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L EV I N E
In this article, I briefly survey the ethnographic research literature on childhood in the 20th century, beginning with the
social and intellectual contexts for discussions of childhood at the turn of the 20th century. The observations of Bronislaw Malinowski and
Margaret Mead in the 1920s were followed by later ethnographers, also describing childhood, some of whom criticized developmental
theories; still others were influenced initially by Freudian and other psychoanalytic theories and later by the suggestions of Edward
Sapir for research on the childs acquisition of culture. The Six Cultures Study led by John Whiting at midcentury was followed by
diverse trends of the period after 1960including field studies of infancy, the social and cultural ecology of childrens activities, and
language socialization. Ethnographic evidence on hunting and gathering and agricultural peoples was interpreted in evolutionary as
well as cultural and psychological terms. The relationship between ethnography and developmental psychology remained problematic.
[Keywords: history, ethnography, child development, cultural acquisition, interpersonal relationships]
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difference may betoken adaptive variation rather than deficiency or defect (Boas 1902; see also reprint in Stocking
1974:3641).
Boas brought this perspective to his studies of
child growth among immigrants, first in Worcester,
Massachusetts, when he was teaching in G. Stanley Halls
Psychology Department at Clark University from 1889 to
1892, later in New York from 1908 to 1910. After the large
New York study, Boas (1912) formulated a developmental perspective suggesting not only that human growth is
influenced by environmental factors but also that, given
the gradual maturation of the human nervous system, the
childs mental makeup must also be affected by the social
and geographical environment (1912:217218).
Boas left further specification of this perspective to his
students Edward Sapir, Ruth Benedict, and Margaret Mead
the founders of the culture and personality movement
although it is unclear whether he liked what they did with
it (Stocking 1992). His silence during the next 30 years on
the very cultural psychology of child development to which
he had opened the door was no doubt related to his wellknown antagonism to theoretical speculation. But as he was
well acquainted with the psychologies of his time, the silence seems to indicate an especially prescient skepticism
about psychological theories and methods, many of which
were eventually thrown aside by child psychologists themselves in the course of the 20th century.
This instability in psychology points to the paradox
later anthropologists of childhood would face: Anthropologists are at least partly dependent on developmental knowledge from other disciplines in their assumptions about how
children experience their environmentsincluding the environmental features to which they are sensitive and their
age-related concepts for understandingand they have often turned to psychology and psychiatry for guidance in
making these assumptions plausible. For much of the 20th
century, however, this guidance was unreliable, as one developmental theory followed another into the trash heap
of history.
The Freudian theory of psychosexual stages led some
ethnographers to focus their data collection on feeding,
toilet training, and emerging sexuality in young children,
whereas behavioristic psychology recommended recording
the rewards and punishments in the childs environment.
When these theories lost credibility, so did the ethnographic
accounts based on them as adequate records of childhood
experience.
The turnover in developmental theories in psychology
continued after 1960, as the influence of Jean Piaget and
other cognitive theorists waxed and then waned, and the
social-cognitive formulations of Lev Vygotsky and his students and the attachment theory of John Bowlby and Mary
Ainsworth introduced a new but not universally accepted
focus on social interactions.
Thus the chronic instability of dominant theories
concerning the childs psychological development during
the 20th century posed a quandary for ethnographers of
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In retrospect, these psychiatrically inspired ethnographies (i.e., Bateson and Mead 1942 and DuBois 1944)
have a judgmental castBalinese mothers torment their
toddlers, Alorese mothers neglect theirsand imply pathological consequences of the culture-specific parental practices they describe. This was consistent with neo-Freudian
approaches, in which the mental illness of children was
blamed on parents whose practices failed to give their children emotional security. The parents point of view on
these practices is not given prominence in the ethnographic
accounts. Furthermore, despite the claim of Bateson and
Mead that Balinese culture provides therapeutic ritual dramas for the childhood conflicts of adults, these ethnographies are not portraits of alternative normal or healthy pathways for child development. At the time, however, they represented a new focus on interpersonal relationships in early
childhood, and Bateson and Meads photographs enabled
readers to share a microscopic view of childhood social interaction in sequence.
Jules Henry and Zunia Henrys (1944) study of sibling
rivalry among Pilaga Indian children of the Argentine Gran
Chaco, attempting to replicate a doll play experiment devised by the psychoanalyst David Levy (1937), was also focused on interpersonal relations in psychiatric perspective.
In this case, however, the ethnographic observers tended to
see the Pilaga parents and children with whom they worked
as freer of pathogenic sibling rivalryand of remorse and
self-punishment after their sibling conflictsthan their
counterparts in the United States. Henry and Henry concluded that sibling rivalry is as inevitable among the Pilaga
as anywhere else, yet the Pilaga childrens lack of remorse
is culturally determined.
Finally, there is the influence of Edward Sapir (1884
1939), who never did an ethnographic study of childhood
but who proposed research on the childs acquisition of culture to his students and others who carried out such studies. Sapir had a long-standing interest in the psychology
of culture and gave a course of lectures on that topic at
the University of Chicago from 1926 to 1931 and at Yale
until 1937. That course, reconstructed as a book from students lecture notes and published in 1993 by Judith Irvine,
contained the following passages:
[Perhaps we can say something more about] the personal
world of meanings, [if we consider] the field of child development. As soon as we set ourselves at the vantagepoint of the culture-acquiring child, [with] the personality definitions and potentials that must never for a moment be lost sight of, and which are destined from the
very beginning to interpret, evaluate, and modify every
culture pattern, sub-pattern, or assemblage of patterns
that it will ever by influenced by, everything changes.
Culture is then not something given but something to be
gradually and gropingly discovered.
[If we are to understand the transmission of culture, or
indeed the whole problem of culture from this developmental point of view,] the time must come when the cosmos of the child of three will be known and defined, not
merely referred to. The organized intuitive organization
of a three-year-old is far more valid and real than the
These excerpts show that Sapir, prior to 1937, was constructing and advocating a view of childhood that, although
influenced by the interpersonal theory of psychiatry of his
friend Harry Stack Sullivan, was focused on meanings, patterns, and organization in the childs experience rather than
questions of pathology, emphasized the subjective experience rather than the behavioral conformity of the child,
and assumed the child to be an active and definitive decision maker concerning the meanings of culture patterns.
This is a subtle conception of cultural acquisition that seems
as good a basis for research today as it was 70 years ago.
Did anyone pursue these leads so cogently expressed
by Sapir in his lectures? Not really, at least for a long while.
Many of his graduate students at Yale were linguists with
no apparent interest in childhood, but two who took his
course were John W. M. Whiting and Beatrice Blyth Whiting, who devoted their careers to the anthropological study
of childhood. John Whiting conducted fieldwork on the
transmission of culture to children among the Kwoma of
New Guinea in 193637 and wrote a monograph entitled Becoming a Kwoma (1941) that contains much ethnographic data Sapir would have appreciated. In analyzing
the data, however, Whiting followed the lead of John Dollard who, although brought to Yale by Sapir as a kindred
spirit, was soon attracted to the (behavioristic) learning
theory of the Yale psychologist Clark L. Hull. So Whitings
account of the acquisition of culture by Kwoma children,
although representing the descriptive and contextual richness of a Malinowskian ethnography (Malinowski was at
Yale in 193839 and advised Whiting on the writing of
the book), was interpreted (in the last two chapters) not
in terms of Sapirs concepts but according to the stimulusresponse theory of learning derived from laboratory experiments with animals.
Although not his student, Clyde Kluckhohn was also
influenced by Sapir and in 1939 published an article on the
acquisition of culture (the culturalization of the child)
in which he made recommendations for data on this process to be collected by field workers. Like Whiting, however,
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CONCLUSIONS
Sapirs question of how three-year-old children acquire culture began to find answers many years later through the
work of linguistic anthropologists inspired by the sociolinguistics movement (Ervin-Tripp and Slobin 1967; Gumperz
and Hymes 1972; Hymes 1974), who began to study the
childs acquisition of communicative competence. Between
the late 1960s and the early 1990s, child language was established as a significant focus for the ethnography of childhood.
Early field studies of child language and language socialization in non-Western societies included those of Keith
Kernan (1969) in Samoa, Benjamin Blount (1971, 1972,
1975) among the Luo of Kenya, and Sara Harkness (Harkness and Super 1977) among the Kipsigis of Kenya. After Shirley Brice Heaths (1982, 1983) pioneering work on
childrens communicative development in North Carolina,
Elinor Ochs and Bambi Schieffelin launched an extensive
series of publications on language acquisition and language socialization in different cultures (Ochs 1988, 1990;
Ochs and Schieffelin 1984; Schieffelin 1990; Schieffelin and
Ochs 1986, 1987). Their edited volume Language Socialization across Cultures (1987) featured the studies of numerous other linguists and linguistic anthropologists, and their
monographs on, respectively, Samoans (Ochs 1988) and the
Kaluli of New Guinea (Schieffelin 1990) showed the depth
and value of sociolinguistic fieldwork on language socialization. They used electronic recording to shed light on cultural meanings as children construe them and learn them
through communicative participation. Their findings indicate not only that children in the second, third, and fourth
years of life acquire fundamental aspects of cultural communication as they learn a first language (e.g., the conventions of conversing, expressing, and suppressing emotions,
as well as giving social signals) but also that this early learning provides symbolic elements for the growing sense of
self.
During the 1990s, Peggy Miller and colleagues (Miller
et al. 1996; Miller et al. 1990; Miller et al. 2001; Miller
et al. 1997), particularly Heidi Fung (1999), carried the
sociolinguistic approach to the development of the self
into the three-year-old childs acquisition of cultural narratives. In analyzing the videotapes of personal storytelling concerning the transgressions of young children in
the United States and Taiwan, they provided vivid ethnographic evidence of culture-specific maternal communications and the coconstruction of narrative between mother
and child that contribute to the childs sense of shame,
self-esteem, and other culturally organized aspects of self.
Although it is not possible in this brief article to summarize or illustrate further the findings from sociolinguistic
research on childhood, it has clearly emerged as an important naturalistic strategy for understanding the ways
in which communicative interaction during childhood
helps shape both cultural acquisition and psychological
development.
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