn magistate was to cate, The ofce was held in spt by Ole: Batata aed ne recorded inthe inscription ofthe cori AQ. BapristAd BERNARDO PRAEPEGIO CIVITAS DICAVITS ths eaare ‘nas been interpreted by ators with an academic Dish as being dust the workien Gurag Falla’ absence of Berot Samora io pe gy Land F: Ve Mes, Dacison dle Acti, Pan ¢ it Bata, pei 1p aod ee na Pando poully prs simtie! ANDREA 'PALIADIO™ Ageia Pe cat unde the arch which alnest ous he entablatrein hf (ee PL. 9), Moreover, Magri (p69) bar shown tat Pali asa Viens throug OE Wisnower,o. 6, p 207Fa Principles of PalladosArcitctare ing maze ofstvco reli, some of which have now crumbled away. Tn ‘lion, the spall sale and flatness of thee decoradons fin remark Able contrac to the largeseale architecture in heavy reli. The key {o this to be found in the arangement ofthese font. Te i sure Ding, and contrary to Palladio®s ideas on architecture, that the ‘stem of the main front no: carried on a theside (Pl. 1b, c). The fe font has no lant order, and forms a unit offs ow, bated on the {tiumphal arch motive. ‘The eamphal arch conception i taken up in the decoration of the main front; fr itis the example of trlmphal ches which explains the err saa similar crowing of the wals ‘with relies to be found on the Arch of Sepimius Severus (PL. 51d) nd on tha at Orange. Moreover, the former also shows the contrast, iretween the smallaet of the relief and the masveness ofthe achi- tectural members, while the latter i decorated all over with trophies, the symbol of victory. Now, withthe exception of the Figures above dhe arches, the role of the Loggia del Gapitano. represent trophies tiene (Pst). alladios building would thus appear to be a ‘onumental symbol of vitor ke the triumphal archer of antiquity. ‘On the smal ron ofthe bullding are six slegrical ogures, and the swoin the lower Ger lave no doubt about the victory which was Bere fcunmemorsted, ‘They ropexet Peace and Victory, and have the {lowing imeriptions® “Bell secura quieco” and ""Palmam genuere ‘arinae’"* “The ship which have brought victory can only tele to Lepanto, the deve rea-batle agsinet the Turks won in 1571, and this connection has always been recognized.*| ‘This also explain the two * This font faces on to a narrow sre, but Palladio had shown in the Palazzo Valinarana that ths did no dete him from wing a giant order. "Above the arch with ft tvo Framing compost column i 8 minute exder of Tunean pilasters. Both the arangement—Tsean above Core stead the proportion are quite unarunofex,Itseeme at ie medal or Tie proporiom war again the Fora de Bonar at Verona, The Desking ofthe enablarure bythe arch inthe fist storey was authorized by the side font ofthe ttumphat ach at Orange (PL 170), rim the upper ter at the two ence ae Virf a8 a young warrior unt viet genie) snd Honor, anon the medal of Vitliuny ne young vom vith uncovere reat eaemocopn anda helmet uader ont foot (Dea Fubit onans", eh Ripa, Lembpia, 1003, p03 (here also i expounded the clo allance of Honoe sind Wituu), "18 the mom prominent poston, 16 aod eh of th cera area the iva Gian vs Pees ad "ets. Flies with crom, fame and watering jog anda reference in the Jascistion to the heathen libation (“Dis thure et corde libandum") and ‘Bihar a erie and ite cid on es arm wh Hos an elephants head all symbols mentioned by Ripy p joa. he iseipcn felon tothe putiving power of Pity ['Suedes pita um ablait ome) “The programme of the Bgures would thus appeat tobe: Virtue and Honour Under the fg of Fath Sind Pty achieved Vieiory and Peace On the food of works of art celebrating this wctory, fA. Blunt in Jounal of be Warbrg and Coated Tntitaes Ui, 195940, P-63 Palaces and Public Bulldinge ” large allegories of victory above the arch of the small front, after the fashion of triumphal arches, and the figures above the arches of the main front. All their atibutes consist of allusions to the element of water. ‘Documents show that the Logela was built by the Community of Vicenza with extraordinary speed. On April 8h, 1571, building had not yet begun, but during the summer the structure rose quickly, and by the end ofthe year it was rocfed in. ‘The vietory of Lepanto was won, fon October 7th.” On the 18th of this month it became known at Vicenza, which, being Venetian territory, wat particularly stirred by the great news." Its reverberations made themselves felt immediately in the decision of the overjoyed community, taken on October 26th, t0 ‘contribute 24,000 dueats to the expenses of the campaign. Impresed by this feat of arm, Palladio changed his original plans for the Logaia. He could not have decided on the triumphal decorations of the main front before the mide of October. Nor doesit seem probable that the triumphal arch motive of the side was introduced before that date Political actuality overruled considerations of artistic principle, and it must be assured that an originally planned unity of main and side fronts was sacrificed under the impact of the victory. ‘Bven if the monumental loggia and the triumphal arch were thus blended at the cleventh hour, there still existed for Palladian affinity between there two types of building. This is manifest in the decoration Duile by him in 1574 for the solemn vist to Venice of Henry IIL of France while on his way from Poland to Pars (Pl 28d). The decoration ‘was formed ofa triumphal arch similar to that of Septimius Severus, and, behind it, a colonnade of t2 colossal Corinthian columns, which fare equal in height to the columns of the arch.* In the Loggia del Capitano the two structures are, as it were, cast into one with the ‘triumphal arch forming the small front. "The monumental, which was already inherent in the Palazro Val- ‘marana, has in the Loggia del Capitano become the dominant factor, land overshadows the Mannerst features. At this phase, the emphasis fon mass in Jate Roman architecture had a strong hold on Palladio’s {magination, Apart from the direct influence of the Arch of Septimius Re eet ee ve Pepe corer ere sea hee ere a dle iy oe a a Wa Ga Nec wat Aas Se 0 ee See dad Ye Se Eee es co scan es eae ears Coe ae Serie tuba are 0 wi eels Ree eres aes sore eek 9 eee ae eae eee er eee ee eos ene?% Prineple of Palladio's Architecture Severus, the powerful remains of the ancient therme fascinated him, But the nearest parallels to this Loggia are Hellenistic buildings, such 1s the Temples at Baalbek, which were unknown to him. His own Gevelopment had brought him to a point where he re-created the spirit of this Hind of architecture, ‘The Logeia del Capitano faces Plladio's Basilica on the same square. ‘The comparison shows clearly what has happened in the course of 25 years, Though deriving from the same classical sourees the tw: inilings could not be more widely different. ‘The early building ves ‘based on Bramante, in other words on a contemporary interpretation of classical architecture which was not Palladi’s own. ‘The later build fng isthe expression ofan extenilly personal approach. In its design are strung together many classical conceptions; yet far from being orthodox and archzological, it seems a ffee and emotional rans- formation of ancient models. 4. The Genesis of an Ides: Polledio's Church Fagades [Rather late in his life Palladio built wo lange churches and one church fagade in Venice.? “The facade is that of S. Francesco della ‘Vigna, begun in 1562 and erected as a front to Jacopo Sansovino's structure! The churches are S. Giorgio Maggiore and Il Redentore. ‘The foundation stone of 8. Giorgio was laid in 1566, but the font was erected between 1602 and 1610 by Seamozzi® Il Redentore was + Before 1538 Palladio was given a commision by the Patriarch Vincenzo Dido forthe lagace ofthe church ofS, Peto di Cartello at Venice. Accord ing 0 docurnent of January 7, 1598, published by Magni, at, pe xv fy Palla’ deagn showed porte efsrg" ur eolonne grand” and “at pilarri quadr ioe te per banda.” Vincenzo Diedo died on December 5, 155, possibly before bullding had started, ‘The present facade was executed between 1564 and 1596 by Francesco Smeralai who followed faithfully ot corespond to the orginal design by Palladio which we are not in a pees eee eee gree ic ee Sipenr alee eters. not absclutly certain, Vasari, Vite, ed. Manes, Vi, p. 589, saw the str seearan Si aan ane "+ Dates according to inscription on the fugade. For the history of S. eae poeta es eee rte ec iat aie omar de River ran as A EES Pallaio's Church Fagades dedicated during the plague of 1576, and completed in 1592, twelve ‘years after Palladio's death.” Tn this section only the three fagades wall Testudied (Pls. 33,34). They follow one and the same pattera:aeolosal temple front is placed before the nave and a small order carrying part ‘of # pediment before each of the aisles. This arrangement looks like Fig. 9, 8, Francesco della Vigna Schematic Representation of the to lnterpenetating ‘Temple Fronts ee an iterpenetraton of to temple rots a How road one which has teen ingocred by a tigh and monumental coe (Gee Pg. 9)? The Gusrdon hy di Plladio have recourse otis arangemest ia Bis eer cieela? Tor Renassoncearhtets the church fade raed one f the mst ingiente problems. "Those architects who ought im lascal terms 402; Gognar, ees Farce agent pi oe a, plo 193-1371 Magra ep. a, pp. 62, 1h (docue model it between asth November, 2563, and sath March, 1V, p25 Vrach, so Toms pats eve of 1577 with » nk Marnating repr bout hi des ise lea an pay een Ae eee ees ar a sane: Ridin oy pp 200 ae (anewieneh Fondation Ml gy, hehe ll documented Sei Pn Min Fog in ini ean 158 fas are be ephaized that Paladin ranted ica be em vistas ey and twice fe sede Shares ee chatsa Principles of Palladio's Architeetare and for whom the Christian church was the legitimate successor to the Ancient temple,! wrestled constantly with attempts to apply the temple front to the church, But unlike the ancient temple with its one cela, ‘most churches were built on the basilcal system with a high nave and lower aisles. How could the temple front with its simple portico and pediment be applied to such a structure? The first solution was ‘drastic: one large temple front was made to appear as ifit covered both nave and aisles. This was how Albert tackled the problem in S. Andrea at Mantua (1470) (PL. aga)? At the same time, by approximating his system to that of the tiumphal arch with it large central and narrow side bays, he was able to echo in hs fagade the proportions of nave ancl aisles, ‘The combination of temple font and triumphal arch, thovgh 2 Convincing acrangement, was too personal a solution to be generally accepted. For reasons of proportion it was ako in most cases imposible to.cever both nave and aisles with one temple from ‘The next step was taken by Bramance ten years after S. Andrea in a design for the Fagade of S, Maria di S, Satio in Milan (PL j2a).* Here for the first time during the Renaissance parts of pediments were wed to correspond with the aisles,t and the impression was created of a cleavage ofa large pediment by a central feature which i also crowned by a pediment. In keeping with traditional church facades Bramante planned two storeys, a large one acruts the whole width of the figade and, above it, a small one corresponding to the nave, The four lsge pilasters ofthe principal store, though relletingin their position nave And aisles, are all the same size and in the same plane. So one unifying system without “joint” binds nave and aisles together. ‘The height of the nave is split im two by the cornice, and the feature above with its cirevlar window has atypical Quattrocentesque character. Tn contrast {0 Palladio's solution, akc order determined by the aisles is the dominat- ing motive ofthe font. From Palladio's standpoint such a fasade was not an organic and “antique” anewer to the. problem. - Bramante however, regarded his design as warranted! by antiquity, ‘The logical procedure for an architect with classical tendencies was Fea ome eis ie cael eR Coe tnt Sedu ae Bes hee Kan bs sen ta ee ede Tete ee ace ce at ae the contain ues he nye Meas es ee el Sense naka! Cae Rages e Be TCE the Genlel wai ewe ee Pe) ee eS ae, i ae ae a ay rosin ee Tee ial a eee ce Aeron of he Han a: Fano (oe ble Palladio's Church Fagades Bs tw investigate what kind of fagade the ancients wed for thei basticas, ‘The answer was given in Vitruvius’ dark words about the “double arrangement of gables” in the Basilica of Fano.* That Bramante endeavoured with his design for S. Satiro to imerpret this passage can indireety be proved. For his pupil Cesariano in his edition of Vitru- ur (1521) illustrated the Basilica of Fano with a design deriving from Bramante's project (Pl. 32b).* ‘A further step towards Palladio’s solution was taken by Peruazi Jn the fagade to the old Cathedral at Carp, built in 15, (Pl. aac)? ‘The connection with Bramante’s design is obvious. But Bervzat here 100k the decisive step of using a giant order for the nave and a small tres forthe ass; thus he almost anticipated Falladio'sscheme. He ever he did not carry his novel design to its logical end. Like Alberti he again fused the temple front with the triumphal arch motive, He therefore failed—in Palladi's view—to develop unimpaired the idea ‘af the two intersceting temple eons Nor did he safeguard the unity of the side bays, for no properly finished half-pilaster corresponds on, the inside tothe Corinthian pilaster outside. Palladio accomplished what his predecesors had begun. He was intent on preserving the pure temple front before the nave: S. Franx ceseo della Vigna and S. Giorgio are prostyles, Il Redentore is a ‘temple in cats, all of them of course projected on to a wall. ‘The small bays corresponding to the aisles at cach side ofthe slightly project central part are clearly defined and bound together by orders outside fad inside, But the rhythm ofthe small order penetrates into the main temple front not only with the order framing the central door but also ‘with the entablature, the continuity of whieh is suggested right across thewhole fagade, Thus the two systems were firmly inked. However, the calculated interlocking of two different temple fronts makes the reading’ of auch a fagade no easy matter. Thigis a Mannerst con eon far removed fom what might be alle] Renatance nat in contrast to Michelangelo, Palladio's Mannerism is academic; iis hardly ese concerned with Ustad forms capita tabemacls and centablatures retain their clasieal significance, shape and ratio. I is the interplay of entire classical units which in his ease, accounts forthe Mannerist character of the whole, 6 Vitruvius, V, i, 103 “Tea. fatigioram duplex tecti mata "The same design sas copied in she edidors by Cuporalt (i536) and Philander (1544); the latter was used for our lutation. "athe Mines, IV ag ‘The aibition to Brust ot woe disputed, co W. Winthrop Kent Pru, p28 pl 3, alo aril in Thieme Bethee and Ventur, Striadel're, XI, sy pe 2) who believes that the ‘Sgade is of Lombardo-Bramantesque origin. ‘The context in which the {gade is shown inthe present study Would seem to scengthen the old att bouton to Perwat- Dak this matter eaot be finaly decided without an opportuni) of wings at est handoy Principle of Plladio's Architecture Pallas use of two pediments im the same facade was legitimized hot ony hy the problematical Basilica at Fano, but, above all, by thei freesitence in the most venerable ancient temple, the. Panthew, ‘where one pedinent roses the portico, while the other, further back, {tached to the high atic which projects from the Rotunda (PI. 34) It is from heze also that Palladio denved his attic forthe Redentore Almost all the measured drawings of the Pantheon made during the later r6th century show the two pediments, and Palladio himsel?recon- strvcted i wie with them, once for the Qgatta iri, and a second time in the series of therm which were published. by Lord. Burlington (PL. 445). The men who interpreted the front of the Pantheon in thie way thovght in terme of complicated wall arrangements, and took it for granted, therefore, that the (wo pediments sere a homogeneous Classical conception. ‘Fhe views of the Pantheon draw in the 15th and carly 16th centuries show only one pediment. These views are also accurate if tf considered that from a near distance the second pedi ‘ment is invisible, The men ofthe Quattrocento, thinking and seeing in terms of simple wall arrangements assume this near distance." In the r7th century a more detached archsological approach led Carlo Fontana to conclude thatthe portico was a later addition tothe original Pantheon, and he reconstructed it in its supposed simplicity without any porto." Following the precedent of the Pantheon, and with Vitrivine’ description ofthe Basilica of Fano in mind, Palladio recon- structed the facade of the Basilica of Constantine—which for him was the “Tempio della Pace" —with intersecting pediment. Ic is evident that he regarded this ss a well-established classical motif So far we have only considered Palladi's three fagades in the light of their fundamental unity. Although in all three cases the system is identical, there are sll iniportant differences, S, Francesco and S. Giorgio, ‘chronologically very near, show also a clove resemblance (Pl gga, e). Te must, however, be suid that 8. Giorgio as we se i to as respond to Palladio's intentions, ‘The two orders do not rise from the same level. The large hallcolumus stand «hig pedestal, while the small plasters rise almost rom the ground, This di crepancy in level, which ie particularly unfortunate where the high Only one pement is shown, fr instance, in the Codex Fscuralenss (cf. Eggers ction, 1905) fl 430), by Cronica (deawiog, Uli, ust. in Lnkori, reas dat nit dane, 19594, 203) and all only one by exer Baaer-Hulen, Di rah Skicebter con Mart ton Hrenstach, Berlin, 1014, I, fol. or) and Servo (bk. Il), For a reconatn don ih eo 15 Similar to-that by. Palladio, se for instance esos drawings (Ufa, ef Bartoli, MeramentV, figs 88, 684). "G, Fontana, Terplne Valcom, #6 Bie WY; ps geet Pralladio's Church Fagader a5 ‘bases cut into the adjoining pilasters, is not the only fault in this fagade.? Palladio's original design has been preserved in a meacured drawing (Pi. g3b)# which allows us to ases the later alterations. This raving [proves that he wanted large and small orders torte from the same evel andi, no doubt, he must have regarded this as estentil to the unity of| his design.® Any comparison of S. Francesco and 8. Giorgio has to be based on this drawing. Tt appears then that in spite of the similarity ingeneral treatment there a development in these fagates. The small ‘order has gained in importance as compared with S, Francesco and the relationship between small and large otder is now very near that of the Jace Redentore, This makes the interpenetration of the two temple fronts more convincing, There is another point worth mentioning ‘about the drawing. Teis unfinished and it is just this fact which throws 4 light on Palladio's thought. ‘The large order, standing out before a wall on which no detail has yet been drawn, has the quality of the portico of a Corinthian temple. ‘The elation of. Francesco and S. Giorgio to the Redentore (PL. 34a, ) can be compared with that ofthe Palazzo Valmarana to the Loggia el Capitano. In the late fagade of the Redentore there is, above all a new and powerful concentration; the large temple motive dominates ‘and no distracting details appear in the outer bays, while the entrance bay is filled entizely by the simple eolumned tabernacle framing the door. In addition, the wide staircase, imitating that of ancient temple, ties together the three bays ofthe ealowal order, But with this fecling “The height of the bass has en repeated in the scles ofthe tbernacks ofthe outer bays, These soces are dsproportonately high in relation to the {abonucle, a7, morcover; the planer of thes tween the {Gbernacler ond che bacon SR fine. of Beith Architect, B "rhe relation of the drawing 10 8. Giorgio Maggiore i placed beyond, ‘depute by the tabernacle withthe small safeophagus in the sde bay. The Saresphagt and buss of te executed front were erected in honour of the oger Trtburo Memmo end Sebastian Zia, one the mythical under of themonastery, the other i benefactor. The drawing proves that ts fea vem Incuportied nto the original design, Moreover the proportions of Paladiow design correspond simext cestiy to thom of the acon faade (heightot aise nd nave and width of ae), and therefore, i econtrctig the former, one murtsusume that i svae intended to stand on the Lowest able bas. The idea of placing the columns on the paverent without a Fgh base was parculariy dear to Pallaio. In bk. IV, chap. 5 he sid concerning ths point: "Ma pero net Temp Amici aon i veegono Pde- ths ® Stalls mae colonne cominc ao Gal piano del Tempio; ehe molto mi pace? Si perehe con | pledeslss impede molto Pentrata al Tempio, sf sco hella equal ata contr enon magi: ray Etnagfcensa” “TAH the eificukie apparent inthe exiting font ate here solved, See ako the proportionate relation ofthe scl to Ue tabernacle, crabs flington-Devorsire Call, vol. XIV,CF Principles of alladio's Architecture for concentration goes a complexity which did not appear in the earlier facades. The interplay ofthe two temple systems is now emphasized by peculiar repetitions, ‘The large pediment is repeated in the door pediment, and the parts of pediments of the side bays are repeated Figher up on a deeper plane; they run into a rectangular attic, which ‘was derived, as we saw, from the Pantheon.! This type of architecture far removed from the simple and unsophisticated classicism of Pallae io’ early period. Although Palladio's intersecting temple fronts are—as we have seen-—a typical late #6th century interpretation of ancient architecture, his seheme ffi che vital demands of all clasical architecture since the days of antiquity. By using temple motives in front of nave and ais Sie. motives ofthe same species, and by carrying the theme through with absolute consistency, congruity ofall the pars, Vitruvius’ disposi, was achieved. Moreover, his structures also abey Vitruvius’ all-important [postulate of synmeria, which isthe fixed mathematical ratio ofthe parts to each other and tothe whole. ‘The figade of $, Francesco della Vigna may be used for a demon- stration. In accordance with Vitruvius, a unit of measurement, the rredeas, wos applied to all dimensions in the building. ‘The basic unit ‘the diameter ofthe small columns which ie 2 fet (pid). The diameter of the large order is 2 moduli ic. 4 fet. ‘The height of the smal columns it 20 feet (30 moduli), that of the larger ones 40 feet (20 ‘modiai). In both eases the ratio of diameter to height s 1: 1 and that of the mall order to the large order is 1:2, The width of the inter- columniation ofthe centre bay is again 20 feet (10 moduli). Without giving more deiails it is evident that, just as in Alberts S. Maria Novella, simple ratios of the same modus are effective throughout the building. But this is not the whole story, Syameria for Palladio meant ‘more than applied arithmetic, ‘The whole centre patt in front of dhe haves 27 moduli wide. Pallado, inheriting a long tradition, conceived his structures as reflections and echoes of that cosmic onder which Pythagoras and Plato had revealed. The explanation of the apparently livational gure 27, which ean only be supplied by taking into account ‘hove philosophical issues behind Palladio's ideas on proportion, will be iseused in the following part. ‘With hie scheme for the church fagades Palladio had solved one of the great problems of Christian architecture, From a elassical point of * Palladio's problem was here similar to Albert's in S, Andrea at Mantua ‘The nave was too high to be eavered by one temple font; the attic vas therefore a necesary expedient. ‘The parts of pesiments running i it ‘were alo structurally necewary’” they ae im eal buttress Bach sie of {he high wall ofthe nave i supported by four pairrof rach batten. But HSS Rrs arte doer ade thet srt ees Palladio's Chureh Fagaces a view one cannot go beyond his solution and this is the reason why. Palladio himself repeated the same type in his three fagades for baslieal churches? Once the problem was solved he could vary the answer ‘without changing its essence. Whatever one may think about Palladi's fagades, it must be admitted that they represent the climax ofa develop- ‘ment 10 which, significantly, the great clasical architect: Alber Bramante and Peruzzi had contributed. Its not surprising, therefore, iat Palladi's scheme proved to be outstandingly sunccsfil and was ‘udapied and copied for 250 years (PL. $3), 4: Optical and Paycoloical Faces in Pallads's Avcliteanres I Redoere The imteriov of the Redentore (PI. 42), Palladio’s latest church, i {inva lass ofits own, Thit fe mot the place to speak ofits unparalleled solemnity, which impresses every visitor; we are here concerned with the fact hat, with his inlesible determination to clarify fundamentals Palladi tacided anew the old problem of the ‘composite type of church in whieh a centealizee domed structure is joined to a longitie inal nave. "The Bist Part of thir book has shown that Renaissance architects tied to solve this problem by using. proportional nd anthropomorphic devices (sce PL. 1a). But while they combined tw generically different unit, Palladio, in the plan of the Redentorc Clearly separated the two shapes, this preserving the identity of cach (PL 432). The nave, 2 re-creation ofa all in Roman thermae, consis ‘ofa vast hall unified by the impresively simple vaulting as well as by the contraction before the domed part. At cach side ofthe large atch Uf the crossing isa bay with to niches, one above the other (Pl. 42) this arrangement repeats exactly that ofthe entrance wall, emphasing the unity ofthe nave ‘The centralized part with its three semi-circular pses is thus clearly detached fro the longitudinal part ofthe church, On the other hd, essential features of the wall articulation are repeated all round the building, but not without significant modifi allio. trans formed the half-columns of the nave into Free-tanding colurnns in the apse ofthe altar, and into pilasters in the lateral aps. Here he carried fn the horizontal divisions (Pl 43b), but abandoned the sll order a the naves he also replaced the eblunmed tabernacles ofthe altars the chapels by window frames with plasters (otherwise identical in desig and the rnullioned Roman windows of the chapels by simple ects angular windows. Looking towards the nave from any point in the He suggest su fx the ot of the Cathal at Bees in. i semoran of 56, Main ty Appel pg. Tn de for thetagade of S. Pegonio.t Perugia Plow the: that of #578. (Moseo di 8. Petronio, no, 20, In addition, the thee steps lending up to the deed sac Issating tuneion ns une pater, partcslaely Zucchini, os pl 21). ia hve anrazed part one isaware of every in unity, beter, of unity 1 spite of diversity. But looking from the save towards the centralized [part (the natural dircetion for the congecyation) quite a different and ‘radically new feature comes into play. ‘The ulin drawn inv the ground pan (FL 434) show that ro the entrance dor the visto ses at the Fen of the crowing peste repeiton of the hal-columm euupled witha pilaster which are com Pree fu his eld of vison inthe nave. Proceeding along the central tsk more and more ofthe farther dome support come Ino view, ut from the centre te vble a grouping of halfcalume and cher coe similar tothe hays at the endo the nave. By mene of thi repetition Pllc crested 1 new kindof coherence between nave and centalzed part. The Impresion of unification, achieved by subjective optical eviews, reminicent ofthe eet ofa stage sting, counterbalance’ ant Supened the objective structural separation ‘Another revolutionary feature the are of freestanding column the have a tiple fanction. Fir, they form a. powerful nae recendo near the alta, showing the halcalumne of the nave Ire tit were liom thei attachment tothe wal, Secondly, they terve to toaltain the uniformity ofthe centrale part, fr the shape ofthe pee read” along the columns corresponds to hat ofthe atral apse eile, atthe same time, the monks choir emainy, ax it mus, a Integral pare of the church; an ingenious way of reconciling the Customary requirement ofthe eastern profngation ith the Seal centralize planning. Finally, the sereen of comms als invites us tee the eye wander into the space beyond—a space to, whieh the congregation not adited, ad the wer danpliiy of which tore measured by the standards gsined in the richly articulated church. "Thun there colamn are an epteal and pryshological bari fn nana a opal and pol eal link tom work st accesible tothe layman, Palladio applied the lewin of the Redentore to the slightly air planning f the litle chusch at Maser Some of hh preparatory Arawings (P44), finally dncarded jn favour of a more convention! design (PI. toa, show the device of screening columns which help to prose the integrity of the centralized space and, atthe same tne, {o overcome is imitations. Optieal and pryhologial conceptions of {hs ind were adumbrated in Plladio's erlenoord, but ft was the ideas realced in the Redentore that were extraordinarily frte mot only with such differen Italian maser as Longhena, Bernini, Cari, Jvarra and Vitone, but sho with architect north oth Al. 2th moti dave om Roman thermac, fund i, ew developed raluation in, Gogo Maggore. * The date fo, the yar ala’ death, appears inthe fae churets he Sinton othe crawnge cn PL ds Mle mis ese tp the imenbed entree