THE GREEK OBSERVER... May 4 All-Europe Rally mi Statement by Danish Premier mi Letters from the Resis- tance mi Prisoners Speak Out mi Articles by Prof. Phaidon Vegleris and_Mogens Camre, M.P. mi The Besieged Church. NWHEFTO /— THE GREEK OBSERVER A monthly magazine on Greek Affairs Sytemoraat making company ined ted yan Elion Commie of GYANNOPOULOS We COSTOPOULOS (Mts) “Thu Honorary Advisory Board of The Leading Bet Casal Scolar, and ‘ardes, Washam Colewe, Uxtors Peslestr af Modena History, Uninc Fellow, Nufield Coles, Oxford Richard Wollheim Profesor of ‘Philosophy, Usivesty Contents No.2 April 1969. Price 2/6, NO ILLUSIONS—Editorial 3 ci MEAEOROAGTTON AMEN Nat 4 GOVERNMENTS AND PEOPLES wu By Professor Phaidon Vegleris OUR RESPONSIBILITY er: 9 By Mogens Camre, Member of Parliament, Denmark PRISONERS SPEAK QUT—Torture goes on TT PEOPLE WHOREFUSETOVISIT THE “NEW PLACE” 4 THE BESIEGED CHURCH [ee its ARMMEWRECKED = Fass)" a TWO LETTERS FROM THE RESISTANCE 20 INSIDE GREECE 2 ENL-ENIGDTARVORaRS RDA INTERNATIONAL SCENE me LETTERS 21 Cost of Subscription for one year: rganizaions, Insists “Snags UK. aod Eire, ‘ie i Eurore a a Grom Gil) Bis. a nd 8" America (is "US. $7 tis Sta Rastals Gh a ie Sime Cour: Condon, W.3: Baplang NOUS Be Aétresed to:No illusions A year ago, George Papandreou addressed a message to the free world: “We had hoped,” he said, “that after the Second World War fascism had been permanently smashed and that it would not be in a position to reappear, at least in Europe. And yet it happened. And it constitutes @ shame for us that it started from our country, Greece, the cradle of democracy. But the fate of the junta will not remain a local event, It will constitute an example And it will either encourage or it will disappoint wishful dictators in other counties as well. For this reason I address myself to the free world, the people and the governments. We ask for their solidarity and support. We do not ask their intervention in our own internal life. But they hhave the right o make their own policy. And an international isolation, an economic and political isolation of the junta, will lead to its immediate collapse. We ask for it, in the name of the Greek people whom we represent. With this initiative, the free world will protect and honour itself. Tt will become worthy of its name.” The hundreds of thousands of Athenians that turned out in a massive demonstration during his funeral on November 3, 1968, gave a palpable proof that he, in fact, represented the Greek people Today, more than a year after this message was sent, every word of it is still valid Will the Ministers of the Council of Europe countries listen to this message when they meet in London on May 5 and vote for the suspension of the junta from this organisation of free nations? Or will they decide to postpone this decision in order to give more time to the colonels to “liberalise™ their regime? The governments of Italy and of the Scandinavian countries have already declared themselves in favour of action, Those that remain inactive use two arguments to justify their inaction The first argument seems to be: keep Greece within the Western alliance so that pressure can be exerted on the colonels to return to “constitutional normality.” Those who maintain this view tend to greet any slight and insignificant measures for “liberalisation” as “restoration of basic rights” and consider them as the result of pressures exerted by foreign governments on the colonels. This is the greatest illusion about Greece today. All that will be achieved with this attitude is to permit the junta to cement its regime more firmly and more permanently in power. The second argument to justify inaction is connected with what some people consider as “lack of an alternative.” We thought that an alternative existed from the first day of the coup: it is called parliamentary democracy. It is the alternative that gives the Greek people the right to choose freely their government among competing parties. It is the alternative that gives the Greek people the right to be master in their own house, It is the alternative based on the recognition of the SOVEREIGNTY OF THE GREEK PFOPLE. The other kind of “alternatives” which deprive the Greek people of this basic right by forcing them to accept Mr. Karamanlis or Mr. Pipinelis as their next rulers simply because they may be acceptable to the military-industrial complex of the super-power across the Atlantic are plain fake solutions. The Greek democrats and the progressive forces that support them abroad are persistently demanding of the U.S government to stop interfering in the internal affairs of Greece by giving aid and comfort to a totally unpopular regime. With what kind of logic can we now ask for the substitution of one Kind of intervention with another? Here also there must not be any illusions. The only alternative that can bring political stability, the only alternative that can guarantee “law and order,” is the altemative that conforms to the aspirations of the Greek people, ‘The interests of the Western community of nations—the safeguarding of the freedom, common heritage and civilisation of their peoples, founded on the principles of democracy, individual likerty and the rule of law—will not be jeopardised by such an honest solution. Theré can be, therefore, no excuse for inaction, THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969Time for Exciusive Statement by the Danish Premier “We have asserted our view repeatedly in NATO and we intend to go on doing so.” In an exclusive statement to The Greek Observer HE, the Prime Minister of Denmark szecities the position of his couatry on the question of the continuing presence of tie Greek military regime in tho International Orgunisations, and especially in NATO. The full text of Mr, Baunsgaard’s reply to the questions submitted to him by a member of our Editorial Board reads as follow “With reference to your letter of April 4, 1969, T may draw your attention to what I said’ in the Danish Parliament on October 1, 1968 NATO has been weakened politically by the fact that a dictatorship has been able to establish itself in Greece, The Danish Government acting together with the other Scandinavian countries and the Netherlands will uphold the complaint to the European Human Rights Commission on the vio- lation of Human Rights in Greece.” “For the moment I have nothing to add to this statement but I may also draw your attention to the following statement by the Danish Minister for Foreign Affairs made in the Parliament on October 31, 1968 ““The viability of an alliance and its applica bility as an instrument within for a common policy cannot however remain unaffected by developments within its own area.” “Hence, it is a_political strain on NATO that developments in Greece have decisively removed that country from the realisation of the aims expressed in the North Atlantic Treaty, in the preamble of which the parties to the treaty declare that they are “determined to safeguard the free- dom, common heritage and civilisation of thei peoples founded on the principles of democracy, individual liberty and the rule of law.” “We have asserted this view repeatedly in NATO and we intend to go on doing so. “Moreover Denmark, together with Norway, ‘Sweden and the Netherlands, lodged a complaint 4 1H. Baunsgaerd, Prime Minister of Denar against Greece to the European Human Rights ‘Commission. “Please accept, sir, the assurance of my consideration. Hilmar Baunsgaard Prime Minister Italy in Solidarity with the Greeks in Exile Statement by FARNESINA, the Press and Information Service of the Italian Government. “On March 6, Mr. Nenni received privately Mr. ‘Andreas Papandreou, who was in Rome as guest of the Socialist Party. On March 11 and 14, the Greek Ambassador in Rome demanded an official denial to some press agency rumours about some alleged material aid promised the exiled Greeks in their fight against the government of Athens. The answer has been that there was nothing to deny. That the Foreign Minister had received Mr, Papandreou out of sympathy and moral soli- darity with the Greek exiles, the political prisoners and the Greck people. That Italian policy towards the Greek situation is inspired by three criteria THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1959the wish that there will be a speedy return to a normal democratic situation, the non-interference in the internal affairs, and reminding the appro- priate international bodies of the obligations to liberty and democracy undertaken by’ all member- countries of the Council of Europe and the North Atlantic Alliance.” (Mareh 27, 1969,) The Greek Colonels and Their Smoke Bombs An Editorial of AVANTI!, the Daily of the Italian Socialist Party “The statement, issued the day before yesterday by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs concerning the talks between’ Nenni and Andreas Papandreou, has produced an irritated as well as smoky reaction by the government of the colonels, In a Greek communiqué issued last night in which the Famesina statement is given in a few words (the Greek people have not seen it published) itis stated that the Ttalian government ‘instead of trying to minimise the problem is taking the stand of the protector of the Greeks in exile against the Greck Sweden: ‘We do not intend to lessen the pressure” Government Statement in the Riksdag Foreign Affairs Debate on March 26 “The internal political developmentin Greece offers no prospect of an early return to normal demo- cratic conditions. The Greek Government has not fulfilled its promise of parliamentary elect before the spring of 1969. On the contrary, the question of a development towards democracy has been deferred to the future. In our opinion, the Greek regime violates the Convention on Human Rights of the Council of Europe and, ia., for this reason does not fulfil the conditions for member- ship. After the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe had taken up the matter, Sweden, together with Denmark and Norway, lodged ‘an application with the Commission of Human Rights of the Council of Europe for breaches by Greece of the rights and freedoms set forth in the Convention, The legal procedure is still in. progress. The Assembly: has subsequently requested the Committee of Ministers to call the THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1968 Expel the Junta from the Council of Europe An important mecting with the above theme will ‘be held in London on May 4. Professor J. Spraos, Chairman of the Greek Committee " Against Dictatorship, has made the following statement to The Greek Observer about this meeting. “The contre of gravity of the struggle for Jemocracy in Greeve will shift to London on May 5, The Commities of Ministers of the Council of Europe meets in London on that day to cele- brate the 20th anniversary of the Council and to face the most crucial decision of its history— whether to follow the recommendation of the Assembly of the Council of Europe for the expul: sion of the Greek junta “The decision of the Committee of Ministers apparently in the balance. Some European gover ments have played from the beginning an honour- able part: others have allowed short-sighted ex- pedieney to govern their actions, In these circum ances the vote of the British Government will he decisive. It must not be east in favour of the retention of the colonels’ regime in the Council of Europe. The expulsion of the junta will be demanded at the meeting of May 4 which is being organised by the Greck Committee Against Dictatorship. (Delails are given below.) The galaxy of speakers indicates the strengih of European feeling on this issue. The size of the audience must tnatch the occasion. “The hall has a capacity of 2,000 and loud speakers will relay the speeches’ to those who cannot get in, Tt is hoped that Greek democrats in London and all British friends of Greece will make a point of coming to the meeting to make their voice heard loudly and clearly and to back the powerful deputation which will be appointed to convey a resolution from the meeting to. all the Foreign Ministers the next day. “This will not be just a symbolic gesture, With the decision of the Committee of Ministers very much in the falance, an impressive demonstration of public feeling can be effective. “A press conference, special articles in the press, TY appearances and a petition signed by Members of Parliament, trade union general secretaries and other prominent personalities are among the many other things which are being prepared. These, however, ate necessarily confined to small ‘groups of people. The one way in which everybody 5Resistance Forces Wi Fake Solutions The spokesmen of the three major resistance organisations in Greece, the Panhellenic Liberation Movement (PAR), the Pairiotic Front (PAM) and Democratic Defence (DA) met in Stockholm on April 1, 1969, and issued the following joint statement. “Tt is believed that there are impending changes in the dictatorial situation in Greece, This infor- mation has reached us from Washington, We fear that these changes are not consistent with the wishes of the Greek people, but are an attempt to substitute one dictatorship for another, giving the new one the facade of democratic government. ‘AL this critical moment for the Greek nation and the Greek people, we consider it our duty to declare, on the one hand, what we consider con- stitutes a solution of the Greek problem, and on the other, what we consider an unacceptable travesty, ‘An unacceptable travesty would be the imposi- tion of directed or guided parliamentarianism that will rest on the governing of the country in absentia of the Greek people. We cannot accept | Fight a new occupation force which will consist of the junta’s army, the King and political personalities ‘This implies also that any transition solution which resis on the junta’s fraudulent constitution of 1968 is unacceptable, A solution to the Greek problem exists. It is based on the recognition that in Greece the Greek people are sovereign, that democratic procedure is inviolable. This means that the transition to democracy necessitates the subjugation of the armed forces to political authority which will be exercised under the responsibility of the organised political parties. It means that the starting point i the constitution of 1952 and the abrogation of the unacceptable laws and institutions enacted by the junta regime. If it is true that a solution is being prepared to succeed the colonel’s junta, we have a duty to indicate to circles preparing this solution that they must not trample upon the sovereignty of the Greek people. If they do, there can only be a strengthening of totalitarianism and a new, un- bridgeable national division with foreseeable tragic consequences.” “‘Liberalisation’’ Measures Denounced as Meaningless On, April 9, the prime minister of the military regime announced the restoration of three articles of the 1968 constitution referring to the sanctity of the home and the rights of assembly and association, Another nine articles of the same constitution remain, however, in abeyance. All resistance organisations and a large num- ber of former Greek politicians denounce this move as meaningless. This is so because: (a) Despite the reactivation of the right of assembly. no criticism against the government could be made in any peaceful indoor meeting. Martial Jaw prohibits any criticism whatsoever. (b) Although the restoration of the constitutional right of association allows, at least theoretically, Greek workers to stage strikes, such attempts to strike would be immediately crushed on the basis of the existing martial law. (c) With habeas corpus suspended by martial law, arbi rary arrest without warrant or indefinite imprisonment without charges is still hanging over everyone's head—despite the so-called restoration of the inviolability of the home. ‘We publish below the joint statement by the (Panhellenic Defence and three resistance Liberation Movement, Dem Patriotic Front). “On the eye of new discussions on the Greek problem by international bodies, the junta and its patrons make use again of their old tactics: they announce a number of pseudo-concessions that are. supposedly liberalising their hated regime, Their aim is again to mislead Greek and international public opinion and prevent the complete isolation of their gang, at a moment ‘wien under the pressure of the growing opposi- tion of the Greek people and the outcry of democratic forces abroad they feet suffocatingly isolated and steadily more and more insecure. “This new travesty will not fool anybody. Because the so-called concessions concern clauses of a constitution unanimously seen as unacceptable and neofascist. This pseudo- constitution, far from securing the liberties of the Greek people, establishes the legal frame for abolishing these liberties. Under the existing martial Jaw no liberty whatsoever is possible.” THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969Governments and Peoples After World War II, a multi-faceted organisational effort was exerted internationally—brought about with great difficully—that was based entirely on the acceptance of a basic principle: that there must be some juridical, ie. objective and unques- tionable, limits to the policy of every state. On this basis, there had also been an effort to create a world body, after the end of the First World War, with the League of Nations. It wasn’t Jong, however, before it was smashed under the weight of conspicuous indifference and of the various military hold-ups of Mussolini and Hitler. The democratic forces in the west insisted on con- sidering those two. long after Guernica and for some time after Czechoslovakia, good chaps after all. ‘The modern organisation, nevertheless, contains two novel characteristics, novel at least as regards the clarity and systematic way in. which they have been proclaimed and signed officially for 25 years now. The first is that the limits of action by govern ments have now been specified in the name of peoples and for the peoples. They encompass not only the external sector, but also. the various governments” precise behaviour within their coun tries. World War I had taught that domestic tyranny constituted unmistakably the preparatory ground for conquest and domination abroad. (We the Peoples of the United Nations... .” begins the Charter of the U.N.) The second characteristic, constituting the deliberate application if not the substance of the first, is that the whole system of collective security is based in its spirit and structure on what was the ghastly experience and bitter teaching of the war as it Was waged: to respect and defend human rights and fundamental freedoms (‘. .. determined {o reaffirm faith in the fundamental human Fights, in the dignity and worth of the human person ...,” continues the preamble of the same Charter). For this reason, one of the broad aims of the UN. is to make every effort to the end of “‘pro- moting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all...” (Article 1). That is why the Universal Declaration of Human Rights—its 20th anniversary was cele- brated, a bit sadly to be sure, last yeat—is the most splendid act in history, regardless of its THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969 hs Porous By Professor Phaidon Vegleris* purely moral character and perhaps precisely because of this moral presentation, an act designed to protect every man’s dignity and worth beyond all the frontiers that separate societies, over the walls of all national sovereignties. This inter- national and supranational protection of the individual, which at least in the official texts has become the final and substantial objective of the international moral order, was enhanced in the legal sense by two further covenants on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and on Civil and Political Rights which were voted on and estab- lished by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 16, 1966, and which are now awaiting ratification by 35 countries to become a binding universal human la ‘These principles and this ‘spirit sustain even more decisively the structure of European cooper: tion and integration. Membership in. the Council of Europe—hence the existence and binding force of this organisation—stipulates the compulsory acceptance by every member of the “principles of the rule of law and of the enjoyment by all persons within its jurisdiction of human rights and funda- mental freedoms” and the obligation of every member “to collaborate sincerely and effectively in the realisation of the aim of the Council” (Statute, Article 3). Tialics in the preceding quotations are ours, Bat even the Atlantic Alliance, a primarily military organisation created in response to Sta- lin’s very extensible views on the security of the USS... has a political raison d’éire, Tis aim is stated in its founding charter to be the protection of frce institutions (Preamble and Article 1). Finally, the European Economic Community, this Europe of the six after the Europe of the 18 and the Euro-America of the 15, does not forget either that its task is in the spirit of the ‘prin. ciples of the Charter of the United Nations™ and that the final end of the development of economic * Phaidon Vegleris was, until the colonels dismissed him arbitrarily, Professor atthe Faculty of Law of the University of ‘Athens. ‘Ar ihe time of the King's coup on July 15, 1965, Professor Vegleris exposed ina seriee ‘of famous" articles the dangers to democracy. from the unconstitutional clon of the King. His analysis was proved right. He now is Assoclute Professor at the Faculty of Law and Politieal Science of the Unversity of Strasbourg.resources is “the defence of peace and freedom” (Treaty of the E.E.C., Preamble). Alll these documents, binding law for those who signed and ratified them, have a significance which lies in this: they established rights for the peoples, for every human being on this earth that has seen so much suffering, rights to a ‘life in larger freedom” — another expression from the UN, Charter — with less agony, with no teeway for ruthlessness allowed governments, be they legal or illegal ones. u All these are well-known facts, of course. But they shed light on an area which had become hazy for various reasons and as a result of much effort the significance inherent in the acceptance into the Couneil of Europe of Greek governments of the past. And likewise in the case of all the inter- national, European or Intercontinental, organisa- tions mentioned above, with the addition of the signing and ratification by the Greek Parliament (Law 2329 of 1953) of the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Funda- ‘mental Freedoms (1950), with the additional pro- tocol of the Convention which contains the explicit obligation “fo hold free elections at reasonable intervals by secret ballot, under conditions which will ensure the free expression of the opinion of the people in the choice of the legislature.” All these draw attention to the significance of the violations perpetrated by the present dictatorial government in. Athens. Massive, provocative and unequivocal violations of all the obligations to which any Greek government would have to adhere; violations of all the rights and guarantees which were ensured for the Greek people through the aforementioned Furopean or otherwise char- ters and agreements. This very simple matter it took the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe almost two years to digest, This not because it wasn’t moved by an event which was, on the one hand, an overt deviation by a “European” state from the prin- ciples of all the postwar declarations and agree- ments, and, on the other, the insolent appearance in the sensitive European family of a clearly fascist government, a government born of a coup d'état that used the arms and strategic plans of NATO for the enslavement of 8 million people and not for the defence of that nation’s freedom. But while the Assembly consistently denounced for about two years with the “whereases” of its resolutions the dictatorial regime, it hastened to conclude just as consistently that it was for the men who tore up the constitution and every agreement of their country to draft, and indeed impose with their ‘own referendum, an original “democratic constitu- tion”—for they, too, are good chaps after all. And yet this government has done its utmost to prove that it doesn’t have any intention, in the near future or remotely, to re-establish any form of democracy that woulld be recognisable as such from the viewpoint of western concepts of what democracy is, It didn’t change an iota in its behaviour during the last two years, except where it could become more ruthless and crushing toward any idea of human rights and freedom. It declared repeatedly — through the mouth of its foreign minister, best informed on maiters of international documents, whose statements were included in official reports to the Consultative Assembly—that it cares nothing for any European obligations of Greece. To top it all, this government took it upon itself to devise a “constitution”—in three editions, each of increasing authoritarianism and stratocracy —and proved thereby, at a length of about 18,000 words, that a regime quite different from any notion of democracy intends to maintain itself forever. By means of its last clauses (Articles 136 and 138) the colonels have not applied even this constitution of theirs as regards its presumably important articles that make mention of a shadow of individual rights and a ghost of, “popular representation” by “correctly thinking” citizens, On the other hand, they maintain all the Taws they haye enacted, laws which clash with this constitution and which will be kept in force until the government “chooses to amend them.” One would think that the experience of the last 24 months would have decided the matter for any reasonable person: and that the persistence of the Athens government in remaining a member of an organisation whose principles it has violated so grossly—and has maltreated this organisation in a number of ways, too—is related to one of those contradictory ulterior motives. that dictatorships assiduously cultivate. These regimes inspire terror in the dictators primarily, and secondarily in the people. (Truly: “Dictatorship, thy name is con- tradiction!”) But it seems that things are not exactly that way. There are political considerations that transcend the logic and the binding force of even the most formal and explicit international agreements, Perhaps. In that case, however, the Furopean organisation must be dissociated from its declared aims, from the only believable justification of its existence. The Greek people will be convinced, then, that aid, economic and military, light or heavy, is given to their government only so they may remain enslaved, and also, perhaps, so that they may be used in the future to fight for the freedom of others—never for their own. It is not reasonably probable that the Committee of Ministers of the Council of Europe will under- take the responsibility for the destruction of the popular base of the entire international effort of the second interbellum. THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969Our ae By Mogens Camre ‘Member of Parliament, Denmark When discussing Western Europe's re Greece you often meet an attitude like forms an important part of the south-eastem flank: of NATO; the threat against the democracies of Europe has increased considerably by the Soviet military build-up in the Mediterranean; the most important thing is the safety of Western Europe; therefore, we have to ignore that the regime in Greece is not as we would like it to be, itis effec- tive against communism, and we have to accept it in our alliance. This conception of the Greek situation and the consequences of that conception imply so many mistakes and so much misunderstanding that there is reason for analysing the problem further. Greece_is considered an important NATO partner. The United States has important bases in Greece and the military aid is considerable, When you land at the airport of Athens you cannot help thinking that you have arrived at an American airbase. A great number of the planes have ‘American military signs. The United States works in close cooperation with Greece in the training of Greek defence forces. CIA helps in developing the Greck intelligence called KYP. Nearly all military equipment from planes to arms is Ameri- can. That the United States regards the military cooperation with Greece as being of great impor ance can be seen inter alia from the statements publicly made by Admiral Horatio Rivero, head of NATO's Southern Command. He sees it as a great honour to cooperate with the Greek regime within NATO. A good example of the American attitude towards the junta can be seen in the fact that when some pro-royal Greek officers took refuge at American bases after the King’s counter- coup in 1967 these officers were given up to the junta’s troops. A dictatorship, in which parts of the armed forces feel a great discontent with the dictators, cannot be regarded as a good military partner, s0 THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969 Responsibility M. Camre: He was in Athens at tho time of the colonels coup, much can be taken for granted, I have had my point of view confirmed by reading a report given by the American professor George Anastaplo, In his report, dated November, 1968, Professor Anastaplo ‘writes ia.: “But, it should be pointed ut, it is precisely in a crisis that Greece is least reliable for us today. The Cyprus crisis in Novem- ber, 1967 revealed what is otherwise implicit in this regime, that the present Greek government cannot afford to mobilise its military reserves, That is, it cannot afford to entrust arms and regiments to the hundreds, if not thousands, of trained officers who have been purged (and consigned to the inactive reserves) during the past eighteen months. Thus, the colonels would tend to give in fo hostile military pressure where their prede- cessors might have held out. If, on the other hand, an emergency arose which compelled even the colonels to order full mobilisation of the reserves, it is doubtful whether the present government would last long. Tf, that is, the Army (fully mobilised or not) should haye to be used as a defence force, rather than for internal security and for what the Army is now, the only active political party in the country, the colonels would be swept out of office with remarkable ease, how- ever unsettling that might be in the conduct of the affairs of Greece in such circumstances. Thus, if we are really interested in a stable ally, one which can be depended upon to use civilians to run the country and to develop the economy and which can afford to use the Army to defend the country and to cooperate with its allies, itis in our interest to get the colonels out of power as soon as possible.” ‘Thus Professor Anastaplo. His opinion ‘corresponds to my personal impression. He further rejects the claim, which is often put forward by those who want to justify the United States’ cooperation with the colonels, namely that if the United States would Tet them down, the colonels would turn to Moscow for help. He writes: “Iwas assured again and again by Greeks, including men who have held important portfolios in pre- ‘vious cabinets as well as officials in the present Greek government, that the colonels would be immediately overthrown if it were believed that they were taking Greece out of NATO and leaving her (60 soon afier the Czechoslovakia invasion) 10 take her chances in a Balkans dominated by ‘Slavic Communism,’ (After all, the unsubstan- tiated charge that Andreas Papandreou contem- plated doing this very thing helped to undermine significantly his standing with the Army in 1965- 66.) Indeed, insofar as the colonels have succeeded in persuading people of the seriousness of the communist threat from which they have saved the country—and insofar as the Army itself believes this—the prospect of a loss of American defence ‘guarantees would be catastrophic for the regime.” Tam quoting the American professor in detail be- cause he is regarded as a very conservative Ameri- can. However, I disagree with his conclusion, viz. that the United States should work for making the former right-wing prime minister Constantine Karamanlis leader of a new Greek government. Karamanlis left Greece in 1963 after his election defeat to Papandreou. He is hardly the man who alone can obtain the confidence of the Greek people. Perhaps this is the reason why the Ameri- can government has not up to this day followed Professor Anastaplo’s advice. The American ‘government hardly believes that Karamanlis can govern the Greek people after the fall of the junta. As the American government neither seems to want or to be able to cooperate with the real democratic forces in Greece, they just let the colonels remain in office. Let me in this connéction do away with the myth that the United States does not have the power to overthrow the colonels. It is evident that the military government does not really control the Greek military forces. However, for the time being there are not any officers, either royalistic or Papandreou supporters, who dare start a revolt against the colonels because they think that their real opponent is the United States, which they know that they cannot defeat. Here again T agree with the views of Professor Anastaplo, who writes: “Tt is important that the United States clearly indicates its disapproval of the colonel’s regime, and in such a way that the Greek people cannot bbe mistaken about it. A good deal of the apathy toward the colonels today reflects the general opinion in Greece that it would be foolhardy to risk opposition to a government being supported (if not actually established) by the United States. ‘Again and again, one is told that this is indeed “the Americans’ ” government, that there can be no doubt about that, and that there is no point in trying to overturn it.” 10 In this way the United States and NATO become directly responsible for the dictatorship in Greece, The minute the United States withdraws its support the Greek defence forces would free the country of the colonels’ oppression. To me it seems evident that there does not exist any military tactical reason for the cooperation with the junta, not even if the Soviet threat against the country could be regarded as realistic. 1 believe, however, that the threat against democracy as such is much more serious because we and other western countries accept the Greek dictator- ship and accept that the United States cooperates with it, We have joined NATO expecting that we together with the other partners should protect. democracy. No one can wonder that all politically awake people in north-western Europe ask them selves what it really is that NATO has to defend. ‘The greatest danger for democracy is inactivity, apathy, and indifference. Such attitudes can easily become a common reaction of a generation witich lives in a society which compromises what are said 10 be its ideals. There is hardly any solution to be found in a possible expulsion of Greece and Portugal from NATO. As is well known, Spain is not a NATO partner but the United States cooperates with it anyhow. The United States would also continue the cooperation with Greece and Portugal. Neither would it solve the problem if Denmark eft NATO: the only thing we would gain would be enj our clean hands Only one thing matters, 1 fet against the forces destroying democracy, where- ever they are, within NATO or outside NATO. From the Danish side it has not yet been really tried to fight the undemocratic’ forces within NATO, Do we not dare do so? If the NATO of today cannot be replaced by a democratic alternative, which can work for dis- armament, then the ‘situation arises in which ‘Denmark has to withdraw from the alliance. How- ever, the democratic countries of Western Europe can force the United States, and the United States knows it. It is said that for the time being Ameri- can pressure is put on a number of NATO govern- ments in order to make them work against the demand put forward by the Scandinavian countries and Holland to expel Greece from the Council of Europe. It is very important that these countries do not give in to the pressare put on them, because a broad decision for the expulsion of Greece from. the Council of Europe would force the United States to change its policy towards the junta. ‘Today's situation in Greece has to be seen as part of a greater whole, but the problems I have touched on are fundamental for the victory of democracy as a form of government. Therefore, it is also our responsibility. ‘THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969Torture goes on Prisoners Speak Out Dripping Water Torture — Electric Shocks — Mock Executions — Fallanga Accusations that the Greek regime is ting’ torture to. extract statements ‘rom pellleal detainees havebeen made Since Autumn, 196. number. of People were then reluctant to believe these stores, stories of horror tnd lervon, because no names were men- tioned in the inital reports. Fear that more tortures could be wsed agaist them prevented the. tortured ‘from allowing reporters to. quote thelr hhames‘This barrier of fear was fst ‘roken at the Petrone Front tia in Autumn 1967 The Tac rp by Amnest Ingernational, published” in. "April 1968, after the” investigation carried out in Greece by Mr. Anthony Mar= reco of the Enelish Bar, made tt clear that there was at leat” prima. facie evidence that- af least en politcal prisoners ‘he. visited in prison had fen torured nd gave their names Two of those prisoners, Geranimos ‘Notaras, tortured on bourd the Royal Greek Naval Veet El, ond, Chara ambos Protopapas, at “Bouboulinas Sireet, corobarated this atthe Demo. erat’ Defence trial in duly, 1968 Other ‘rials followed, like that of Alexandros Panagoulis and. that of the ‘Rigas. Fetraios group in which the accused related i deta the ine ignites and tortures they had been subjected to, When the European Human Rights Suneommision ited "Greece in ‘Marchy a number of prisoners publie- ty made i kmown thal they Were ready fo testify im support of the accusation by the ‘Scandinavian and the Dutch Governments. at the. ‘Council of Europe that the Greek regime. Bas Violated ericle 3 of the Rome Com Yention (orohibitingthe se of tor lure). Phe Greek regime did nor allow these prisoners to se the members of Ihe subcommission. But 25. of these prisoners, several of whom ‘had ale ready spoken out during their tral, hhave writen signed statements whic were Sigeled out of Averoff prison Ina very sober tone, they, make desaited and. cmos clinical descrip: {ion of the barbaric methods used by the Security Police throughout Greece. “These statemenis were sent 10 the representative of the Patriotic Front THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969 abroad, Mr. Andonis Brillakis, with the request that they be submitted 10 the European. Human Rights. Sub commission, Some of the statements ‘ure published today in ‘The Greek Observer for the firs rime ‘Sixteen of these men were interro- gated In” the tnfamous Athens Security Police “Headquarters. at Bouboulinas Street. Out of these, six were subsequently interrogated at Dionysus, the camp of ‘the. Greck Marines. Four prisoners come from Herakleion, Crete and desertbe similar brutal “methods used’ by. the gen- darmerie in” Crete. Another three prisoners come from Salonica,. one rom Piraeus and one from Agrinion Western” Greece). Among the 25 persons, one is a Cypriot national who was 0 alowed 10 communicate with the Cyprus Embassy in Athens The prisoners come jrom all walks of life. Five of them ‘re workers, fro merchants, trae tecncins, leven university. students and four fre professional “people. In. thelr testimonies the prisoners refer by name 10 @ large’ mumber of police officers, constabler and gendarmes Who submitted them to torture. At the Athens Asphalein, 17 police officers and constables’ are named. At the ‘Dionysus camp,” the com Imandant, ten Army majors, a ea tin and’ a sergeant. The names of a numberof gendarmerie officers. are also mentioned by those who were tortured in Crete, Saloniea “and Aarinion: All the, testimonies are extremely valuable, but We are going (0 publish in full’ the most characteristic of them, leaving’ out the detalle when they ‘are repeated in the subsequent Methods Used at Bouboulinas and Dionysus @ KLAVDIANOS Pavlos, aged 23, Student at the School of Economic and Commercial Studies, “Twas arrested. on February 29," 1968, by policeman KARATHANASIS; taken fo the General Security Headquarters of Athens; beaten up on the way. At the office of police officer KALYVAS, Toannis was beaten up by KALY- VAS, KARAPANAGIOTIS. KARA. THANASIS and others, They used slicks, rubber straps and wires. They lied and pulled. my ‘genitals with & string. Then Twas taken to the roof Where there is a shed. They ted me on a table. and tortured me besting the soles of my feet with a stick, the fallanga. At the same time they were Fitting “me, on she. thighs, chest and the whole body. ‘They ordered me to Walk around the table while fifteen policemen were hitting me. Then they ut me on the table again and con tinued the failanga. The torture went fon the whole night, In the morning they took me i celi 20, where | was Kept in solitary confinement, "On March 7, 1968, I was summoned for interrogation." ‘There KALYVAS, KARATHANASIS and KRAVARI TIS beat me and fed me to the shed on the roof. The fallanza was repeated and ‘followed by beatings on my genitals. The same day Twas trans ferred to the eamp of the S05 Marine Battalion, at Dionysus. Immediately Twas submitted to the fallangay the palm of my right hand was burnt 4 lit cigarette, Transferied tothe ‘detention room, I remained there for 38 “days. and was submitted to. the jallanga by major BOUFAS Kenstane {inos, Major A2 (Army. Intelligence Service) IOANNIDIS. Vassilios- and other ‘cadets and — petly officers, Lieutenant “SPYROPOULOS put clecirie wires on my Torchead and neck and connected them ‘with an sleciric source. ‘That happened ‘wie Then T was stripped naked in’ the rain and was obliged fo. run in the ‘courtyard of the headquarters in front Of the whole battalion, I was. pre~ vented from’ sleeping because “the fuard made continuouy note on urpose, Some days later they told Ime, to lie on the floor of the room and they put a water can over may head and for an hour they let drops ‘of water fallon my forehead with the result that I suffered acute head aches, ‘They hung me by the hands and bit ‘me in the stomach, My shoulders Were dislocated. They hung. me up holding me by the ears. During the night they brought big dogs into 1"ff, the commandant, MANOUSSA- KAKIS Ioannis, to soldiers and a sergeant of ESA (military police) tried ty rape me, Beaune 1 rested thet clforts they stopped giving me and water, MANOUSSAKAKIS. hil ‘me with his revolver at his office alter having pretended he was going to kill ‘On April 13 oF 14 1 was tansfered back to” Security in Athens at Bou boulings where Y was besten once ai the office with a whip and onee with Sieks under the soles of my feet while T'was held seated. ina chait. My deieniion both at. General" Secuny and "Dionyws’laned three months For many’ days Twas refused. food and Walet, Lam still feeling pains on ihe Yoles of my. feet andl in the Stomach. Securty noted my family gh ize 35 an ae the ee {aough my. family had repeated asked about me at Security Head Garters, specifically police offesr KARAPANAGIONIS, "The Athens Special Military Court sentenced me on November 20, 1968, 49 twenty-one Gi) years of imprisonment @ KIAOS Nicolt0s, aged 26, student the School of Physis. T'was ar Fesled on April 21, 1968, by seven police officers of the student depart: Frent of Genesal Security in Athens Jed" by KALYVAS and -KRAVA™ RITIS: In KALYVAS" office KARA- PANAGIOTIS. banged my" head against the wall. Then they took me iO the terrace (o a shed, and ted me fn. table. They Beat the soles of my Feet wit wooden and, metal rods ey"hit my genitals. T "passed" oui and came fo alist waier was thrown n miy Face. I wan transfered to cel 20 and. then to the ‘Dionysus camp ‘where a ‘second. lieutenant and & policeman, CHRISTAKIS, beat me on The soles’ During. my stay ihe detention room L'eotld not sleep be: tause of the noise made by the duard fn purpose ‘On Apri 29. 1 was tortured by major BOUFAS in the presence of the commandant, MANOUSSAKARIS. I Urinaled blood, my ears continue 10 Suppurate Boeauxe ofthe beatings, On ‘May 17, they buried me in-a trench teside the. detention scam for many Tours, Tstll bear the marks of Burnt Gigaretes on” my body. and” of the Fandeutf, Gn the sole of my left foot one can feel a swollen carilage. At {he Blonysus ‘camp. they hesicned ine wth rape. On November 3, ies, Tyas. sentenced. to twentyone. years of Imprisonment by the Athens Specs} Miltary Court @ ARMAOS Nicolaoy, aged 26, actor P vas arrested on Api! 16, 1968; renal for fourand fal onthe in solitary confinement. inthe sub- terrancan cells of Security in Athens Without any blankets. 1 was tortured 12 and transferred to Military Hospital 408, “where I remained for ‘fifteen days, T was sentenced to five years Imprisonment on January 24, 1969. @ TZAVELLAS Panagiotis, aged 44, musician. Tam a cripple. One Ie ampucated and the other in. hac Sondition, suffering from blocking Ol the arteries. Atvested August 28, Ibe8 tortured at Suburban Security, among others, with one of my own frutches which was ‘broken on my hhead and I was Unconscious for five days. [remained in solitary confine- ment for 44 days, sleeping on the floor with only my clothes on. 1 am sill awaiting tial @ PETROPOULOS Toannis, aged 34, Worker. Iwas arrested April 12, 1968, Taken to General Security; beaten up, transferred next day to. Dionysus. They cut by hair and stulfed it into my mouth.’ In-a big room, several individuals beat me on the hoad and stomach for many hours. T was taken unconscious 10 & cell. where Twas beaten with fists and kicks for (weniy days. One day they bung me three limes with my hands tied behind my back and kept beating me. ‘They ex tracted four of my" toenails, burnt my fingernails with cigarettes and gave me the fallanga, For ten days I could not Walk. They put me through a mock execution and. then submitled me to torture by dripping water on my forehead. Transferred to General Security in Athens, Twas Put ina cell adjacent to the torture Chamber, where for a week I. was Fistening for the whole night to the ries of the tortured. Then I was put hhandeulfed in subjerrancan cell for two days, and was left for three days without food. On August 21, 1968, T was transferred to Averoff ‘prison On January 24, 1969, I was sentenced to 26 pears in prison by the Athens Special Military’ Coun. @ ANASTASSIADIS Sotirios, aged 23, stage director. Arrested by a group (6 police officers fed by. LAMBROU, BABALIS and MALIOS: remained in solitary” confinement at. Bouboulinss Tor 130 days, @ MARGARITIS Antonios, aged 24, student. A month's solitary confine: ‘ment; fortured; some of my toes diss Toeated "and crushed: " underwent operation atthe Ayios Pavlos Hospital. Sentenced to 14 years @ ATHANASIOU Athanasios, aged 24, student. T was arrested by police officer MALIOS, who fired repestedly against me from a distance of twenty metres, Was tortured in LAMBROUS presence "by KARAPANAGIOTIS. Led to the terrace, stripped naked, lied on a table and submitted to the fallanga, then ordered to ran around the table while the group of police: men were beating, Kicking’ and whipping me. This ‘went on for the ‘whole might and the following took part: _KARAPANAGIOTIS, PA- PANGELIS, LOGOTHETIS snd KARATHANASIS. KARAPANA- GIOTIS beat me on the genitals. In KALYVAS office I fvas whipped con- tinuously. For 32 days 1 was put in the cell adjacent to the torture chamber, where I could bear the eres Of the tortured. While detained in the Averoit prison, 1 was taken without pprevioas permission by the military Court to General Seeurity where 1 was Submitted to. psychological "pressive. Sentenced on November 20, 1968, £0 Gwentyone years of imprisonment. @ DARIONIS Demetrios, aged 25, Sudent. Twas arrested by a. group of police officers and. Was submitted to Solitary confinement for 130. days and tortured, Because of the fallanga treatment my soles Were wounded and the Security doctor, KIOUPIS, examined me. For 50 consecutive days the male nurse put ointment. on my wonnds, Four tes of my left foot were broken, According Co the doctors of the prison hospital, T vi Temain 4 cripple because there is nothing that can be done about i @ REGLEITIS Christos, aged 12, construction worker, I was arresied fon April 12, 1968: 1 was taken to the Security Headquarters and next day war transferred to Dionysus, where 1 was submitted 0. the fallanga until my soles were crushed: they buent the nails off my hands with cigareties: frung me head down and beat me: put me in a big box and lowered me in a trench and buried ‘me with only my hhead left out so 1 could breathe: they Staged a mock execution, Because of the tortures they took me unconscious to the General Military Hospital in Athens where Twas" freated. for a month. Then T was transferred again to. Dionysus camp, where T was sub- mitted again 19 torture Tor & month The names of the torturers wore: Majors IOANNIDIS, SIDEROPOU- OS." PARADIAS,NIKOLAKO- POULOS. PERAS, DOGAS, THEO. DORAKOPOULOS, ANTONAKO- POULOS, Transferced to Athens Security. I was put in solitary. con. finemeat for two months and. T slifered a nervous breakdown and Since then [have acute headaches. I also suller from pains in the hips, in the stomach and the right leg. was sentenced 10.16, years’ imprisonment by the Athens Special Military Court ‘on January 24, 1969, Revelations of Tortures in Crete @ STAMATAKIS Nikiforos, aged 24, white collar worker. I was. arrested April 15, 1968, by the Security Police oF Herakleion, Crete, and was tore tured from 8am. to midday by a group of Security men. under. the Feadership of the commandant of the THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969gendarmerie of Crete, the _ com: mandant of the gendarmerie of Herakleion, the director of Security, KOLETIS” and the deputy ditector, PECHINAKIS, They ‘ortured me, beating my soles and hands and Kicking me on the back while 1 was hanging head down, They pulled ‘my hait and beat my head agaiast the floor. The first day | fell unconscious five or six times. On April 15, T was tianslerred tothe Athens Security Headquarters and was put in solitary confinement until May” 30, Police officer KALYVAS best me with his fists. On April 16, I was taken to the rooftop where they tied me on the fable in & shed, aid subjected me to the fallanga, ‘while CHRISTAKIS and KALYVAS tortured me in the genitals, T'was sentenced to five years I prison on November 20, 1968, by tho Special Mililary Court in Athens, @ PAPADOMICHELAKIS Chariton, ‘ged 34, technician, Twas arvested in Herakleion on April 13, 1968; twenty five days. solitary confinement; tor- tured ‘by “the deputy director of Herakleion Security, PECHINAKIS, nd. lost consciousness many. times While being tortured in the kitchen of Security a military’ doctor was Present. [was sent to the Hospital of Chania’ to recover. Since then T have been having frequent fainting. spells, Pedeveloped a tumour in my. let eve because oF the beatings and under- wont an operation at Ayios Savvas Howpital tr Athenson Jamun) 3 TH Serene Gur Js gesoament an May 30, 198 y the Sreeal Miltary Court at Chan S'SAVVAKIS. Andress, aged” 25, Soden ey arested i Heraklion on Aug’ 1967, Was ken to the ofice “of the Commandant, RAPENEKOS, wit 1Semen lead tne there a gnpoin. They stipe te, naked’ aid Beat“me with seks And "whips los comtousness for itany howe Taking part in my torture wan” deputy Security. aretor PRCHINARIS. War ha call wih trator on the floor for soven days. Was ondnualiy’ besten, {as Tanta frequently’ Tear kept without food winter or biankety PECHINARIS ned to shake the ashes off is egaete into my mounds. ‘On ihe heh day 1 Was ithe out the window head down f wa ettenced Yo" years in prison om November 20, 1568 y the Alene Speci Miltary Court KARYOTAKIS Constantinos, sged Sh student, twas sresed in Auions in’ Apni 19689 kept aoay one lncmtant for 2 cays and torres Sy KARAPANAYOTS ““VANNOME TROS and CHRISTAKIS, taunteied {orHerakieon Seouny where: [vas tented by several police fice. I wis given 16 years fn prison by the ‘Attohe “Speci "Miltary Court ‘on Novernber 35, 1968 Torture in Piraeus @ THEODORAKAKOS Michacl, fazed 34, merchant, 1 was arrested bj Pitseus ‘Security men on August 7, 1968.'On the same day T was beaten With, sticks on the soles of my feet iB, the presence of police" oficer YANNOUTSOS Loukas. Until August 15, Twas beaten up twice a day in the presence of police officers KOUVAS and ANGELOPOULOS. Many times Tas beaten with a whip; on August 9, Tlost-consciousness, For a month I yas held inthe tea cells OF the Ist and lth Pirseus police precincts, Tam still held without trial and my wile is @ hostage, as T was eynically {old by police ollcer YANNOUTSOS. The names of the others, whose statements are not published here, are fiven as XINTAVELONIS Demetrios, aged 30, machinist; BOTZAKIS George, aged 21, student; STRATIS Toannis, aged 32, teacher; MOSCHONAS Panagiotis, aged 33, bookseller: SACHINIS Demetfios, aged 48, worker, fom Selonica; DEMETRIOU Petzos, aged 24, student, from Cyprus; SIDERIS Leonidas, aged 49, worker: YANNIDAKIS. Nicolaos, aged. 23, student; PANTIS Gregorios, aged 29, failor,” from Salonica:” CHATZIc YANNIS. Ferdinandos, aged 29, student, from Salonica “Freeze the Relations During the, March session of the European. Parliament, the. Belgian socialist Ernest Gliane, chairman of the Commission of Association with Greece, introdticed a document.on the Gresk situation end put the question "Which liberty, Which regime. and which Parliament ‘exists today a Greece?” This question conerns direcly the. relation with the com= munity in view of the provision by the! Atbeny apresment foc a ine parliamentary. committee of deputies Gr'the EEC countries and of Greece Attar the siapension "ofthe con Stitutional, guarantees and the. pa mentary” fe. in’ Greece, concluded Me. Glinae, the mixed committee is no longer n'a postion to, continue its work and therefore an important between Greece and the Common Market” oan ofthe association does got et iany speakers participated in the debate, among others the German socialists Waller Faller and Ludwig Sellermaier. the. Christian Democrats Pinlus and Searascia-Mugnozza and the republican Citarelli. The members ol the Christian Democratic’ Party Said that the six membor-states of the Community’ should not interfere in the internal affairs of Greece, stating that they must continue to abide by the agreement of the Association though they condemn the Greek fegime for its offences against liorty. and democracy. But Cifarelli and the fo German socialists have maintained that because of the regime existing ‘now in Greece the Athens agreement should be frozen, Ed. Martine, member of the EEC ‘Comiission, maintained that the FEC. Commission “and. the Ministerial Council are following closely the developments in the Gresk situation ‘and want a solulion to the problem ff the association of Greece with the ‘Common Market that does not harm the Greek people, He invited the delegates of the European Parliament fo fake action in their. respective Assemblies for the isolation of the Greek regime. ‘The parliamentary commission has asked Signor, Scarascia-Mugnozza to Prepare for the May session a report On the Greek political situation and its repercussion on the function of the Association: THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969 18People Who Refuse to Visit the “New Place” Cartoons by Nip The Athens Non-Festival “The Inside Page” of the Daily Mirror (April 7, 1969) had the following comments to make on the 1969 Athens Festival: “Byer since the Greek coup in 1967, the regime have “4 tried to prop up their tottering international prestige by high-level eultazal liaisons. They have been singularly unsuceessful "The Athens Festival, once littered with stars, has been shunned in political protest by. international performers Such as Leonard Bernstein, Herbert von Karajan, Yehudi Menuhin, and many of the world’s leading orchestras, ballet and opera companies, Tl has now withered into a sad non-Festival The Royal Ballet Company of Covent Garden have been among those who have Fesisted the pressing invita- Hogs of The Colonels ee "This year, the invilation was repeated. And it woul have been convenieat for the Royal Ballet to accept since they are due to make a summer tour in the Middle East anyway ‘But the directors sent back a polite but firm refusal.” In the same report it was also mentioned that in spite of this official turn-down by the Covent Garden administrators, Dame Margot Fonteyn and her partner, Rudolf Nureyev, had signed con- tracts 10 dance at the Athens’ Festival next Sep- tember. But on the same day Dame Margot Fonieyn denied the report that she and Nureyev have signed contracts to dance in Greve. Dame Margot said: “There is no question of us going without the company.” The report was also denied by Nureyev’s agent. Miss Joan Thring Boycott of Scientific Conferences Professor F, Gros of Paris took the initiative to circulate the following appeal to academics and research workers, Up to now 300 have signed this: appeal, among them five Nobel Prize winners. Dear friend and colleague, ‘You are a man of science who_may be invited 10 g0 to Greece on the oetasion of a seientife congress, or an international European conference, or & summer schoo! Drganised in chat Beautiful county. ‘The present Government, however, is trying 10 enslave tre Gresk people and t0 transform them into a docile herd, The miliary jonta which seized power by foeo is striving to Tedace to silence any voice OF protest ‘which rises. ftom the Greek people or ity unlersiy Youth, “The ‘miltary” courts continue to pass. heavy Sentences on young students or ether patriots who have the courage to roi a sel Propazands campaign was launched by 2 publicity agency which has already’ caused. a_scandal inthe Political circles of Britain in an. atiempt to mislead orld: opinion. Verified” information indicates that Special services of he junta assovated wilh tourism ate Siready in operation in France and other countsies with the. purpose of eresting. favourable. conditions for the pardeipation Of ‘university and scene personnel. Ineetings organised to fake place in Gresse. ‘The success fof these meetings is afterwards exploited by these same Services, by the government ssel, in order to justify and Swhitewash the regime [ATG nthe of Freeh and other unvesies hugs already refused to. pareipate in meetings of this kind orgenised in Greece We are sure that your atiude willbe a similar one and that you would ke 19 help the Grek people and ihe cause of freedom in the world by refasing to recog fe the regime and the prosent Grevk Government THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969Cw COEDS x t= ©) THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969 18The Besieged Church By a Correspondent, Specialist in Greek Ecclesiastical Affairs The coup d’éiat of April 21, 1967, was followed by a coup déglise. In May, 1967, the Colonels deposed the then Archbishop of Athens, Chrysos- fomos, and appointed through an_ eight-man Synod, composed of Bishops “chosen according 10 merit,” the new Archbishop of Athens, leronymos Koisoni: Archbishop Ieronymos and the rump Synod proceeded hastily in the “election” of 18 new Bishops to fill the vacant Sees by a system which directly involved the King and subsequently the Regent, Lieutenant General Zoitakis. By deposing two Bishops and forcing others to resign, Arch- bishop Ieronymos created new vacancies which were filled in the same way. Out of 21 new Bishops five were members of the ZOI brother- hood and one of SOTIR. Of the remaining fifteen Bishops thirteen are closely connected with one or the other of the brotherhoods. The special place of the brotherhoods in the preferences of Archbishop Teronymos is due to his long-standing connection with them, Two members of ZOI were placed in positions of special interest to the military regime. After the removal of Bishop Panteleimon of ‘Thessaloniki, the Ecclesiastical junta appointed Archimandrite Leonidas Paraskevopoulos to fill the See. By deposing Panteleimon the colonels rid themselves of a powerful enemy and established a man long trusted and well liked in the army circles (the new Bishop was a regular broadcaster over the local army radio network) in the key bishopric of Northern Greece, The other member of ZOT who filled the newly created post of the Bishop of the Armed Forces— officially known as the Bishop of Pelagonia—was Archimandrite Nicolaos Xenos. Xenos’ connee- tions with the Army are long-standing. For more than a decade he taught at the Officers’ Training School in Iraklion, Crete, his specialty being anti- mmunist propaganda. By having a high-ranking my officer—the Bishop of the Armed Forces has the rank of a major general—the colonels estab- lished an official link between the Army and the Church. With all the 70 Sees filled, the Archbishop of Athens, acting in close collaboration with his masters, drafted a new Constitution for the Church of Greece. Fearing opposition on the part 16 of the Bishops who were not members of his que, Archbishop Teronymos postponed a meet- ing of the Plenary Convention of the Hierarchy’ who were (0 meet and discuss the Charter in January—and on February 17, 1969, the Charter was published by decree. The Hierarchy was convened to reveive the Charter from Papadopou- los on March 1 During the ceremony Archbishop Teronymos declared: “With the New Charter the Church of Greece becomes mistress in her own house.” The censored Greek press took up this remark and stressed that ‘now, at long last, the Church has achieved its independence.” A sizable proportion of the 53 articles of the new Charter deals, with the newly-created committees, subcommittees, central and local councils which now include lay members. The lay participation in these commit- fecs and councils was hailed as introducing a democratic element in the Church, How do these arguments about independence from the state and democratic lay participation fare in the actual Charter? “Independence” Article 11 of the Charter states that the Minister of Education shall be invited to all the meetings of the new 10-man strong Permanent Synod and “failure of prior invitation of the Minister, as stated in this article, nullifies all decisions taken.” Now article 51 states that for the first three years from the date of publication of the New Charter the Permanent Synod will exercise practically all the functions of the Full Hierarchy. Given this role of the Permanent Synod the aforementioned provision of article 11 means that nothing can be decided without the approval of the Minister of Education. The system under which the 22 vacant Sees were filled becomes now, by article 20 of the Charter, the “legal” system for the clection of Bishops, According to this article the Full Hier- archy—but for the first three years the Permanent Synod—proposes three candidates from which the King!—and for the time being Regent Zoitakis! | chooses the man to fill the vacant See. Article 29 provides for the retirement of Bishops at the ‘age of 72. Under normal circumstances this pro- vision would have been a good one. Now, with THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969some Bishops nearing this age, this article in con- junction with article 51 will give the opportunity to Archbishop Ieronymos to place more of his friends in the Sees which will become vacant creating thus a majority not only in the 10-man strong Permanent Synod—which he now has—but also in the 70-man strong Plenary Convention of Bishops, and this majority, because of the system ofits ereation, will duly obey the commands of the colonels. The backbone of the Church is of course the clergy. By law 469/1968 the parish clergy were put on the civil service payroll. This law is now incorporated in Article 38 of the Charter thus making the priests totally dependent on the state. “Democracy” The presence of lay members not only in local committees but also in the General Ecclesiastical Convention gives the impression that the Church becomes more democratic. But how are these lay members of the committees, councils and Conven- tion elected” The general procedure stipulated by the Charter is not one of election but one of selection, At the base of the pyramid, the parish, Article 25 of the Charter says that the lay members “are selected by the priest in charge together with a primary school teacher appointed by the local. primary education inspector.” Now, as it was pointed out already, not only the teacher and the inspector but also the parish priest are state employees. Higher up the pyramid the lay members of the General Ecclesiastical Convention, according to Article 12 of the Charter, are “drawn from a li of 15 persons selected by the Bishop of each ar together with the Nomarch.” Here, as we move to the top of the pyramid, the system of selection is even more controlled by the State as the Nomarch is the Government's representative in each region. Both claims, therefore, are belied by the Charter itself. This does not mean that the Charter does not contain certain progressive articles. One could ‘mention the articles providing for the amalgam tion of bishoprics, the rationalisation of admini stration of Church affairs and the preservation of ‘many things which are good in the Church, But ‘on the whole one cannot but agree with the Bishop of Piracus, Chrysostomos, who declared in one of the sessions of the Hierarchy at the beginning of March that: “This Charter is the worst of all which have been put into effect in the past. The advantages secured to the Church by the Charter are outweighed by the damage caused by it. Implementation The new Charter provides for the creation of ten Committees. The Bishops-Chairmen of these committees constitute the members of the Per- THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1959 manent Synod. During the “elections” early in March Archbishop Teronymos, while admitting to this Synod some Bishops who were not connected with or well disposed to the ZOL brotherhood—Just 10 give the impression that he is fair minded: made sure that the majority of its members are loyal to him, and through him, to the colonels ther the Bishop of Piraeus nor the Bishop of Corinth, who denounced the New Charter as “totally contravening the Canon Law,” are inclu- ded in the Permanent Synod. To make sure that young men conscripted into the Army at the ages ‘of 20 and 21 have imbibed the required principles, the colonels have made sure that the Bishop of the Armed Forces is a member of the Committee for the Christian Education of Youth. ‘The conclusion is inevitable. With the new Charter and the first steps for its implementations the colonels have “constitutionalised”” their coup @Eglise Opposition The first Bishop to defy openly the colonels was Bishop Panteleimon of Thessaloniki. When Brigadier Patilis, now Deputy-Premier, asked him to resign he refused. Later he was deposed. Now, the Bishops of Piraeus and Corinth openly attacked the junta for imposing on the Church the worst Charter she ever had. ‘Three other Bishops dared to show their defiance fo the regime during the March Plenary Convention. The Bishops of Sparta and Eleutheropolis walked out during one session when @ proposal of Archbishop Teronymos was debated. The third Bishop, who spoke against the Charter, was the junta appointed Bishop Augustine of Florina, There is a lot of talk at the moment about the ZOI brotherhood’s collaboration with the colonels There is evidence that not all of those associated with the brotherhood are ready to cooperate with the regime, Three former member of ZO] were offered episcopal thrones and refused to accept them. They are: Archimandrite Mastroyiannopou- Jos, until 1966 head of the brotherhood, and two of the most promising young theologians the Church of Greece has: Father Yiannoulatos, an orthodox missionary in Africa, and Father Trakatellis, now studying in the United States. The regime persecutes the progressive elements of the Church and those who dare to oppose its decisions. Two leading parish priests in the Piraeus area were deprived of their parishes and 25 priests in. Thessaloniki, who came out in support of the deposed Bishop Panteleimon, were transferred to hes outside the town. These are but a few examples of the opposition which both the colonels and Archbishop Ierony- mos are facing. This opposition is the only hope for the future of the Church of Greece. 7Army wrecked: Part 3 The Structure of Power The first half of a report that came to The Greck Observer from army officers in Greece appeared last month. We present below the remaining portion of this document. The coup of April 21, 1967, proved resoundingly that the people had no control over the rule of the country, that there were established forces capable of overturning the will of the people. The failure of the royal counter-coup on December 13, 1967, revealed clearly that the King, too, was in no position to impose his will, The real wielder of power was shown to be the army or, to be more precise, the career officer corps of the army, a relatively small group which monopolises violence or the threat of it and can thereby act with con- iempt for the established constitutional procedures and seize power under the pretext of saving the nation from the threat of communist. If we start from the premise that the army constitutes for the time being the only active political force, or at least the decisive factor, then a central aspect of the Greek problem would be to establish the degree of independence or con- versely the extent of controls to which the army is subject. On the basis of previous military coups, eg. those of 1843, 1861 or 1909, or applying to the Greek case the patterns observed in the new nations that gained independence in recent years, one could try to arrive at conclusions on whether the Greek officer corps is charting its own active political course without external controls, some- thing that has been repeatedly asserted by first- rank members of the junta, Papadopoulos himself had stated immediately alter the coup that no foreign power had known anything in advance. In order to examine whether a military coup could take place in Greece independent of the will of the NATO allies—or, still further, without any Toreknowledge by them—we must look into the army’s organisational structure together with the criteria used in evaluating each officer’s. merit. ‘The Atlantic Alliance has certain controls over the Greek army because of the military assistance programmes and the broader strategie plans formulated within NATO almost independently of 18 the Greek civil and military leadership—into which the Greek forces’ role is incorporated. Beyond this, the Americans have a say on aspects per- taining to personnel. Besides being sent for special training abroad, another coveted achievement which calls for allegiance to NATO ig 10 be sent abroad to one of the alliance’s regional head- ‘quarters. Here again the command is American and the salaries very high. Promotion above. the rank of colonel is quite rare for a Greek officer who has not passed successfully through allied schools or served in some regional command headquarters. This dependence of career advance- ment on evaluation by American officers, in com- bination with the existence of material incentives, is a factor that should not be underestimated in mining the possibilities of independent political initiatives within the Greek officer corps. ‘Another phenomenon that hinders independent political developments in the army is the anti- hysteria which exists as official state ology, an attitude that has been fired up by the experience of two civil wars, providing fertile ground for the absorption of NATO's ideology in extremist form. The large majority of Greek officers have lived through the trazedy of civ war and believes ardently in the danger emanating from the Slavs. The one-sided political orientation of Greek officers, cultivated from the start in the Military Academy, and especially their way of life, keep them cut off from the mainstream of Greck society, unexposed to the political and ‘ideological currents that shape public opinion in Greece. The percentage that believes in the danger of a Slavic onslaught is much higher among the officers than in any other sector of the Greek people. The anticommunist hysteria as official ideology, laden with taboos, becomes in the officer's mind synonymous with the mystical notion, of saving the nation and thus it prevents initiatives such as those of 1843, 1861 or 1909, when officers took action that brought about democratic reforms. ‘THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969In those cases they knew from personal. social experience who were those who did the nation harm and what was the true national interest that they were called upon to serve. In spite of the fact that Papadopoulos wants to present him self as a Nasser and to make out the April 21 move- ment to be akin to that of 1909 or that of the nationalistic Egyptian officers, it is among the mili- tary coups of Latin America that historical parallels should be sought. “The way the colonels who effected the April 21 takeover fared subsequently reveals the control structure that was established. They themselves were ordered to retire from the army, which they did without any objection. Then, giving as the reason the need to improve the military effective- ness of the Greek army, the Americans established through NATO a new order with Gen. Anghelis as its instrument—installed in the newly created position of Chief of the Armed Forces, The junta of April 21 and the army under the rule of Anghelis are collaborating as two parallel forces subject to the same supreme command. The Americans, fearing the possibility of Gaullist devia- tions, do not wish to have to control the army through the government. They can obtain better control by means of a branched system, ic. direct control of the armed forces through NATO, control of the government through the CIA, with overall policy coordination by the State Department, Lower down within the officer corps there were many problems, Of great interest is the case of the junior officers who came out against the King during his abortive December 13, 1967, coup. Throughout 1968, these men were poiitically active, demanding that the King should not be allowed to return to Greece, Those who were captains at the time of the coup in 1967 were in 1968 majors and lieutenant colonels. ‘They concluded that Constantine, whom they opposed when he made his attempt to wrest power from the junta, should under no cireumstances be allowed 10 return from abroad, for their careers would then be in clear jeopardy. They believed, as they had every reason to, that retuming to Greece Constan- tine would perhaps have to put up with them in the first phase, but ultimately he would find the opportunity to purge those ‘that had come out against him—and this would be the least they ould expect. The settling of this personal score would be of high priority to him, AL first Papadopoulos played both sides against each other, cultivating the support of the junior field commanders on theone hand and presenting himself a5 a moderate supporter of the monarchy on the other. But when the wrath of these officers rose to a point where they became a problem to Papadopoulos, he made use of a very clever device, with full assistance from the side of NATO's command. He instituted a system of com- petitive examinations to select large numbers of officers who would be sent abroad for advanced military studies. It was pointed out to the most dynamic junior and middle-grade officers that they should take part in the competitions. When it eame to deciding who would be sent abroad, it was made sure that those considered politically dangerous Were awarded honours and shipped off to advanced studies abroad—with their salary augmented, as it happens in such cases, to $30 a day. Thus the dynamic and potentially troublesome young officers: Were removed from the scene and those who remained quieted down, for they had lost their leaders, and perhaps concluded that it would be better for them to try to succeed in similar com- petitions rather than’ waste their time in getting involved in political intrigues The representatives of the three resistance organisations (Panhellenic Liberation Move- ment, Patriotic Front and Democratic Defence) ‘met in Stockholm to decide on further measures for the more effective coordination of the resistance effort. Tn a communiqué dated April 2, they announced that they formed: (@) An Executive Secretariat of the three organisations. (b) A joint fund for the anti-dictatorial struggle, Resistance Effort Further Coordinated (©) A joint fund for the assistance of victims of the junta. (@) A bureau of information and mobilisa- tion of Greeks living abroad and of the friends of the Greek people. (c) A joint bureau to deal with technical matters pertaining to the conduct of the tance in Greece Tes stated, in the same communiqué that the formation of these bureaux does not aim at sup- planting the partitular action of the individual organisations. THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969 19Two Letters from the Resistance What Happened on the Night of February 27 to 28 We publish first a letter that came to the Committee for Great Britain of the Patriotic Front. Changing nothing in the letter, we present below those parts that furnish information on the abnormal situation that now exists in the junta’s army. The Greek Observer already drew attention in its previous issue to the events that the letter below describes in detail. We begin with one of the early paragraphs in the letter. It shows clearly the hunger of the members of the resistance for news on anything happening abroad that's bound to support the liberation struggle of the Greek people. X mbrace you warmly, and 1 iake the opportunity to salute the new publication, The Greek Observer, Which seems to be a very interesting affair, T also send you my sincerest Wishes for the best success of the concert of Mikis ‘Theodorakis! muse at the Round House today. (This last item I leatned about from, the small ads in the New Statesman. As you se, T fey not to mis even the tiniest print. onthe belief that “always, Somewhere, secret joy Is awailing sone ‘So what did bappen’ on the night ‘of February 21 (0 287 The story of the events is of great importance Tor it contains the details Of the total isarray inthe Greek army, ‘The ‘whole txouble began about 2 month turlier, Le. end of January, when the offices serving in. Northern Greece (Thrace and Macedonia), of high and ow rank but primarily’ the captains ‘and majors, submitted to Papadopou- fos ‘the following demand: Tt is intolerable that, in the name of the Revolution, Ladas! men should slay permanently in or around Athens. While we afe roughing itin the moun- tains of the cold north, ‘There must he a mutual transfer; we come down close Io you, and they come out here in. the snows. Besides, if you entrust us with the guarding of the country’s frontiers you cannot con Sider us_ incapable of guarding Athens. [Euitor's nore: Col. Lada one af the original group that staged the coup {wo years ago, has always ‘been considered a fascist, extremist, the leader of the junta’s diehard Faeton) sos found th Papadopoulos found this @ season- able demand (and apparenily useful lo him since in this manner he'd be table (0 remove far away Ladas’ men) 20 and promised to make the transfers. And ‘so, in. mid-February, by order of Gen, Anghelis [Chet of the ‘Asmed Forces}, these officers were told to move 16 their new posis. Bul then those stationed in the area of the capital held a meeting on the hight of February 24°t0 25 (chey met inthe Military Academy which they hhave always controlled) and desided they're ‘not going anywhere. They instructed one. of Ladas’ henchmen {@ amnounce’ ther decision to Papi Gopoulos — naturally, they woulda’'t sloop t0 talk (o Anghelis. Papadopoulos replied that army discipline must. be upheld and that by March {at the latest they should all be at their new posts as ordered by Gen. Anghelis. Ladas responded by agresing that that’s what has 10 ‘be done indeed, However, during the nigh of Febru- ary 27 to" 28, some units of Attica find Larissa took up positions around: Athens, Their ultimatum: either all the” transfers “were cancelled of ‘Athens Would be takea over and Papadopoulos would be deposed. The feal show now began, for before Papadopoulos found out about the maves around Athens they had some How become. known in the’ army all the way up fo the units stationed at the Turkish frontier. So all the forces in north-eastern Greece were alerted, and the same aight they" b hrove inthe direction of Salonica The demand. of the northern forces sas‘: “either “he “ransers are carried ‘out or swe occupy Saloniea and proclaim a counter-revelution. Papacdlopotlos then ordered, always through “Anghelis, the entire Greek armed forces (ogo on alert, with Specific instructions that the’ garri- sons of Salonica should stop those advancing from the east, while in Attica the marines together with the commando nits should eliminate the threat of the Aitica gattsons. that had encircled Athen. A” consign fof enormous proportions, Outside Athens, one group. Was. trying. t0 ncirale the other, with fingers ching at the | trigger.” Outside Saloni, obody knew what to. do, All" the oficey were proruns and no, one ‘vas willing to" start shooting. ean While" thes country’ borders "were Tett unguarded With all this going on, there we two people Who still hadn't got wind of. what was happening. One was the Chief of the Peet: his signalmen received Papadopoulos" ‘signal but hever turned it over to him. The ther was Pauakos, the Minisier of the Interioz, who didn’t find out unt TAS am. of the 28th, when he arrived at his oti snd immediatly received 3 phone call from the. mayor of Pallint who. told him that he was encircled. and. asked Tor instructions fon what he should do. These are all facts. That Pattakos Was not notified earlier, was probably due. %0, fist, that Papadopoulos had since’ early Shut himself up in the general headquarters “fogether “with Anghelis and, seooad, that the of the Atiiea units had heen taken by everybody. fo. be. military exereke Sn impression that persisted un the besegers of Athens found them Selvet siounded by commando ‘and marine forces. Patiakos got in touch with Papa- dopouios at about 8am, At shout om. Papadopoulos and Paitakos wea to the. Political Bureau inthe Parliament building and. theyre mained closed in there for 48 bois dieting the intrajunta. operations TThe outcome of these operstions was that Tor one moze time Papadopoulos THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969was, compelled—despite his “tough+ have reliable information that Paps- that Papadopoulos is trying to calm nness"—to\ give info the demands depoulos, despite all his “contacts down fis inaubordinate Diigers, Also Of the Ledas people and to rescind with the’ military unils stationed in the fact that whereas he left the eity the transfers ‘he north, has eonvinced no one that of Yannins on Thursday the gext day It Was right after these events that he must remain where he is presently he was again in. Kozani indicates Papadopoulos launched his tour for stationed. specially at Drama and that he cannot establish his authority “contact with the people” in an Kavala the turmoil continues un- And his tecent shouts, "Twill not effort, to pacify the enraged nor~ abated, Junior officers are doing what. fall, nobody can topple me.” were a thesners, among whom, by the way, ever they please and are constantly no way addressed. to. industrialist had erupted outside Salonica an anti- threatening’ to descend on Salonick merchants or doctors, hetore. whom junta rising with proKing tendencies, and Athens, ele, So yesterday's Fto- he was speaking. The real target of Guelled, however, immediately. nomist vas quite right when it wrote his words was his captains ‘This, in broad outline, is what that something terribly. irregular. is happened on February 27’and 28.1 happening in- northern Greece. and Nazi Propaganda in the Army We present below the first part of another letter from Greece. It underlines the purely Nazi character of some members of the ruling military junta. Greece has no colonies: yet they are colonialsis. Greece has no. negroes, Yet they” are racials. “After the Second ‘World War very few Jews were left inthe ‘county; and yet they. are. antisemites “ANG they. ase alvays. ready, on the appropriate oseaiony 12" cite ‘from’ Riles Spesches ‘Who. are they? Nazis, of course Nazis inthe fll sense of the word, Negn in Grose! Atlin the mar appears improbable, silly absurdly BUC unfortinately i¢s true, and who= ever pays no heed to this phenomenon ‘will perhaps Be reminded off tomor- row. But feds fook at the sation, Immediately ‘after the April 21, 1967,"eoup, there came about ths mestion of, What should be the ‘ideology of the. revolution.” Anti communism was not” enough, Nor ‘van the problem "solved. with The Publication by. the. Directorate of Frog ane, inlermadan of “Our Credo,"a collection of Papadopoulos’ The tront cover of the. pamphiet behalf at Nazis speeches containing all the well (Athens, 1968) extolling tho virtues What soNof comment ean T make? Known rambling, Mconsistencies, the Gf Nall Soeiilsm. Handed out in 1 will jst ee some excerpts so you trade mark "of his. oratons, Thats thousands (0. army, conser pis, can see what they are making but whenever Ladas wrote an article Dendrinos would lend him his name so that the colonel would not be exposed. Tn the ideological desert of the tuined World of an army that was intellectually stultitied by many years” sterile anticommunist propaganda, the Nazi spider was waiting for the fight moment to come out of is hole, ‘That moment came with the April 21 coup, The “dih of August” was ready. Its people, with the backing of Col Ladas, one of the protagonists of the “revolution,” started making the rounds of military units distributing propaganda’ mteial and) giving lectures T send you today one of their booklets that they distributed in, the army by the thousands. Tis ttle: “Dictatorship and Freedom.” Author Costas Plevris. Published: “Athens, 1968, Subject: Open propaganda on ‘when the “4th of August” Was tapped Soldiers read. [euivor's notes 4th of August. stands Page 3: “Now all these things are for the date, in 1936, when the finished. People have woken up. The Metaxas dictatorship was installed in cracy.” They sport fascist salutes and nly supporters of democracy Iett ars Greece. The 4th of August dictator- their emblem is a first cousin of the those who have a vesled interest and ship was modelled after the then swastika, in Greek form, the macan- those who have not yet entered ‘the flourishing Hitler and Mussolini der. I js said that a certain Costas road of evolution, Yet in order to reeimes] Plevris is the founder of this whole tear down the ruined. structure of The “4th of August” existed on alfait. Plevris is currently the private democracy the truth about it, ust paper asa party ‘since 1963. Ils secretary of one of the junia's per be "revealed. Enlightenment. is se: founder ‘and a few more fanatics sonalities, Col. Ladas, Ia any case quired, For it is. absolutely. certain were its sole supporters. They pro- many. articles in their paper carry knowledge. about democracy. conse ceeded to rent an old house in a Plevris signature. They now describe tutes its mortal danger” harrow street in Athens (Andreas him ay the leader of theit youll Metaxas Street), and in ‘there they But who is their real. fuchrer? Page 4: “There is a widespread installed, their ‘offices, their youth "The group included, even before opinion that National Socialis ig a club and the editorial offices of their the April, 1967, coup, a certain A. dictatorship, thal it. represses the Small bi-weekly newspaper, the 4¢h Dendrinos and a certain Ladas. Very freedom of the indiidaal This Ge Agust, The mame they’have for few people Knew that the later was opinion, 100 ‘per cant false was their ideological theory is “ethno- a colonel in the Greck army, and spread ‘and became easily, helieved THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969 BIrecisely because thote who accepted FSGid hoe examine i beforehand. it we put propaganda aside and delve carefully. no the. matter we Giscover that National Socialism is either a dicatorship, nor dees. i Toprese dhe freedom ofthe individual” Page S: “In democracy it Is very ‘easy and quite common for unworthy Tulers {0 se to positions of power: tis unthinkable that any such event could take place in any. totalitarian Fegims 1, Cat anyone, imagine ineapable men as. leaders or repre sentatives of totalitarian states? No, its impossible.” Pages 6 and 7: “We believe that something of vital importance for fotlitargnism must be. made clear thas a. system of, government, can produce a variety of Nea, Tet places seit at" the servise of the anti national struggle, of materialism and athe, AE ae ag mal Nalues spiritual chilisation, private Droperty and the human personality hen this kind. of totatarianism, is Conversely, if the aims of otal tarjanoraisation are. the” defence find advanoement of such indisoluble ‘aluss as’ the fatherland, race, sli Bion, private property, the human Antisemitism Has Surfaced The last part of the letter gives us some excerpts from the newspaper 4th of August which proclaim hatred for the Jews, We publish them with a reminder of the paper's close connection with Col. Ladas who is still one of the stars of the “‘revolutio ‘Antisemitism is nothing new, nor is iMthe product of one’ ora or. one People, Tt flourished sine ancient Teneo under a variety. of politcal sjstems and among many diferent Tonle. The Jews were persecuted by Feo" egyptians, the Babylonians, the Gresks anochus Epiphanes, des froyed_Jemsfem, iguigated 50000 Jews, ordered. the slaughter, ofall the males and ‘converte Solomon's temple to a temple of the Olympian Zeus), the Romans. (hundreds of ‘fousands ‘were hiled by Titus” and {WOOD G00 Tews were dispersed "as slaves throughout the Roman Em- pire) In the Middle Ages, the perse- Eutions grew enormously ia Cental and” Western Europe, especially Spniny Hungary, Switariand ‘Ststa, Inthe modern era, equally {hensive persecutions gseurred in Russia, where thousands of Jews were Killed, in Bismarck's Germany, Jn Poland,” Rumania, Hungary and in the Third Releh. ‘Today. antisem {ism has become oficial tn the: Arab countries "HL i not of the present moment to examine why the Jews are perse- Sted "whether right les with them Sind song with all the ether peoples ‘who "have persecued them ‘tone time of another Gi of august, March 1, 1966) ‘Neat ‘Tel Avivy Egyptian, officers who had been wounded in the Sinai battles were in need of blood transh- Sits, Yet they vehemently refused transfusions. because ey” did nol ant Jewish blood to flow in thet Yeins. Those who are avare of the Finhimen spocane ot bed in the, racial purty of people can derstand the behaviour OF these 2 Egypiam and cannot but admire (dul of August, July, 1967, 9.8) “after the ‘isiulous “Oscars that ‘went to films about so-called racial Squatity, the appetite Of various pro- ducers has been wheted, One deta the producers of most of hese films isPalso is the case wilh some of IQANNHE AAAAE: THKO EMANG NEOAAIA! The notorious Ladas. calls upon Greek youth from the front page of the proazi 4th of August (January, have fol produced any pgsaphors have not produced any philosophers ree ean maintain eighty that al ‘phiosophica’” thought stared and fnded in Greece! rersonality, spiritual civilisation and morality—then what we have is the {otaitarianism of National Socialism, Wo have in other words that which wwe are defending.” Page 9: “Therefore, in democracy the people are exposed fo the threat ff dictatorship more than they” are under a tolalitarian regime, In, the latter the political situation has been shaped in Such a way that it prevents ‘oppressive domination by one single person Forgive me but 1 cannot go on. Tam colally nauseated as a human being the principal actors, — are Jews Nosng stronge, then eto Aug, Sly 968 3) here isa cortain. ‘Commission ‘of Human Rights" which sticks 8 n036 rerywhere. and. only when the case involves. any effort to. prevent the Wests downward de; ever where Subversion of the West is faking place Why? ne "The answer comes readily. from an examination of the ames of ils members whether today, yesterday, or at the ume of is founding And indeed, today of its 16, mem: bers 13 are Jews ante thal noueh to explain everyihing?” (ial of Hugust, July, 1968, p11) {[Eiditor’s note: The German journalist, Haldar Mockhoif, who” was sum asly thvown “out of Greece in early February on account of his revealing dispatches” published in Several German papers, ad drawn Attention to the, ideological. sickness that permeates the junta. Writing in Die Zeit (February 2, 1969), Bockhoft Said that the suspicion agsinst the Suter world fs culivated the extent of hatred for foreigners. "Foreigners, you boars of yesterday!” shouted Tadas in a speech at the Athens Uni- versity. He also spoke of the Gresk ace, great Greece and the swamps of other countries. Bockhoit wrote in his dispatch that a high junta official ad called ‘the director of the BBC Panorama”, Mr. Merseburger, “a filthy’ Tew". Andon August 4, the anniversary’ of the Metaxas dictator ship, there were talks in the sehools throughout the country on. inter. national Jewry and the. solution of the race problems, THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969Inside Greece Bomb Explosions in Athens As the weather is warming up in Athens the explosions of homemade tbombs are maluiplying, ‘On March 19, just before midnight, ‘a bomb exploded in, the fashionsbl area of Kolonaki, Fortunately. there ‘were no victims. On March 27, an: ‘other bom exploded outside the Post Office ‘at Constitution Square, One car Was destroyed ‘Again on April 11, a homemade explosive doviee went off outside the bflices "ef the pro-junta newspaper Fxila. These were no casualties, (On April 31, as the regime's’ anni- versiry celebrations were ending. at the Athens stadium, a homb exploded ‘opposite Police Readgusriers in. the centre of the city. The night before, thousands of Tesistanee leaflets had bhoen scallered in central Athens, and two bombs heen exploded in suburbs, Political prisoners staged x 24-hour hhunger sirike on April 21. Amazingly, the strike had been prepared Well in advance of the anniversary. with the ‘Nord passing. from. prison to. prison and camp to camp ill all the detainees ‘were informed. Afraid of the Dead Nicholas Bacopoulos, 82, a senior member of the Centre Union Party: And’ ils parliamentary. representative in the last Greek parliament, died ‘on April 22 ‘Bacopoulos entered polities in 1 He was a lifelong democrat, and since the coup had spoken out against the ‘ietatorlal regime several times, Fearing a repotition of the massive freedom’ demonstration at Geor Papandreow’s funeral last Novem 3,\the Colonels did. not allow Baco- poulos’ funeral to take place in ‘Athens. He. seas buried, under strict police surveillance, in his native Tripo- Tis in the Central’ Peloponnese ‘Representatives of Greece's political parties—all of them now outlawed — attended. the funeral, and despite police measures there Were anti Fogime demonstrations, THE GREEK OBSERVER, APRIL 1969 Private Foreign Investment Declining An analysis of the published data fon the inflow of foreign private cape {Gl to Greece in 1968 chows thal the Amount of private capital which was actually “brought into the country (Gn foreign currency) for investment In manufacturing industries declined bby ‘almost’ $2 million in 1968 com= Pared lo, the “amount invested in Similar indusizies in 1967, The figures Blow give a detailed analysis of the Various categories of foreign private eapital (in thousands of U.S. do!lars). 1967 1968 1L_ Investment in manufacturing industries (under the protection of special law 2687/53) (i) Direct investment (in foreign currency) 23285 21,299 Gb Direct investment (imports of materials) 9959 11721 Gi. Deposits 18440 20/406 2. Tavesiment in manufacturing industries 4 {2uside the preston of special law 2647/53 3037S 32596 investment in non-manuacturing industries (primarily for investment in the real estate market) 60.720 $2,373 4. Changes in commercial eredits to Greek importers 24220 69.211 On the basis of these figures ihe following conelusons can be. drawn (@) The toe inflow of foreign pie vate capital for investment in man Facluring indunries under the protec tion. of special law 2681759 tnerensed by sell amount ($34 milion) This inerease came mainly from the increase of imports of capital goods (machinery, ete) andthe inerease in Sank deposits which came under the protection of” the. aforementioned Special aw. On the contrary the nel inflow of Toreian private eaptal in the form of foreign eurrencics has actually declined by $2 million. However. the figures under_{ include sm amount of about $20 mil Hon ich s used nape the Public mvestment programme but as Shiained from private sourees abroad Consequently” Af we subtract this amount, the. actual capital brought by "foreign. industriais for” direct investment of their own in the coun: try has in fact declined in 1968. This ‘s'therefore an undeniable proof that ih view of the politeal Tnstabilty fnd. the “uaceriainty” about future developments, foreign industrialists shy" away. from investing in Gresce unde: the present conditions. (b) A sirable increase” (S27 mil lion). is observed in. the inflow of Capital for invesiment in the "rel slate market (©) The most striking trend is the insta inthe sorter sommes eredits given 10” Greek importers ‘Those credits increased in’ 1588. by 6 million in comparison sith 3a inereane of (§24-milion in 1967, Une

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