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    ARTICLE BY ELIZABETH JELIN

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    TRAUMA TESTIMONY AND TRUTH

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    ARTICLE BY ELIZABETH JELIN

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF or read online from Scribd
    Flag for inappropriate content
    188 views25 pages

    Trauma Testimony and Truth

    Uploaded by

    gedepasa
    ARTICLE BY ELIZABETH JELIN

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF or read online from Scribd
    Flag for inappropriate content
    of 25
    Five Trauma, Testimony, and “Truth” 1 start odo the psy of ling thea. Not ha what we (ied hrngh nec as bearable “rae Senge, Lester or Life \Whatcan people who lived through “unbearable” siuation sao ll out them? What cthical, pola, and more generally human sss tre involved? Debate about retimony pervade practically every dis: ‘Splinary fel, fom irerary etiam tothe broader area of cultural ‘rigu, fm philosophy to history, fom polsal studies to psycho nays, socslogy and ancheopology. ‘Testimony after Auschwitz Reflection and debate about the possibilty and imposibiley of bea ing testimony, about the "truth," the silences snd lapses and about the poly of isering owe thee origin and fore in contemporary times to the Nazi experience andthe debates tha it has engendered "The abundant ersare about the veins of Nazis and the avarars| oftheir personal nacativs and testimonies offer avast ara of au ‘ent td several ines of debate hat can be of help in understanding tind questioning the sue involved in personltevsimony afer ving through extreme ot imt conditions (Wevioeka 1998, 1999). ne Tesmanyend "Tra 6 In foc, there are a numberof separate but inertlated issues n= volved. The fst efecto the obstacles and hindrances o the prod tion of estimonies tothe possibly that hose who ved tough and survived enseme situitions could talk about what they ved through, The impossibly ofcastrctng a nareative and the symbolic lapses and voids involved in trauma are tlevant i this esue Yer it ao involves dliterate silence, a the foremost indicator ofthe dl ex. {teme or linit character of te concentration experienc: the lini of ‘the pole and fortis very reason, te limit of what is speakable™ {Pollak 1990, 13)" The second iste involves the testimonial elf the voids and apes that characterize, what can and cannot be aid, tin! what makes or doesnot ake sense fr both te person narra ing and the listeners Finally here he ese ofthe uses, effects, and impacts fresmonials on soci andthe seca setting at the moment in which they are narod. Alo solved is these ofthe appeopea- ‘ons and meanings that diverse audiences may ascribe to thefestmo- ial overtime. “The sfring involved inthe limit station of she concentration camp, theater ofthe Nene (cceafl att time) £0 negate the Ihumanity ofthe victnsand ede them to an animal condition, ate wellknown a his pons in hszory. They have been portrayed through Jnumerable forms and veice—history books phoeoerapiy fl, ie rar heater art, andthe testimonial of rors. In al hese eats, he pon of departure is he testimonial maeks boom by survivors, Thete are two meanings tothe word wines that come into play here. Fis, a witness sa person who lived though an Cxperene o event and ci, ata later moment arate or "give te ‘Sony Thi i etinony in the fst person, insofar a8 the marator lived through what he or she is attempting to narrate. The notion of sees also denotes an observer, someone who was present atthe m- tent of n event ar an onlooke, who saw something but who did not Pipa diet oe was no cirecty involved inthe event His or her testimony canbe used co verify thatthe even actualy cccured Un the fie cae tht ofthe witneeaeparsspant, here ae events and experiences that cannet be accessed through rexsmonial acativs, tinge there are no survivors. Noone as ened from the gas chan be just as ao one has eroed from the “death Hights” in Argentina (Werbiteky 1995), tell thir experience or event silence their own trauma, This black hole in personal if, tis historical void, signal an absolute lit ofthe ability co narrate, Here is he void andthe aman imposiblty discussed by Primo Lev, who then recognizes in Ihiel the second notion ofthe witness, the “duty to remember” 0 testify “in the name of ethers,” a a“dslepative™ narrator Titi dry tae falls upon survivors. The wines participant that cannot bea ecimoay inthe world ofthe concentration camps 3nd parc Tanya Auschwi eake n theSigare of the *“Musselann™—the pe son who loses his human condition before is or her pial deaths? vw, the survnort ae na the te wines The desc: sn beg ev ec fare ered ld by ie foot one ee tenes dencibet ows death, Even they I paper and pen the downed onl tor have ef cate thir denth Bad beg belre thao ht boy. Weck and ots fore bute out they had ley he ay to cbse, to remem compute and expres eases, Wespeuk ia ee Seid bpp Let 988, 8-35) ‘The survivors can speak about what hey sae Yet they alo “lived” in the concentration camp themseles, although not reaching the > treme condition from which thee sno return. Theofore, suriors| ‘an bear testimony a8 observers of what happened to others and, the same time, bear witness oftheir own experiences and ofthe evens ‘in which they participate. “Those who lve the experience ofthe concentration camp and ‘of pesecution can have very vivid and detailed memories of what transpired —of the though and he fesings cha accompanied the evens they lived through. Many felt an overrheling need tre Peatoly and conway sarrate thir experiences, Lei (2988) mea- tions dis ference "Those who experienced imprisonment. are divided ico two distinc categories, those wo remain seat and thore who speak... Tam noe one ofthe tacituen” (149-50). Jorge Semprin, who was an inmate in Buchenwald, did write about bis detention ater being released, bur he wae among thore who did not speak of the life in the camp itself uot ity yeas later (Semprin +997). Thus, some fee dhe imperative to tell dei story, aie were ‘means of survival, while others fle that they neded 0 sarvive the horror in order tobe able wo tll the story. However, the overhelning reed to nara can alo be iatable, and the subject may always fel Ienaye by te lack of adequate words othe inefficiency of sym Iie vehicles to convey his or her if sory. “The eed to marate can alo fllinto silence, ne an impossibility of ellng the story, due to the lack of open eats and eats of people wing to ten, kn that cae, there is no choice but fo remain silent, to keep to oneself, or atempe to forget. Those who ope fo thats. lence, howeves do not necessarily find peace and cle in thee The ‘not eli of te try serves a a perpetuation ofits tyranny” (Laub 19923, 79) and often provokes dep dstorion in memory and in the organization of everyday life later on. Inthe exteme, the wit nes becomes tapped in an resolvable stanton, Either he or she lls histor her story, rmning che so losing se adence that may not ‘want or may nor be abet itn 1 everything be or she has to say. ‘re she remain lene in order to preserve the relationship to that usienc, eth cost of perpetuating the communicative void ‘According to Dor Laub, ara mot general historical level, he Naz extermination succeeded atthe time it ws taking plac, becoming an trent without wines, There could be neither internal witness their capacity to bear witness being annihilate in the whimate oF cexteme figure of the “Mustelmann”™—aorextersal ones. Tete were some people inthe ghettos and the camps who perccived and de- ‘ounced shat wae happening people sho buried thei dares and other wriings* What was musing was the human capacity 0 per rive, asimlate, and interpret wht wa gong on. The outside word ‘vas not able to recognize i, and therefore nobody took the place of the oberertntess of what wae aking place, One could ag thatthe avalble caltral inespeive frameworks were short ofthe symbolic ‘sources needed to account for and make sense ofthe evens Ac the end ofthe way, thor were images ofthe arcival of bers Ing amis in the camps ther were reins of sursivors immed ately following the wa, and there were books prepared in homage £0 ‘he vcin. Atthat momen, howese public eos were focused on dlscovecing and documenting the magnitude of the eres, During the [Noremburg tals, cere was only one tmony from a survive, These ‘were tials in which “evidence” was primarily documentary (Wevinka 1998, 1999) The gre shift in the significance of survivors testimonials rok place during Adolf Eichmana's tril in Jerusalem in 1961 Ther, the testimony of survivors played a eric role or only or nectar a legal evidence but ar pare of an explic strategy of chose who were bringin frch the charges against Eichmann, Thee objective was to bring forth onc dhe world stage the memory of genocide a a central part of jewish entity, The “wise” emerged asthe ental Featre (ofthe tah inaugurating what Wivioka calls “the er of testimony.” ‘which was reroced on an enlarged sale daring the 18s apd 19905 [Wievirka 1998). The question, howeves, emains: Who listens? For ‘whom are the testinotes ol? Salfcene time had o elapse, and anew generation bor afer the tnd ofthe war had to come of age and bein questioning thei elders inorder so eecogaize and attempt to give meaning fo the historical void that had been created inthe social ability ro convey and listen to testimony. As mentioned eal, testimonial narratives could not be Conveyor interpreted a the time the evens were taking place. aly ‘withthe pusing of ie was it posible o Bea wines of tstimons, ‘which implies the soil ably to lien and give mening tothe na {ative of the survivors (Laub 19924], Here we encounter one of the Paradexes of “histoical trauma,” which reveals the double void in the narratives the inability or impossibly of constructing 2 naraive dhe tothe dalogca void—ehere no suet, and thee is no aud ence and no listening, When dialogue becomes pose, he o she who Speaks and he or she who lites begin the proces of naming, of ving meaning and constructing memories, Both are needed, each i nds pensable othe the, interacting ina shared space. ‘Along hese lines, Lac points out the pals beeen the lisen- ing that takes place in pychosnalyie psec ad the liscesing ina ‘estimoail interview: In both cases, he argues, the interactive pact OF agreements bated on the nonobstrctive yet visible and active pes- nce ofthe person who listens, The balance ss unstable and dificle to maintain and both participants are constaely on alee The ar- tative ofthe vsti begins as a absence, a5 a arcative that has yet to be substantiated. Even if here are evidence and knowledge about the events, the nartive tha is being produced and stened to the location where andthe peoces through which something nei being construcred. One could say thai isin his ae hata mew “erat” is being born "Teamony inlaes the tees, and the tener becomes partici pant, although diferentated one, with hit oe he own reactions for teas and examples, see Laub 1992. In his context, resimony in an interview becomes» process of confronting loss, of recogniing that ‘what has been lose wil ever tur, “only this time with the sense that you arena alone ny longer—that someone cn be hee as your ompanionknowing yous someane tying Tbe wih Jou i Ge ray roms of oer lnng na lanjoer vice (Lb a “The ways in which imony ested and produced have some bearing onthe ral tat ve obtained As Micha! Pol poi ot ra ey nde am geri res wa mins enengd i ira ven ve cel determined by the nde sii T the caso heal history ier aly timo is soled by a hed pare busch nerves fake pag in negated space adi the conte ofthe personal lap Derwent intcrewer ade inane ely urblogphi ‘tig rfl s penal econ on the pr of he wre peak Debi Each ofthese a well eer mn of expression ines ieee dees of pnts diferenengeiston beeen he pe son and hit or brown en, and diferinrancraeof h speech act Polak pp Boure 1) Tal cases herein “aher= whos preset and ail Ine in, hong there ay be varying degree of empty beeen te ‘ns ath lntenes Wien herein empuhy he lig coe tocyeslether pete or wer dou nx aed noc wo inact ning and aking the ctf tling ay tn in 9 Tests or tpetion of he trent reed Th lg a neces prove any ee tara cnsa ceacaliaton oft trams The abies of empathic nee or more aay he there ofan areal tna oter wh can hat the anguish ‘ont menor sd tho aflom snd cosa i relate niles the sory Andi pel ths tae sano of 4 native thats andametly cot be herd and of anon tht aot be incied hich onsttateste mortal egy fe lw” Lac v9, 68. ow he sito ite generated? Tesi no about ha tegen vera ves Copco hoe be dase eae ny or compre 3 collie “we” n sow inven spaces ‘ethnonl tease ene tine boron riled ep eet than an act of centve loge, Whats nd re coher” with the ably oa expen caso fos panel psy as wel at to hve compan sn empty, This cet sonracion ie tbled mich more by “ae than by Henican beween he speaker andthe lintener, and thsi nor easly achieved. As Semprin (iyor) asks, “(lan people eae everything, imagine everything?” (4. ‘Psychounalyss specialize in his labor of tening ina therapeutic context and wally in an indvidvaied mannes, For social projec seni and rescuing testnoies, besides the ative intative of memory enepeencus.” what is requied are some other special ‘mobilize hee pectonl resources care for and eed thee fails and ‘thers, bitin tei own domentc howschols o a ms, a comm- ‘al ininivessach ae soup kitchens snd smal cooperative endeavors Tn “normal® tines, many women have ro confront domesticity and the rerponsbiiies involved in kinship and parenting by them selves, alone. Tis happens in diverse social contexts and personal ‘ecumstanes (divorce, abandonment) and may often be linked t9 poverty Yt the circumstances of the women who had to ake up these esponsiblises 2+ arnt ofthe ate, kicnappng, oF Sikappenrance fof thee pares ae intially dilfereat, for themselves and fr their children and other relatives. In the fist place, the climate ofteror in which they lived often required silencing what had happened, and even covering up personal suffering. To void arousing suspicion, ‘women had to atempt ro mainain a semblance of normal ie for ‘heir children, "a if noting had happened.” Fae and silence were constantly presen, and thy exacted avery high emotional ens. In ‘many caer, solieae a central fearte of he experience, Whether because they did noc waat co puta isk other telatves oF fiends, or ects those relatives or fendediscnced themselves due to fete of Alsapororal, dhe secal networks within which everyday domestic ie ‘set take place were completely destroyed, fractured broke Exile isa diflerat sory. Iwas often she rel ofthe politi com. smitment of men, and women had to ascompaay thes partners o reli tives nt as ares of their own poll project and activism but as wives, daughters or mothers. Under such Gecumstanesy, the effects of the experince of exile are undoabvedly diferent from an eile eu {ng fom ones owe politcal projet or public commitment. As with other circumstances of repression, the gendered chatacter of exile is fan save about whic ie hasbeen done ina wstematie or analytical form, beyond the accumulation of testimonies, ‘We must nor fore, however, that men too were “indies” vie ‘ins, and as such they ae completely invisible. Lie is known about this particule personal experience. It as not been 8 masive one 1 lhe adre—there were few husbands or male elaives of female acti, snd mitts tha id not themselves engage in public pelitialatviy. Furthermore, such family avrangements tend tobe sally invisible, in part because they go agains "aormal” socal patterns and expec tacons, Existing testimonies, such as that of Emilio Mignone (1992) reparding the khapping nd disappearance ois daughter, ave been published by pubic gues and ten to focus moee on the puble and proactive dimensions af the event, with ite or no mention of the pi ‘ae or domestic sie of, Miliary regimes resulted in significant transfermations inthe iy sesivises of both men and women. Feae and uncerinry permeated seca spaces and practices, particulary in publi paces oud fmiy felatons. Since men tend tobe more active within sch pace, perhaps they fei greater impact. Cieng the Chilean ease, JséOlavartia points to four pic spaces tha were disrticulated bythe “new onde": he workplace, politcal partes, labor anions, and “nightie.” Until the 12 Exell Memos 970m these spaces had played significane roles in the every expe rience of masculinity, insofar as hey represented instances of homo. ‘cil of exchanges berween men, cara the same ime linked and abled constant flows betwesn diferent sectors of Chilean socesy™ {Olavaria soe, 4). The wanslormations of thee spaces wrought by the repression vlessed by the itatoesip had the effects of iting the range of nerworks and social relations, inthe ease of men, the “sphere ofthe fay, the neighborhood, and work itself (3). This was tot a case of imprisonment oF rocture but one of felings of passivity fd impotence ‘Repression was sated out by mascaline and patsatchal esti sionsthe armed forces and th police. These instttions imagined themselves as missionaries devine to ress the “natural” (gen ‘ex order of things In thi visions, they ad ro permanently remind ‘women oftheir place in roiesy—ae he guardians ofthe social ores, 2s the surtarers of husbands and chide, and in charge of protec ing family harmony and eranquliy Itwas they who were at ful for the rangressons of hee chidre, and alo for the subversion ofthe “natural” hierarchy beewsen mea and women. The military regimes sapposted and ted ro impose + discourse and an ideology based on famuly valves The patriarchal family was more than the central met por of thei regimes le was eal reality File r997).? A Different Level: Men and Women Remember « Both dec: experience and inition suggest that women and men develop diferent ables to remember Insofar as ender socaiation implies paying more attention to certain socal and cultural arenas than to others, and pesonal denies tend 9 be defined i relation fo gender role in work oe fil, s to be expected that shece wl bea certsin gender corelation with practices of recollection and nar tative memory.” There x some qualitative evidence cht suggest that ‘women fend to remember events in greater deta, while men tnd to generate moce synthetic narratives. Other evidence suggests that ‘women more often expres fling, while men convey thie recollc- ‘ons within logical and rational femeworks, and also that women Inore commonly seer to thir intimate sphere and interpersonal = Tasonshipe, wheter within the family or within plea activism. “Women tend to remember everyday Ie, the economic situation of| thei fails, what they were supposed to be doing a every mina bf the day, what was happening in their neghborhoods and commini- ‘es their fears an felings of insecurity. They remember within the framework of family relationships, because women’s subjective expe rience of tie is orgaized by and Enked so reproductive evens and atfetve ies (Leydesdoff,Passeriai, nd Thompson 1996) Tn the case of memories ofrepresion, moreovet, many women rarrate this memories i the context of thes more traditional gen er role, hat of caregiver and nurtures, of “living for others." This {linked to the deintion ofan sent centered on tending to and caring for others, generally within the frame offal elation, The ambiguity of the position, berween that of active agent and that of passive companion and caretaker, may show up chen ina displace rent of thee own identity, prompting them ro “narrate the thee In the double sente of he natin of witness hat was presented acing this implies the choice be a witness observer of another persons protago- im (a disappeared son fo example, negating or slencing testimony hour her own life experience, although they will undoubtedly sip into che narcatives hat ae apparently centered on others. “Men's memories, and tei modes of narration, point in another di rection. Their eximonies te offen found in public documents, adit testimonies, and joursalse epors. Spoken aaratives, narcaed in ble contexte and transcribed ino “material evidence,” are framed Within expectations of justice and poiial change. While these t= monies may undosbredlyemposeer and legiimize the woice of the victim in thee context, thet “testimonial” fonction is centered ia the factal description, nareted a precisely as posible about the mater ality of torure and political ilence. The less emexion and subjective involvement in the naratie the bet, because oalestimony i thene ‘contexts is meant 0 eplace the “material races” ofthe crime, 1 fact, what is impli in the proseding paragraph isan inal Aitferensaion beeen diferent soil framewocks forthe expession of memories, and ina next stage the question about gender diferences wwthin each of them can arise. Court testimony, bei fom men or ‘women, follows a prestablshed format that sed to the notion of factual, cold, and precise juridical evidence. This kindof public tx ‘imony ie diferent than others, such as those in historical archives, those ected by researchers, the testimonial text writen by survivors, wines, and victims and herary “repeeseratons” which arene essay dsanced fom past evens Tylor 1997, chaper 6; Pollak and Heiich 2986). Men and women develop diferee way of expressing her memo- ses publicly, This suc hasbeen staid in he case of Shoah survivors, “The beschown tenon arratves ae those of mente reat wit crv Pimo Lev, ean Amery, an Jorge Sempein. A Glan (2008) points out, women wrote less bu there were aso fewer women urvivos becuse thi ability to be the “caries of fe" made thes arcularly dangerous to thei captors, “To eliminate a race” argues Glanas “te women had tobe cininated!” (133)? But ofcourse there Sere women who survived and who, ou of personal or plitcal ne- ony or through the mediation of hid paris, arated hr tries nd ther memories TIinthe concentration camp, men and women were Kep separate; ths testimonial narratives cendee different spheres and experiences. ‘Momen's naraives emphasize hee vulnerability s seal beings and ‘he affective and nurturing bonds that developed among them. In these araives, physiol and social survival Haked to reproduction and the re-creation ofthe oes earned though ther gender sociation — iemphasis om sleaniness, om thei ables to sew and mend clothing ‘hocallowed them co keep up their phsial appearance on the cae of| ‘thers and on if in comanal paces witha the camps that allowed them to reinvent thei family-based bonds (Goldenberg 1990) at, some ofthe endence provided by the survivors of Nazi concentration Camps suggests that women “Yared berer™ than men inthe face of Semis to destroy hee personal integrity because thei eo inves ‘nents were not so fcwsed on themlves but dered toward thee Snrroundings and those around them. “The demographic aly inthe case ofthe dictaorsips inthe Sout- een Gone was mtkedly ferent. Women can narrate the experiences of otber ther own experiences as diet victims (survivors of epres Sion ints diverse forms) ora inde” witins, and thei eis ‘smite in the human rights movement. A sigifcane numberof Sotobiographica tens and itersiow-based testimonial cenderings of txperenesof repression she eegon have been produced. What are Itching ae systematic comparative stds ofthe estimonis of ale td female survivors and wimeses tha take 2 gender perspective [but se= Franco 1992 and 2003) ‘One way to think aboot gender and memory drives from what as ‘become by ow a taonal appeoach wii bat eins inquiry and curen eflecton on he resinonal gare (Gugeberges 1996): make ing vile the ive ging voce o thot that have no oe.” ‘Wome voc life ors than meny hu introducing to the pul opace of debt lay of viewpo ued were. Th penpive so opt opiton selina of tercne ote than thee conedred domissnt er heemone(mosy {haan and thes enunciated from postions of power Tafa te the culo of dvenenaratves those that focus on pllcal tleancy,onsftesiag related to repression, on te orpnieron of creda ie under reprenivetgins or on notions ad sabe Oy Thee ate he “ther” ces of history 2nd memory, the untold be ning tobe ced edited to, eto ake the ct ofthe mostly Korea) worn that week sapped by te apans are forces toexablh “core sation” 4 typeof weal avery degnd to serve the fpenese occupation Foes ring World We Il (Chaako 1999) Ils extmated that anywhere tervetn to,00 and t2000 woren were forced into thax Compe ‘though the oxen of hese coin station ws widely kan bor in Koes and Japan (a book was publhed on the stein the agrom and became a ere Japan), the sexual slavery to which thse worn wee uber wan eine vie oly the ror and team» highly conor an vise pli wae only inthe roses “The wore ho wire kidnapped in Koen eine ile for fy years, Thre was oot «ge texinony wat trey 1990 and Irie Hey thar thee ae sl many Wtine wha Lave met ee forth They beg sen aro he el of he efor of the omnis tnoveneny, parla through he eeeton ofa Keresn ‘were organisation hat encouraged the ins ol he sores For tho women, carting hei tenons offered the opporanty to recuperate a slaced pat ad inthe proces begin tin he haan dni Bc there oe ht cy. it congo voi of the iin, so apes Choo, hor fot remade, Wherens fore the eae Shout "what atl happened” was minsined within the bounds fv hsry aoen “fom tows when 9 victim (or saved “hen sping the fragmentary tend ober nara el ings sory the announces ny rely as oo the Kindo hing You think an alkene ory eters latvia he dominant on at 2 serake™ (Chzuko 1999, 143) Wehaow, however, that testimonial 6 Eng Means naratives are consisted inthe interaction ofthe intecrew situation, {nd the power relation with the interviewer the iin cour, aking tos journalist, or in the conten ofa feminist support netvork) leads the subject ro accommodate the naretive to whats expected. In this tant repetitive and syed modelo itm was constructed, and the vas diversity of situations and naratives remains invisible or is cluded. Tn this cate che process of giving voice tothe mated and the speechless spat of the transformation ofthe meanings ofthe past, Involving profound redefniions and rewrsing of history. ks funtion foes far beyond enriching and complementing she dominant voices that extblsh ee feamework of public memory. Wiehout sting out te do so, these voices defied the ramework within which history was being write, by challenging the models shrough which the past was bring terre ‘Without reaching such extemes, he crique of dominant fame- works that present in suc new voices may eventually lead ta teansformacion of the contents and frameworks of social memory {Leycesorff, Passecni and Thompson 1996}. Tis will happen 9 the exten tha they provoke redefinition ofthe notion of the poic shee self eather then the intodcton of subordinate vices ite previo defined publ sphere Let uscosider case thats inked the dictatorships ofthe South cn Cone the memories ofrrtaze.® There is ile doubt that nats- tives of torture andthe emotions they expres at diferent in women fd in men, Jean Franco (1992) points out thatthe pecsonl naeae tives of tontare victims fend to be laconic and eupherisic. Women fel shame when they nazeate thei experiences. In castor} testi nla (before human cigs commiion or 3 wineses a ial), for trample, they recount being raped without pring details o dsc ing the cre itself. In less “aormalized” or bueavcraticcontety the Contasrberween mien and women’ aratives ay besharpet. Franco iturates the diference between the story of a man who describes his expense as a "los of hi manhood” and of being “forced #0 live like a woman” (Vslés 1996), and the narrative ofa woman who: rows the seength to survive from he identity in modherkood, which silows her o keep a sense of herself daring torture and fel close #2 ‘ther women prisoners In tht cae the tsimoay even mentions the way in which, inorder eo "remake the work! ha the eorarers were sccking to destroy, she takes refuge in the childens songs that she used 0 sing to her daughter (aetnoy 194). Personal memories of prison and torture ae powerfully inflected bythe ceneality ofthe body. The possi of incorporating them neo the field of social memories poses an ethic ilemma and 2 real ars. dd: the ac of repression violated privacy and intinacy, breaching the ‘altura division berneen public and private arenas, Overcoming the trzumarc vid create by repression cll fo opening up the posi ty of elaborating a narrative memory of the lived events (thos turning ‘them into an “expecience” with meaning) a procs tha is necessarily public inthe sense that it has tobe ahated with others—others who will tas in pinciple, beable to understand and nurvure the vie ‘im, Yer despite the fact thar these ther are noe anonymous or that they are not the perpetzaory, they remain “ethers"—an alterty. At ‘he same rime, he recuperation of “aormaky in Ie” requires the te constuction of the self which includes the reconstruction of inca and peivar. Artis point, silences are fandamentl in these personal arate. Often these are no apes, but personal decisions to omit deals as a way of *managing and controling the reconstruction of identity” (Pollak and Heinch 2986, s) red tothe “recuperation of shame” Amati as 1991). How then 0 combine the nced to constact 4 public macativ tae a che sme Se contebutes to the recupers tion of intimacy and pesacy? The paradoxes. Recognizing it may contrite to better ndestnding of the casa poston of the le ene atentiv yet ope tothe diferensiatedcontes and need ofthe person who i exposing his o ets ‘Here we encounter an etal dilemma in relation to some eyes ‘of social marae memories. Ofen, rsdn c tengo testimonies may be experienced by the readeriener a voyearsm, 4s invasion ‘ofthe privacy ofthe he oe she eho is naraing, This issue takes on public importance in the debates over confidentially clauses and the rmocions to restnc access to the archives of pression, which incide ‘umerous documents and even personal ests da Siva Catela 300) ‘Memory and the Gender System Finally we must examine the effets of repression and the military re= times on the gender syste ise. The enforcement of a specifi kind ‘of family-based moralty—acotalzing and toralitarian definition of normality and deviance—cannot but have signiiane eft, Peiods 15 capone Memon of tamition ut of dctaoeships tend to eoincide—not by chance— tvth moment of sexual liberation, characterized by movements for the liberation of women and sexual minorities chat have long been subject repressive practices “The ish complex and muleayere. Worn occupied active postions of ladership both in armed guerilla groups an in the Stance to dstatorihipsy although in many cass these eoes required ‘women to undergo» process of rascliniation in order to find I~ ttm. This proces was alto see inte repressive practice thatthe ‘egimes used against kidnapped women. Women also had an active presence inthe human rights movement. Women imotbers,reltnes frandmothers, widows apd soon) upted in the public ava s the eae ofthe socal memory of human rights wolatons Their pecfor- matty and heir ynbolic oles also ary astong ethical dimension pushing vo expand the limits of policl negotiation by “demanding the impossible” TaeiesosalIneaton ie anchored im mauraized familial is, and by legiimaring the public expression of pain and Utneh they reproduce and reinforce seteotypes and traditional role, Finally, women have scouted a central role in the public expression of memories naratory mediators and analyst, being nave in the ‘rious genres and forms ehrough which dese memoves ae pbliiy expressed. ‘One final coment isin onden, Tansformations in the gender ster at very slow and dificult, To the extent chat they take place, they can imply a resigufiation and transformation ofthe memories of semed struggle and of potical Valence and repression. In fat, the sroggles over memory are traversed by existing gender relations and bythe waye in which the actor ofthe pas are visualized in terms of the stereotypes of masculinity and femininity. The challenge Fr the presane and the fare les ia eriically deconstructing and analyzing the actual experiences of men and women and she exiting genes i ‘age, t beable to place them in thei htonealcontexe ad extract from alternatives fr future change Seven Transmissions, Legacies, Lessons ‘Let begin with some cases and img. Immediately following the end of Wor We I, some Jewish su vivors were able co mainain or recuperate) tei private cual ives, fn which Yiddish occpied 4 cereal place. Their collective culurey howeres as ost “The massacre was ne simply the destrcton oft fiven community, the death of specie person. Iwas the tral abl Won ofa colleen cate, 3 way of ie, ofthat called yids" (Weviorka 1998, 40). In th conte, she tonemeion of ways of ing ad lifes to the new genertions became exter difiul, ‘fo impessible. Survivors fl the agen of escang their dad from the hands of oblivion. Tis sparked an obsession withthe production of Vskenbikker (books of memory) chararerized by tong liste of ames and phorographs of te dad. Yet while transmission was the ‘main impetis beind thm, these books were ignored and forgoren bythe chiles of those who authored them. Te bond actos genie ‘ons had been fractared bythe deth of he grandparents, And when the grandparents did survive, that bod sacred to more pragmtic ‘actos, foe example, the Fact thatthe grandparents were eal fo cnt inthe language ofthe countries whete fails settle, and the frandchilden rarely understood Yiddish, “Amnesia was a rely for ‘those who sumbled onthe edge of the void created by genocide. It ‘was for this reason that Yzkor books remained wnvisted cemeteries” (Wieviorka 1999, x30) This attempt a eansmision in both form snd content, dd oe sucee.! Wi tes nomen het and cock omg the Young appeal joy to blak abr te lt miley dttonbi, Wahoet melanin, they ae looking for akeratnes oapeak about bet eg, “This is he hesdine ofan ari tled “Dancing onthe Ashes” writ ten by Patrica Rojas the magazine Puenes (December 2000) about youth nd mentocy in Argentina. Another headline celebrates the ce tivity of young people i thet commemorative activites on dates a- seciated wih the litay epi: “Gea, mural and sree singing, tre only some ofthe elements convened for she consrution of memo- ties" What the article aims and eealfems is shat the young have “a tiers gaze at the past.” Re foowes onthe aces organized by a ‘pecie group of young peopl, de children ofthe disappeared during the military dictatorship. These young people are highly visible in ‘contemporary Argenta through the activism of the ogganization HL1J.05. and through puble demonstrations such asthe one de ‘evi above 2 Several questions aie, What do “other” young people do? Whar meaning do they asribe to the dictatorial past? And final’, ‘nen they search for “alternative way,” wh isthe ober fom whom. they seek to diferente themselves? Social Temporality: Generations and Cohorts exams replacement tothe nceary social purpose of (ing eta fort socio conte al remomboring sta portant as ogi. Te aun Ey onthe Sociology of Rroedge “Theres an event fac: evan aa member ofthe same soil group— ‘beta small group, soc asthe family, upto humanity asa whole—he experience ofliring though a particule historia ever is diferent depending on the age of the person, Living through a war at ae five, a toenty-five o at sity produces very efferent subjective phenomena, ts does whether one close ro where events ake plac or fr away, find wheter one js man oe a woman. Age, the moment in ie when ‘rons take plac, ever pectic marks because afer ie eondiions, experiences and fate prospec In collective orci erm aor in demographic terms, th bith cohort—also as anoer fate. defines cllasiviy, which aso includes an imagined community of people who share a et of historical opportunites ad lmitacions that provide them, in certin sense, witha “shared destiny.” ‘Whar is a ssue ere sno only chronological age. Shaving a pase ical time (and space) in history predisposes she group “toa sean charsceratie rede of thought und experience and n characelae type ofhiseorically relevant action” (Mannheim 1952, 291). This is “Mannhein's concept of geevation and he esses ha shared le ex- peiencer aio imply “shared destin Besides is technical use in specialized hooks, the notion of gw craton is also presen in common-sense thinking, We regular peak fof 2 Post War Generation, the 68 Generation, othe generation that ‘ame of age under demosratc rule Thee houndarie ate always i fase Because they are social categories of experience shaped By tens polity, but alo bya shared arena of experince and some specific sense of belonging (literary generations o¢ political ones ae eases in point). National idemten may a times be the boundries ofthe ge rational imagined community, although often national boundaries ae crosed by transnational generational roups—the 68 Generation and the Beatles Generation |which in part overlap each ether) were teuly eransnatinal, nc to mention the generacions coming of ae in the conten of contemperacy globalization and its impact on networks of communications and belonging The succession of generations—in the demographic ene ofthe placement of ne generacon by anether—is closely elated to peocesies Of social memory. What tsaces of the past are irevocaly erased? ‘Which ein active or dormant in oblivion, only tobe recuperate in the future? How does the work of "memory eoteprensues” intervene inthe acwalzaion and renewal of collections and in the meanings ofthe past themselves? Tn fact, the operation of mukipletemporaitis implies ves po- cesses of transformation. Fist there is personal grow'h, maturation, snd aging. The life course i an inexorable proces. In each person, ‘marcoves both new experiences andthe orion of ftue expectations change overtime, Memorie of lied events apes and amnesia and the feclings involved in them also change. The sense of urgency that rmocivates work atound legacies and memory projet apd around the 1 in, Lanne conservation of ies tae, aso transformed in ime. When reaching ‘ld ages many want fo “uransmi,” ro convey and lave something of their experiences fr furure generations. ‘Second ithe temporality of historia ne tsl. Public events and storie processes take place in and overtime, traneting institution al, demographic, politcal and other dynamics. The flow of historical time is theresa ofthe gals and expectations of human groups, car fied int action under cscumstances and conditions that they geneally {lo noe contol and with consequences that are ot always intended. Yer thee ace also ncn and worsen who grow, mature, age, and di “This lead st hid eemporaliy, chat ofthe generational sucesion| and replacement of histoncal agents. lastiutons may operate within ‘ime frame of a lngue durée, but thei soci location, thei signe ance and thec personae are under constant renovation (although in “eran instances some igutes may become “eeralizd,”demoastat ing that aging not necessary an obstacle o decades of permanence snthin particular insttton. 1 hink bere of Franco, Stoesmer, or Joba Pal I) ‘The Lessons and Apprehensions of the Past [As Thave already pointed out, memory provides Link berween past ‘xpercnces and forure expectations. Iti port experiences that emai, thac are forgot, and daca transformed in theizerplay between presen sicumtanccs ad expectations forthe future A question that Immediately arses here Is whether we can actully lara from the past. What would be the dynamics of that learning process? What tre the “lessons of history"? What is at ise ere? A ee-presentaton Ol the past or other means by which past expenance is caprured? “The ive of the uses of memory forthe present and fare, of the lessons and lacie that may be gamed from the pas, cam Be =p proached from a aumber of ferent perspectives. From a cognitive tppeoach, knowing something, having previously learned thas im plestons forthe satis in which cational alternative fr action fre worked out. From a peychoanalyic perspective, the past isin the presen, in muiple forms, and is subject to the dyramics ofthe Unconscious A clr perspective would emphasize the meanings 3 ibe to the pat, considering the interpretive framework and cultural odes tht enable its interpretation —in rational and systematic erm ‘cr within the symbolic and performative paces of actors who more tepce,Lonoms 94 thn represen embig prorine hpsand nac inthe presen The novo tha the pn an be rnd fom simpli inthe ogi sha gs the pall sty oF the who pope slogan sek a "Neer Ags” of "Remember so soot 0 repeat” Th on ia preset insti eng wth caning pla yan Perici with proces of democratiaon "What an be led fm che as alma Agila Ferner applic he ovion of pola laring tthe Spansh democraten, ‘ten roses Her argent acts y sling chat Pepl eno era more from ter own epee than fm hos of oer ‘The conclusion she den from thi “weg of he pat im ona son th the parish Gi Wa ha “enertona eplcemene os sen pep napn rca feet that me had to deal tha date and ile pase pag toory heed wounds” lager Fermindes soso, Bethea in em ofthe lit coun of scl stay, the vent that lene ‘tot rfound mark ethan ta ake pl cary ie nd he that happen whe ube bein gan arene ofthe pale area of whch heya pr whichis posing -elaed fl Of pokticl ering andthe leone ned. Te implement ot theless of har tale st weny pean apprinaty ie time takes fos new seeation to come io power Agar Foe dev1996, ssn cae the Sih samon, thecal ence she he nrc oh he pola ea eth tion of “never gia" ven and eaumatic contonains which seqired he production ands of pial amnei nd slees Hover: the pe pla sis whch hove in ew ings of diverse poi actors hegotine and to reach ments, wer accompanied by a wide range of symbol expretons af te memories fh ana the Repu fhe in Ware te Franc rein nd ders modes of eres parulary he coll el itera, fim ad soo inthe couric of the Soxthern Con, the tare wee gen cell shore han the Feo reine n Spam explain iy sec ‘aso gration charge song pla acre The etn the t98o and 9908 oo pace ns ifrentmreraional sees ot hee the seo mar ris bd ane ree pac od ‘ew meatngs. Under thee new umsance [ad withon sceing 24 Temamion,Leac Leone the specific conditions ofthe political sugges in each couney), ef fors to negoiat and achieve consensus between authontarian actors and the proponents oftanscion—based on covering the past with “a mantle of oblivion," abrogatingcesponibiliies trough amaesty laws or emphasizing the construction of promising furie”—were not very sicesfl attended vp being unstable Demands for nsrtonal solution tha include “rath and justice” remain song afer tore chan a decade since tanston, These woes obstinatelyconfont thse who ask fr “reconciliation” and oblivion Jn such contests, the question regarding the posible change that ge tratonal sucession may bring about cemans open. New generations ‘may ave to dhe pliteal stage wit alternative views, based ia part fon the lesons of pat experiences ejecting armed tragale, for ex le), while athe sie time they nay reawaken memories, question: {ng thee elders about their commiment and tei experiences inthe conflceve and repessive pase, Memory as Tradition and as Transmission Yor Yeoh (1956) argues than atic and purely individual sense, one can only forget te even tha one has ved through What ‘war not ved through cannot be forgoten: ‘Whe ey tha people seme” we ae el saying that Jot es bent ete ams tie rent aan ee ht ‘pu heaped amen coe oe Iericwotte ntsc when theater ca what i cee te oes orp Rema whch ito sy dams thing” A people can ‘evr forget” what tha never eed nthe pis 009) Here the author poses eco su, tha of the rasmision be tween those who lived through an event and those wo dd not, ether because they had not yt been bor, becasethey were not preset there the event tok pac, or Beaune eventhough they wer nearby tor in the scenario of action, they experienced it deren de to their ge or thee socal plac. “There are wads and customs “th complex ofits and bls that gives a people ene of deni and purpose” (Yerushan 1996, "sl which ae eansmited ad incorporated by succes eenerations without much expist effort or planning Tradtonal insitatons ch "sth church andthe family social tases andthe nation seve athe ‘socal fameworks of memory” for along tine, as Maurice Halbwachs ‘has suggested This longterm seal function is bing sharply alered in contemporary times in an era of accelerating temporal thytins, of ‘mule and detertrialzed modes of communication and soatact and of plural spaces of belonging all of which imply asking question? shout established or even saeralized belts. As a consequence, many may mourn the passing of tration, of the Law of alae ne that concems both Pitre Nora and Yerushalm, among other, ‘We liven a time when tations are subiet to multiple forms of erica scrutiny, when hierarchical paradigms bated on anonial ‘nowiedge are undergoing profound transformations and in which a plurality of new subjects ate demanding thi place within the public sphere In this context, the transmission ofthe knowlege and mes ings ofthe past becomes am open and public sue, subject to static struggles and controversies about the “politica of memory." This, besides taking the multiplicity of actors and the diversity of thely experiences and interpretations ofthe past into acount, the ste of ‘memory cransmission unfolds i several ayers simulancoushy, which «an reinforce cach othe, remain disatculated, or even contradict ‘cach other. There, fst, the socal neta of processes of tutus sion of teadtions and accumulated social knowledge; second, the ta ‘exc actions of “memory enreprenears” who develop active policies of meanings ofthe past, and thie, the process of iterpeneraional Paychoanalyss has closely examined the dynamics of integer «rational transmission, showing tht the impulse of the uigeney to convey to others originates ina need brought about by unconscious sncrgis that respond to narcisistic demands, «necesity of tans ting “what cannot be mainained orsheleed within the subject hy self (Kats 1996). Trnsnsion is not only organized though vse ‘or manifest mans bu also chrough ences and patculaey through ‘voids and lapses, The mechanisms of identification with the parental figures are fundamental inthis process sos the ability ofthe subject to achieve autonomy (Faimberg 1396)” As Jacques Hassoun (2996) ons out, ‘ice tansmison ofr be oahe who recipe of ‘edo and foundation tht aly tht person abandon te pa) ard eter erento) “Active” Memories Let ws reuen to memories and subjects. In everyday language there iva widespread common-sense understanding ofthe notion of “inter tereratonal transmission” of behavioral patterns of values, of infor ination and kowiedge. Ar one level, tis transmission eam be sen 2s part ofthe basic mechaninns of social and cultural reproduction, Fhe the family and then other insetuions play 2 dice and active role inthe soclation ofthe new generations. Caltral transmission beeween one generation and the nes, however, cannot be rede the reproduction of patterns of ation and the creation of varied forms of belonging, Wick modernity andthe demands for cultural demo: {atiation, the expectation and presuppsition of the socialization Process at that what i 0 be developed are rellesve sabes, who have gained the ability to choose and organize their own lives. This means that there wil ways he discontinies and endogenous inno ‘ations, alongwith those generated by histccal dynamis ive since the transmission of ellecivity Undermine the automatic transmission Df the social models fr explicit ebavioe ‘What are we talking about then? Who does the ransmiing, 2nd what i being eransmited? To whom? What do those who are sap- posed to receive the tranamison inogpornte? To convey the mean- Inge of he post shee ate a leas wo prereguisits irs here need tobe a bass forthe proces of entiation, for an ntergeneational texpansion ofthe “we.” Second, the possibility thar chose who are fn the rcivng end will interpret and resigns whatever 6 being conveyed ha tobe le open. It wil never be a proces of simple ep- ‘ition ce mernoriing, Infact, this reso peeregusite points fo the eed for new generations co leazn how to approach the subjects and tperienes ofthe pastas “others,” as diferent from thir own, and to be wiling to engage in a dialogue rather than simply represent thar pase through a tect identfcstion with As s00n a5 the sb jective level taken into consideration, there i no way Co prevent for block rsaterpretaions,reigrifistions, and new readings ofthe past, because the “same” history and the “same” truth ineiably 3 {hire alternatine acanings when the conext as changed. And the Secession of cohorts e generations necessary mpi he emergence ‘of new context “Thre set another mechanism chat common ens takes for gant ta: rolink or associate given puters of behavior with the availabilty oc absence of information. I people only "knew" the sory goes, they would change ther atiades and thee practices. The people who be- lew inthis movin then elaborate strategies co “transmit” information and knowledge. Peshps the insistence onthe neesiy to “remember Sas aor to frgee” ca aleo be interpeted in thee terms, The com plains are heaed everywhere: thatthe yours do not know what hap pened on March 34,1976, i» Argentina, tha they do not know who Pinochet was, that tey donot know the history ofthe Shoah Yet the sue here aot simply the accumlation of knowledge, First ofall Rnowiedar is not made up of loos objets that can be pl up orsimply accumslated. Krowlede only has mening within shared incerpretve famework, Following ths path, the social demands to being parla versions or natatves of the past int the pic sphere, othe demands o include specie Ft abou the past cur "cular textbooks or in the “ffl history” havea dal motivation, One is explicit andi inked othe eansession of 2 speci meaning ‘ofthe past to new generations The oer iil although no less “imporat, and responds othe urgency of imatng snd intituonal ing che public ecogniton ofa patil narrative merry in coneast to others. These poceses neve involve “neutal” facts or histories ‘uae eather imbued with patil socal mandates, Such memories attain a formative or educational sigicance when they ca be inte ete in “exemplary” ems Todorov 1998) Controversies ofthis Soe are preere ll oer the word. The po- lial controversy in Japan over sexual slavery of women during World ‘ar Il reached is peak with the decison ofthe Minty of Edusation in June 199610 include a teferene to thee abuse in school textbooks. “That decision immediately incited response fom the Right, which, shrouded in a kind of sient istoviism, excted that chete was no documentation that established tht the Japanese state had ven the ‘ude 1 create tis syste of semua slavery, and tht it was inappro- Priae ro ransmit anything that id noe meet the stctest seandads of {posits hiscoriography. The estinonial evidence and other “data” bout the phenomenon’ existence were not slicer Sand 19995 se 3k Yoneyama 1999) “The debate abou: how to inlude recent histor in eduction cur vieula ha alo taken place in the Southern Cone Aitempts to itredce 98 Tommi, Lec Lae dm of commaneraGon incur cnr ding which mache eae epertepedl ama ta reas geen rare pe vo einiane ommemornve dats ebake by ealary fegimes (at Sepebe 1 Chie which esol ot Sal okay onlin 939) genally come from sol eon ned tobean gs mover Ta ae eid by ontervee fren tod at tins even by sachs heme They ay belive tat ch inatver ach pon ies thatremain cil conic, and bok ith ew b dd coun com my th sm oe erento who cal heen nto (Tee on Ital conieratons sine aches ae ae proved the ean ‘veri propre the dates) Indepth ets oun peal tn te incorporation of ach incr note edad oem wll prob how ta hw proses ery tong icra Conpestn soc toy ops aucings ion des f eee Sort on nttronl legend eon of wha ek place. th pole confier no er sed ingle 0 cabot sich version of pnteet In nech conten he eestor er Cream et ence are in which ree acc ad maces tcugg ot memory andthe meanings ofthe pu "Vey oe, he ate of amnion of ight wing olgaes ave erkped more sce, Soplifid Manichaan schemes witht “grr are” or free te tore ealy toned the ere tom tha are premoue and thar allow fr mule mein snd iments As Alosdee Petal (19971999) dma then ofthe memory ofthe ence fa he dour of the tibewig bes reeled a elong tno coasn ee th i Crpreaon har he masa ofthe Nass wee ual in espns tc omack by alin para amework ta ie expnaiy fecnany “inom des tthe Nao ono paiva foe “heise oe ranmison of nfomaton stow th pao has ‘soppy the ik of verano: tos amin Nadi enh, ‘tho pel oh pinay and high col te 1965s and eat Ippon coy hate eon ocd Wad ‘Wirandhe Holos drm i my min Or re be th “tsi npn he 0. ‘Baer dina ofa wn wich ee Bad Ot et Sly" at mora warigs My revtaneoreachings abou te va andthe Holocaust equies explanation. Te tach specs ‘vets 0 vchement? Why wi re endo ling soe skewed? (an Alben 19672) In his autobiographical reflection, the author raises several points of interest Ft the stores ofthe war hored him becaase they did noe leave room to elaborate any kind of response, The “appropriate” ne sponses wer already culturally scripted and programmed. There more "no ambiguities; moral stances were crystallized and Fined. Second, there was an element of hypocrisy in the marativs. The heroic history being ansmitted was no part of rial of mourn or ofa leson fon moral sensitivity but rather sual confirmation of tiuaphene ationalism. "As a person wh was being told these tosis wi aoe incerpllaved, couse Althusser’ term, a 2 utnan being wth mova "ssponsibilis but asa young boy who had to construct his mawcalne tin the image of heros fathers Thais why Ife bored neue 1 did or wane to get involved with this cultaral constuction of ‘avona, masculine identiy” (van Alphen 1997, 2) Thid, he ould not integrate the Holocaust nt the histor ofthe wat. There wos aa continuity between th episodes of war and th episodes of Jewish oe ‘exminaton, “Whereas the Holocaust was explained being pane of 4 moce or les consistent, reconstrocible history, to me it sented He aniatrason of another worl, one that didnot eat tothe war story ‘of heroic malin, Unable to express my discomfort with he wip thet the Holocaust was embeded inthe war narrative, T could oly store the Holocause images away” (3.© ‘This long cation allows uso ris cucalisue regarding mecha nisms of eransmision: he limited role of histoncal and decunonteny

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