INTERNATIONAL HANDBOOK ON SOCIAL WORK THEORY AND PRACTICE + i ratte Mo Nazneen S. Mayadas, Thomas D, Watts, and Doreen ElliottLibrary of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data International handbook on social work theory and practice / edited by Nazneen S, Mayadas, Thomas D. Watts, Doreen Elliott ; foreword by Phyllida Parsloe. p. om. Includes bibliographical references (p. _) and index, ISRN 0-313-27914-4 (alk. paper) 1, Social service—Cross-cultural studies. I. Mayadas, Nazneen S. {Nazneen Sada) Il, Watts, Thomas D. III. Elliott, Doreen, HY40.155 1997 361.32—DC2I 96-53520 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available, Copyright © 1997 by Nazneen S. Mayadas, Thomas D. Watts, and Doreen Elliott All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the ‘express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 96-53520 ISBN: 0-31 3-27914—4 First published in 1997 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc Printed in the United States of America ‘The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (239.48-1984), 0987654321aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.United States of America 21 employment, services, and opportunities that they require in order to meet their basic human needs (NASW, 1996). Although the National Association of Social Workers is the primary profes- sional organization for social workers in the United States today, special-interest professional organizations still function, Apart from the Council on Social Work Education, these groups are organized around ethnic identity, religious affilia~ tion, and professional interests. However, as Williams (1987) noted, they have waxed and waned over the years, generally in response to changing needs and national priorities. In addition, NASW has been successful in catering to a broad constituency. It has ensured that minority groups are represented in its gover- nance structure and that professional innovations and new fields of practice are accorded proper attention. Among the special-interest professional groups are the National Association of Black Social Workers (founded in 1968), the North American Association of Christians in Social Work (founded in 1953), the Na- tional Federation of Societies for Clinical Social Work (founded in 1971), and the American Society for Hospital Social Work Directors (founded in 1966). A committee of social group workers established at the end of the 1970s led to the formation of the Association for the Advancement of Social Work with Groups in 1985, The group had an international membership of more than 1,500 by 1993 (Schopler & Galinsky, 1995). PROFESSIONAL CREDENTIALS AND REGULATIONS Social work in the United States has developed an extensive system of cre- dentials and regulatory mechanisms which provide professional practitioners with qualifications that enhance their functioning and professional status and, at the same time, have public relations and quality-assurance functions. These are a further indication of the high level of professionalization achieved by Amer- ican social work. As noted earlier, the basic credentials required for professional social work practice are provided by colleges and universities at either the bachelor’s or master’s level. In addition to these qualifications, social workers may seek cre- dentials from the professional associations which attest to their competence for practice at a level beyond that provided by educational institutions. They may also obtain recognition from public bodies appointed by state governments to tegulate professional practice. This latter form of credentialing is known as certification or licensure. ‘The National Association of Social Workers now offers several postprofes- sional qualifications. In 1960, it founded the Academy of Certified Social Work- ers, which seeks, through the certification of its members, to create acceptable quality-assurance standards. Certification is awarded to those NASW members who have completed a master’s degree in social work from an accredited school of social work and have had at least two years of post-master’s practice super- vision. As of October 1996, there were 54,153 members of the Academy of22 North America Certified Social Workers. NASW has also developed a Qualified Clinical Social Worker credential and a diploma qualification for advanced clinical practitioners. The diploma is awarded to those who hold a graduate degree in social work from an accredited school with adequate clinical social work content and have successfully completed a post-master’s practice internship and an advanced ex- amination in clinical social work (Battle, 1990; Biggerstaff, 1995). Statutory regulation of social work through agencies established by the var- ious state governments began in 1933 when California enacted the first legis- lation providing for the voluntary registration of social workers. This was followed within a year by the enactment of a statute for the licensing of social workers in Puerto Rico. But it was not until the 1970s, when statutory regulation was actively promoted by the profession, that many more states introduced either registration or licensing laws. In addition, several states introduced vendorship legislation requiring insurance carriers to reimburse social workers for providing mental health services to insured clients. By 1995, all 50 states and several U.S. territories had statutes for the regulation of social work practice. The forms of regulation varied widely, with some states having little more than registration, while others boasted well-developed legal regulations requiring licensure. In addition, over half of the states had vendorship statutes. Over two-thirds of the states have multilevel licensing which recognizes differing levels of competence and specialization and usually accords highest status to clinical practice. These developments have reinforced the preference for clinical practice within the pro- fession. However, the generalist level of practice has been recognized in 26 states through extension of legal regulation to the baccalaureate social work level (Biggerstaff, 1995; Swenson, 1995; American Association of State Social Work Boards, 1995). FUTURE ISSUES FOR SOCIAL WORK IN THE UNITED STATES As has been shown, social work in the United States is now well established. Compared to many other countries, it has been successful in organizing itself as a profession, in securing standardized educational and professional qualifi- cations, and in promoting statutory regulation and recognition. Unlike social workers in many other countries, American social workers can justifiably claim to have made significant progress in realizing their professional goals. Social work in the United States has been able to achieve a comparatively high degree of sophistication in defining its roles and functions, in the way it has engaged in different forms of practice, and in its efforts to formulate a theoretical basis for practice. The profession is now involved in many different fields of practice; it works with diverse groups of people; and it uses different forms of social work intervention. With the growth of private clinical practice, the profession has surpassed many other countries which have little if any ex- perience of autonomous practiceaa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.30 North America Canada was originally inhabited by a large population of various aboriginals who themselves manifested considerable within-group differences. Over the cen- turies these bands of first-nation peoples developed a spectrum of rich and com- plex societal structures including systems of within-group mutual aid. The inherent stability of these systems was fundamentally upset in the late sixteenth century when large numbers of immigrants began to move into Canada from both France and the British Isles. These two new groups represented two pow- erful and very diverse cultures whose individual differences marked and con- tinue to mark the development of the country, including the development of social work. Both of these cultures remain dominant. Canada is officially bilin- gual, but large segments of the people speak only one or the other of the two official languages. In addition to the two cultures who first moved without invitation into the country, over the centuries there have been and continue to be large and frequent waves of immigrants from all parts of the world. Thus, in addition to the two official languages and the spectrum of several native tongues, a myriad of other languages are spoken. Within this diversity of history and mosaic of population, there is to be found a broad spectrum of values and religious, philosophical, ideological, and political beliefs leading to differing perceptions about aiding persons in need. This plethora has greatly influenced the way in which the profession has developed and has contributed to the emergence of and comfort with Canadian diversity. Historically, social work, as a recognized major profession among the human service professions, developed at almost the same time as the profession in the United States and Great Britain. Thus persons have been recognized as profes- sional social workers for over 100 years. University-based schools or faculties of social work have existed for well over 75 years. As will be discussed in a later section, the pattern of university-level training for social workers was in form and structure similar to that developed in the United States, although the content of the programs differed. As the profession developed in Canada, in addition to being influenced by parallel developments in the United States, it was also being significantly influenced by developments in England, Scotland, Ireland, and Germany, including the strong traditions of the almoner and the value and attitudinal bases of the English Poor Law. As well, early Canadian social work was, and continues to be, strongly influenced by the history of fa charité as it had developed religiously, philosophically, politically, and struc- turally in France and had carried over into French-speaking Canada, In addition to the influence of these two cultural groups, the profession’s development has also been shaped by the perspectives and needs of the many other groups of persons who were, or have become, citizens of Canada. Al- though for a long time these influences were not as marked or as visible, this is changing, and now such views are increasingly impacting on the profession’s emergence. For example, there is a growing realization that the first-nation peo- ples, the original inhabitants of the country, have important contributions toCanada ow make to the development of professional services in the country from the basis of their history and cultures (Turner & Turner, 1995). Although in structure the profession's development is similar to that in most other developed countries, the content, the theories, and the practices within it have a distinctive perspective based on the histories of the country and its peo- ple. Such differences do not separate the profession from social work in other countries, but rather are in the nature of specific adaptations of knowledge, services, methods, and skills to respond appropriately to the diverse needs of the population and the country. Within the complex amalgam of these differ- ences, social work has emerged as a well-recognized and well-respected pro- fession within Canada, with most of the major universities, both French- and English-speaking, having programs of professional education in social work, including some programs specifically designed for native groups. As mentioned earlier, it would be impossible in a single chapter to present a full picture of the extent of the social welfare network as it has evolved in the centuries since urban development began in Canada. Social welfare is viewed as a major component of government budgets. Overall, the resources allotted to social welfare are large, but they are still highly inadequate to meet the current needs of various individuals, families, groups, and communities. At all levels of government, federal, provincial, and municipal, there are major elected and civil service positions at the most senior levels with responsibility for social welfare issues. In some instances these positions are combined with health mat- ters, as in the federal government, where there is a federal minister of health and welfare. More commonly, especially within the provinces, there are separate ministries of welfare and health. The formal titles of such ministries are not always designated ‘‘welfare.”” For example, in Ontario, one of the largest prov- inces, the ministry is entitled Ministry of Community and Social Services. Within the complexities of the existing political structure there is a wide range of programs serving a complex spectrum of targeted client groups. Because of the vagaries of the division of power hetween the levels of gov- ernment, some programs are the direct responsibility of the federal government, some are the responsibility of the various provincial governments, and still oth- ers are the responsibility of municipal or territorial governments. As well, there is currently considerable interest in transferring responsibility for some programs to the various aboriginal groups. Although there is far from full consensus within the government, one major thrust of social work advocacy activities over the decades has been to insure that some of the major welfare programs are universal in nature. Up to the recent past, two of Canada’s major programs, medical care and hospital services and family allowances, were universal. Most recently ‘family allowance’? has ceased to exist, and there is serious concern that “‘medical insurance” may also become selective as governments seek to restrain costs. In addition to the many programs financed and serviced by various levels of government through a complex system of both direct and indirect financial sup-aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.LATIN AMERICA Irene Queiro-Tajalli Writing the introductory chapter on social work practice in Latin America is exciting, yet challer~ing. It is exciting because there is so much to share with an international auuence about social work practice in Latin America. It is challenging because one may err in making gross generalizations about an area of the world whose countries share many similarities yet have many differences. Moreover, Latin America is experiencing sweeping transformations. Latin America covers a land mass extending from Mexico to the southem tip of South America and some Caribbean islands. The total area is two and a half times that of the United States. While its population was 482,000,000 in 1995, estimates are that this figure will rise to 709,800,000 in the year 2025. The Latin American people have varied racial backgrounds: native Indian, black African, white European, Asian, and a mixture of these (Skidmore & Smith, 1984). In the 1980s and early 1990s, some Latin American countries experienced the arrival of Korean and Vietnamese refugees; however, their numbers were small. ‘The rich cultures of Latin America are a mixture of native American, African, and European cultures. Most of these countries are united by the Spanish lan- guage and Hispanic values and traditions. Recent decades have been turbulent in Latin America. Many countries, in- cluding Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, and Paraguay, have suffered brutal military regimes. Even though these governments are being replaced, the new governments are characterized by tamed democracies and neoliberal economies. They shelter under a legal facade the same economic, social, and political forces that sustained the former antidemocratic regimes (Nef, 1995, p. 92). Under an apparent veneer of calmness, Latin America is experiencing violent revolts like those in Chiapas, Mexico, in 1993 and Rosario, Argentina, in 1995, and death squads in countries like Brazil, El Salvador, and Colombia (Nef, 1995). ‘The social unrest has a direct relationship to the declining economic situation. During the 1980s, most Latin American countries underwent deep economic52 Latin America crises which resulted in further inequity in the distribution of wealth and services (Minujin, 1995). The foreign debts of many Latin American countries are drain- ing their economies. “‘Between 1979 and 1983 the total debt for Latin America rose from less than $175 billion to more than $375 billion’’ (Nef, 1995, p. 93). The total figure for 1988 was more than $400 billion, with the higher sums being those incurred by Brazil, Mexico, Argentina, Chile, Venezuela, and Peru (Nef, 1995, p. 93). The 1990s have not been a kind decade for Latin American people either. ‘The number of poor people increased from 120 million in 1980 to 200 million in 1990 (Robinson, 1994). In 1992, the per capita gross domestic product in Latin America was 7.5 percent below that of 1980 (Halebsky & Harris, 1995). All Latin American countries, at various levels of severity, have experienced pauperization and inequality in the distribution of resources. Among the poor, the group that has grown the most is the indigent. This group now includes half of all poor people (Kliksberg, 1994). For example, in Argentina, between 23 and 28 percent of the population live in poverty (Cifras de pobreza urban, en ascenso, 1996, July 3, p. 18). In Venezuela, the poor represent 29 percent of the population (Finquielevich, 1994). In Brazil, ranked as the eighth industrial power in the world, 250,000 children under one year of age die every year (Kliksberg, 1994). According to Clarin, an Argentine newspaper, 67 percent of Ecuadorian people live in poverty and 14 percent of the population is unemployed (El Ecuador esta Sufriendo un proceso de empobrecimiento, 1996, July 10, p. 32). These figures indicate serious inequalities in the socioeconomic and demo- graphic fabric of Latin America, especially in countries where unemployment is the greatest. This is not surprising, however. In 1992, an international report published by the United Nations indicated that the worst distribution of income and opportunities in the world was seen in Latin America and the Caribbean (Zumbado, 1994; Halebsky, 1995). It is within this political and socioeconomic context that social work practice needs to be analyzed. BRIEF HISTORICAL REVIEW OF SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE IN LATIN AMERICA ‘Throughout the twentieth century, social work practice in Latin America has evolved from being an auxiliary branch of medicine to having a professional identity of its own. In the carly 1900s, social work was imported to the Americas from Europe with the strong support of the medical community. It was also welcomed by Latin American charity organizations which saw in social work a more “‘scientific”” approach to philanthropy (Ander-Egg & Kruse, 1984). In the 1940s, social work was strongly influenced by the social work profession and the foreign policies of the United States of America. Ander-Egg and Kruse (1984) wrote that Roosevelt's policies of the *‘Good Neighbor’? included large sums of monies to train Latin American social workers with a new professional orientation. This orientation conceptualized social work as a freestanding pro-Latin America 53 fession with its own methods and techniques. During the 1940s and 1950s, the profession was greatly influenced by structural functionalism, resulting in a rather conservative profession. This trend changed by the mid-1960s when Latin American social workers themselves began to reconceptualize the profession, as discussed later in the chapters on Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico. Sierra (1987) called this period ‘‘denunciativo’’ or “‘denouncing,”’ the denunciation of unjust conditions, archaic social services, and fallacious ways of knowing and doing. Unfortunately, these voices were abruptly silenced by the emergence of military dictatorships in the 1970s. The return to democratic governments in the 1980s in Latin America brought new hopes of a brighter future. Social workers began to talk of a “‘postreconceptualization”’ period (Alayén, 1988), the main goal of which was to develop a profession according to an autonomous and unified Latin American continent (Sierra, 1987). As of the mid-1990s, this goal has not been accomplished, and in the opinion of this author, the probability of its accom- plishment is quickly disappearing, given the collapse of the welfare states, the impoverishment of the population, and the continuation of *‘odious and massive debt obligations incurred mostly under the previous repressive regimes’* (Nef, 1995, p. 93) throughout Latin America. ROLES AND PRACTICE SETTINGS OF SOCIAL WORKERS In the 1990s the roles and functions of social workers in Latin America are in transition. This transition is based on several phenomena. First, with the “death of the welfare state’? (Kisnerman, 1991) and the curtailment of govern- mental support to social welfare services, many social workers have been dis- placed from this public arena, where they had a strong presence. Second, traditional social work approaches are no longer useful to address the socioec- onomic crisis experienced by most Latin American countries. Third, a related issue is that of ‘‘legitimization of the profession’? (Castronovo, 1995). Histori- cally, social work was able to give institutional responses to social problems, but as solutions to complex situations become more difficult to find, social work may lose ground as a helping profession. Social work roles have been closely related to individual, group, and com- munity practices. The most traditional roles have been those of helper, broker, educator, enabler, advocate, and organizer. These roles are under examination, given the need for roles which address current realities in a holistic manner. Villa de Yarce (1995), in describing the type of social work roles needed in Colombia to face the current realities, spoke for the social work roles needed in all of Latin America. Some of these roles are social administrator, specialist in human and family problems, organizer, consultant and social planner, and negotiator of social conflicts. In fact, since the end of military governments, social work writers such as Ander-Egg (1986) and Sierra (1987) have empha- sized the need for roles with a macro perspective which aim at addressing the causes as well as the effects of social problems. In regard to fields of practice,aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.MEXICO Marian Angela Aguilar Relatively little is known about the practice of social work in developing coun- The paucity of information on social work practice and on established theoretical orientations of social workers in Mexico makes the material presented here a first step toward expanding the knowledge base of the profession in the country, Mexico shares a 2,000-mile border with the United States. The opening of trade through the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) reinforces the importance of learning from each other and sharing as professionals in areas other than commerce. This chapter examines the historical context of social work practice in Mex- ico, elaborating on the nature of practice, the roles and functions of social work- ers, their professional identity and education, and the external influences on the profession. Furthermore, an analysis of the current theory and practice of social work, its settings, methodology, consumer roles, skills, organizations, and cur- rent issues is developed. Trends in research and evaluation relating to social work practice are discussed. Finally, a review of ideology, politics, economics, resources, key trends, problems, and issues in light of the future is offered. trie: HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE IN MEXICO Any examination of social work practice in Mexico has to be placed in the context of social work practice in Latin America. Social work, as a profession, was bom in Chile with the founding of the first school of social work in 1925, Only 7 schools were established during the 1930s, Among them was the first school of social work in Mexico, founded in 1933. Until 1950, there were only 3 schools of social work in Mexico; in 1960, there were 9, in 1969, 36, and by 1984, there were 107 schools of social work (Ander-Egg, 1985).Mexico 61 In Mexico, as in the rest of Latin America, the development of the profession was controlled by external forces, both national and international. The earliest schools of social work in Latin America were greatly influenced in orientation by Germany and Belgium, as the first directors of some of these schools were from Europe. The schools established in the 1940s and 1950s were influenced by the United States. The United Nations provided support for their establish- ment, and a number of the founding faculty members were educated either in Puerto Rico or in the continental United States. Finally, in the 1960s, Chile took the lead in changing the social work curriculum to one that reflected the social, political, and economic context of that country. It was a curriculum which re- flected a history of external dependency and colonization by developed coun- tries. Several of the Latin American schools followed suit. Mexico, with over 100 schools, reflects wide variation in curricula, which have been influenced by the reconceptualization of practice by the Chilean school and by the theoretical orientation of the United States. The stage for social work practice in Mexico was set much earlier than the founding of the first school in 1933, The basis for the welfare state was established in 1917 in article 123 of the constitution, which declared the need to establish the means by which funds could be accessed by the population in times of unemployment or for disability, illness, accidental injury, or poverty. In 1929, the law was amended, and the term ‘‘social security’’ was used for the first time. The law again mandated the formation of institutes at both the federal and state levels to take care of the needs of the sick, disabled, poor, or unemployed. Finally, in 1943, the Mexican Institute of Social Security was created through executive order to implement programs and pension plans for workers and their depend- ents. Employers were mandated to enroll their employees (Diario Oficial, 1943). It is in such a context that the governments of the Latin American countries recognized the need for the training of social workers for the operation of the various federal institutes. NATURE OF SERVICES AND RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SECTORS OF SERVICE DELIVERY This section identifies the major settings in which social workers are em- ployed and provides a profile of the delivery system. The primary reasons for the development of social work as a profession were to meet the demand for professionals to staff the institutes established by the government for health and social services, to promote social well-being, and to prepare professionals to work in industry, education, rural, urban, or other specific fields of practice. Other schools were founded to resolve social problems or to raise the level of education. The establishment of the School of Social Work at Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (UNAM) in 1933 gave birth to the profession of social62 Latin America work in Mexico. Shortly thereafter the Department of Social Therapy established five commissions with the assistance of the Department of Social Work and Disclosure. This was the first time that social workers were seen as specialists charged with the mandate of staying in touch with the reality of people's ex- istence in order to provide information about problems to the Department of Social Assistance so that solutions could be found. It was President Lazaro del Rio Cardenas who in 1937 established the Secretariat of Public Assistance and the Department of Social Assistance for Infants, charging these with taking care of the social and educational needs of children under 6 years of age. In that same year, the Office of Private Cooperation and Social Action of the Depart- ment of Infant Assistance of the Secretariat of Public Assistance instituted the profession of social work, noting that its major function would be to investigate, promote, coordinate, and manage cases until the client improved or a positive solution was found. With the recognition of the profession, the Office of Social Work under the Department of Social Assistance was established. When the Secretariat of Public Assistance incorporated social work into the Departments of Infant and Private Assistance in 1937, the function of the social workers was identified as helping persons, families and communities who were in need be- cause of fiscal, economic, and social problems (Chavez, 1994). By 1977, when the Institute for the National Protection of Infancy and the Institute for the Assistance of Children were merged into what is known as DIF (the National System for the Integral Development of the Family), social workers could be counted upon to be professionally prepared for practice in this setting (Chavez, 1994). The major institutions in which social workers are employed are the Mexican Social Security Institute (IMSS), the Institute of Social Security and Social Ser- vice for State Workers (ISSTE), the National System for the Integral Develop- ment of the Family (DIF), the Secretary of Health (SSA), the Mexican Petroleum Company (PEMEX), the Secretary of Defense, and the Secretary of the Navy. There are a number of church-sponsored and international agencies such as the Red Cross, While the churches operate schools, day-care centers, and institutions for the aged, there is little information about social workers in these settings. Although the population is predominantly Catholic, until recently, the church was not allowed to own land. All church property was owned by the state or the government. The various systems identified here provide health care, psychiatric care, day care, nurseries, nursing homes, employment services, drug and aicohol services, help with AIDS, and other social services for the majority of the population which has access to these systems. Of importance is the fact that most human services are not separated from health care. The major systems in which services are delivered to the Mexican population provide both health and human services. Mexico has done much to decentralize its programs during the years since the establishment of a national plan of development in the 1970s. Various authorsaa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.Mexico 71 have provided research funding and symposia to share research findings. Three symposia on health and human services in the United States and Mexico were conducted between 1986 and 1988. The 1988 symposium reviewed current Mex- ican research. The topics included issues related to AIDS and the various agen- cies providing services, mental health issues relevant to women, suicide, alcoholism, and research on street children. One of the observations made by ‘one of the researchers was the admission that little is known about the incidence and prevalence of psychiatric disorders in Mexico, Texas, or along the border. Further elaboration revealed that virtually no published data on the incidence or prevalence of mental disorders exist (Russell et al., 1990). ANALYSIS Social work as practiced in Mexico can be defined as a profession which intervenes in a rational and organized manner in the social reality of individuals, families, groups, and communities to recognize, transform, and contribute con- tent to a system of actions which are a response to social aspirations and the quality of life of a society, Social work practice in Mexico continues to maintain a social focus. One of the complaints of the practice community has been that the curricula of schools of social work do not always reflect the practice needs. Yet the major employers of social workers are government institutions which require more technical types of casework or community-development skills. There is a move toward educating persons in the area of clinical social work. The Autonomous University had added a specialization in health care which includes a mental health component. Monterrey, Nuevo Leon, Guadalajara, Jal- isco, Yucatan, and Veracruz have revised curricula or established programs to meet the need for health and mental health services (Chism et al., 1987). Both the schools of social work and the profession of social work have at- tempted to modify North American and South American practice curricula and models to reflect the social reality of Mexico. The curriculum of social work at the Autonomous University of Mexico is a prime example. Although most of the schools integrate the traditional methods of practice—casework, group work, and community organization—the main focus is social in nature. The definition of social work contains statements which address intervention with social groups and with communities to achieve social change. The objectives of the curriculum include the development of a social conscience in the student and the devel- opment of the skills necessary to participate in the transformation of society. In addition to the traditional practice courses, the curriculum contains courses in social economics, political economics, human needs in Mexican society, human ecology, family law, labor law, and social work in Mexico. One of the most important courses is on the conceptualization of social work, which includes both classical and social liberation concepts. The course sets the value and knowledge base of the profession. The courses are divided into five distinct72 Latin America Figure 5.2 Percentage Utilizing Institutional Services nesoc et MA ISSTE 11% IMSS 39% areas: social work, methodology, biopsychology, social policy, and social eco- nomics (Apodaca et al., 1987). Mexico's social reality is unique. Unlike most of the South American coun- tries, Mexico has not been governed by the military for over 50 years. Mexico, like many developing countries, has a population which is growing faster than its resources. The country is vast and has resources yet undeveloped. The social problems are reflective of a nation in which the vast majority of the population is poor. Most of the economic and social resources have been used in the major cities, where the population numbers anywhere from 5 to 17 million. The na- tional plan for development recognizes the need to channel resources to more tural areas in an effort to keep the population from migrating to the larger cities where they become marginal human beings living in squalor and poverty. In 1993 a little over 13 million out of a total population of 82 million were estimated to be living in ‘absolute poverty’’ (Camin, 1996). The institution of the National Solidarity Program (PRONASOL) sought to solve the most serious problems facing the poorest population by providing 14 programs which would assist recipients in the areas of social welfare, support of production, and re- gional development (sce Figure 5.2). The country is governed by the elite. Most of the resources, as in most of the Latin American countries, are cither in the hands of a few citizens or in the hands of foreigners. Mexico is dependent on the United States for over half its trade. Many of the larger companies are partially American owned. Mexicans provide cheap labor in the ‘‘maquiladoras’’ where products are assembled along, the border and then shipped to the United States. The exploitation which takes place in developing countries is seen externally. The exploited countries use the term ‘‘colonized dependencies”’ to identify themselves. As can be seen, the gap between the resources and the population in need is sometimes wider than an ocean. This makes attempts by social workers to meet basic human needs a monumental task with minuscule gains.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.Argentina 85 social workers have a strong theoretical orientation based on the medical and legal professions. This is not surprising since early developments in social work education were closely related to educational programs conceived by the School of Medicine and the School of Law. It has not been uncommon throughout the history of social work education for non-social work professionals to be direc- tors/deans of schools of social work, and these professionals have marked the social work profession with their own professional orientations. It is impossible to discuss theoretical orientations without assessing the close relationship be- tween actual practice and the practitioners’ view of poverty and of the role social welfare policies play in dealing with adverse societal conditions. In this respect, one can make a distinction between orientations based on functionalism, psy- choanalysis, and person-problem-focused practice, leading to a conceptualiza- tion of the social work profession as palliative, and those based on conflict theory, dependency theory, and institutional and societal-problem-focused prac- tice that view social work as an agent of change to mobilize the country’s resources and redistribute them from the few “‘haves’’ to the large masses of “have-nots.” Kisnerman (1982) wrote that social workers cannot assess deviant behavior solely on the basis of personal variables and need to assess the societal dimensions that create or increase such behaviors. This conceptualization re- quires a realistic theoretical orientation regarding the societal structure and its economic, social, cultural, and political dimensions. It also requires a careful analysis of the national, regional, and local realities. Finally, it calls for the prioritization of social problems according to their relevance to those involved in the problem. In 1975, Kisnerman reminded the profession that ‘‘social prac- tice” should arise from a class perspective. It requires a clear ideology and a political stance to liberate people from the cultural domination of the bourgeoi- sie. Furthermore, he saw such a practice as one of the answers to the true needs of the oppressed class. Obviously, the social workers with this practice orien tation are the ones who suffer the most during repressive governments. This ideological trend within the profession has been criticized because it has not gone beyond the rhetoric stage. It has drifted apart from the profession, and the demand for social workers trained in this type of ideology is very low in the labor market (Ander-Egg, 1984). At the same time, those with a conservative orientation have, though within a very narrow scope, provided a more stable source of help to those in need than those with a more politicized orientation, The main criticism of this conservative group is that its interventions do not challenge the institutional sources of societal problems. Another debate within the profession is that of clinical versus macro practice. In an attempt to gain higher professional status, many social workers are be- coming more involved in clinical social work, while others are concerned about the return to the roots of social work by helping the poor and promoting social justice. Within this latter practice modality, social administration is emerging as an important trend which aims at finding answers to mitigate the socioeconomic crisis in the country. As conceptualized by Calarco (1995), social administration (gerenciamiento social) includes the improvement of public resources, the pro-86 Latin America motion of citizen participation, the designing of ethnic-sensitive social programs that address the needs of poor populations, and, finally, the guarantee of the correct management of resources. To a certain degree, practice orientation is guided by the practice setting. For example, in the area of health care, social workers concern themselves with assisting patients who are to be hospitalized and obtaining free medication or medical equipment which they may need. Ad- ditionally, some of them provide individual, group, and family counseling. In school social work, social workers counsel and assist families whose children experience behavioral problems. They also obtain material assistance for those in need. School social workers are very much attuned to those community issues negatively impacting children and try to intervene at the community level. In the field of child welfare, social workers cooperate with lawyers and judges in matters relating to guardianship, adoption, institutionalization of the child, and other legal matters. Group work is closely related to educational and recreational activities at the institutional and community levels. It is not uncommon to see agency-based practice reach out to the community to provide education or to organize residents to take action on certain community problems. Between the mid-1960s and the mid-1970s, many social workers were engaged in community work in poor locations of the country. Eradication of urban slum areas was one of the goals of the social workers at that time. However, due to lack of comprehensive governmental support, the eradication plans had a limited duration and a low success rate. The systematic and well-organized eradication projects turned into a social nightmare when the military government (1976-1983) decided that these slum areas of Buenos Aires gave a poor image of the city and moved to end these settlements, most often by force. Obviously, this type of approach did not prove successful, and by 1992 the population in these areas had grown to 300 percent of the original figures in 1983 (Méntes de Oca, 1995). Preliminary findings from a community research project carried out by the author indicate that practitioners, when doing community work, have a strong tendency to per- form tasks relevant to the locality-development model (Queiro-Tajalli, 1996). This model is based on the assumption that communities are to solve their own problems with the assistance of governmental and nongovernmental organiza- tions (Rothman & Tropman, 1987; Rothman, 1995). One example is the exten- sive community project carried out by one of the Catholic churches, La Medalla Milagrosa, located in an impoverished community not far from the capital city. ‘This community project, in existence since 1980 and under the strong leadership of Father Miguel Hrymacz, has developed small business enterprises, self-help organizations, job-training programs, youth substance-treatment programs, and daily hot lunches with the support of local, national, and international organi- zations (Bello Diaz, 1995). It also runs a child day care and a nursery. Lic. Susana Bello Dfaz, social worker, plays an important role, providing profes- sional consultation, working with neighborhoods developing public relations,Argentina 87 and raising funds for the project (author's interview with Father Hrymacz and Lic. Bello Diaz, Buenos Aires, July 1996). jonally, social workers have operated within a medical social workers’ conceptual! orientation has been influenced by the various political periods of the country. One can observe that during con- servative governments, the orientation has been more psychoanalytic and person oriented. During more liberal governments, the profession has been inclined to use sociological theories, in many cases with an emphasis on Marxism, and the target of intervention has been defined more at the community and societal levels. Currently, most social workers have a generalist perspective. They are trained in individual, group, and community approaches and are prepared to use these in a problem-solving framework in accordance with the definition of the problem, the scope of the agency, the worker’s knowledge and skills, the ca- pacity of the client system, and the political climate in the country. PROFESSIONAL ORGANIZATIONS To promote social work as a profession, social workers have created profes- sional organizations at the provincial and national levels. The first national or- ganization of social workers was created in 1948 to organize and coordinate the activities of its members in the Argentine territory. It also had as its purpose the promotion of continuing education, educating the public about the role of social workers, facilitating the exchange of knowledge and ideas among social workers, and being a voice in denouncing social problems. However, due to lack of strong leadership, this organization did not develop significantly to reach its goals. In 1967, another organization began to develop to coordinate the ex- isting associations of social workers in Argentina. This federation was legally incorporated in 1969 and operated until 1972, when one of its main organiza- tions withdrew from the federation (Alayén, 1980). However, the provincial professional organizations continued functioning, having as their main goals the promotion of the profession, continuing education, and unification of social workers. The Federacién Argentina de Asociaciones de Profesionales del Ser- vicio Social (FAAPSS) was formed in 1981 and groups provincial professional social work organizations at the national level (FAAPSS, 1993). Another or- ganization is the Federacién Argentina de Unidades Académicas de Trabajo Social (FAUATS), which unifies the schools of social work at the national level and links with other countries and international social work settings or organi- zations FAAPSS has been a member of the International Federation of Social Work- ers since 1984, and FAUATS is a member of the International Federation of Schools of Social Work and the Asociacién Latinoamericana de Escuelas de Trabajo Social (ALAETS). Social work practitioners and educators are in con- stént communication with social work professionals from Latin America. Re- gional conferences and meetings are organized regularly to share ideas,aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.92 Latin America Consejo Profesional de Graduados en Servicio Social (CPGSS/TS). (1995, October). Boletin Informativo, 5(15), 15. Federacién Argentina de Profesionales del Servicio Social (FAAPSS). (1993, October). Federacién Argentina de Asociaciones de Profesionales del Servicio Social. Tra- bajo Social y Pais, 1(1), 96-99. Federacién Argentina de Unidades Académicas de Trabajo Social (FAUATS). (1993, October). Federacién Argentina de Escuelas de Trabajo Social—FAUATS. Tra- bajo Social y Pats, 1(1), 105-109. Gémez, R. (1995). Neoliberalismo y seudociencia. Buenos Aires: Lugar Editoral. Grassi, E. (1993, October). Reflexiones criticas sobre la resolucién y alcances de la crisis. Trabajo Social y Pais, 1(1), 16-34, Grassi, E., Hentze, S., & Neufeld, M.R. (1994), Politicas sociales: Crisis y ajuste es- tructural. Buenos Aires: Editorial Espacio. Isuani, A. (1995). Encuadre macro social del estado. In Colegio de Profesionales en Servicio Social (Ed.), El trabajo social en los '90: VIII Jomadas Provinciales de Trabajo Social. Cérdoba, Argentina: Colegio de Profesionales en Servicia Social Kisnerman, N. (1975). Practica social en el medio rural. Buenos Aires; Editorial Hu- manitas, Kisnerman, N. (1982). Servicio social pueblo. Buenos Aires: Editorial Humanitas. Melano, M.C. (1995, September). El trabajo social y los tiempos que corren (pensando en voz alta, en los albores del tercer milenio). Trabajo Social y Pais, 2(2), 3-9. Minujin, A. (Ed.). (1995). Cuesta abajo: Los nuevos pobres: Efectos de la crisis en la sociedad argentina (3rd ed.). Buenos Aires: Editorial Losada & UNICEF. Méntes de Oca, E. (1995). Guia negra de Buenos Aires: Marginacién en la gran ciudad. Buenos Aires: Editorial Planeta Argentina. Queiro-Tajalli, I. (1996). Conceptualization of community work in Argentina, Unpubli- shed manuscript, Indianapolis, IN. Richmond, M. E. (1917). Social diagnosis. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, Rothman, J. (1995). Approaches to community intervention. In J. Rothman, J. L. Erlich, & J.B. Tropman (Eds.), Strategies of community intervention (Sth ed.). Itasca, IL: F. E, Peacock. Rothman, J., & Tropman, J.B. (1987). Models of community organization and macro practice perspectives: Their mixing and phasing. In F. M. Cox et al. (Eds.), Strat- egies of community organization (4th ed.). Itasca, IL: F. B. Peacock. Sierra, §. (1987). Formando al nuevo trabajador social. Buenos Aires: Editorial Hu- manitas, Sierra, S. (1995). Editorial. Trajabo Social y Pais, 2(2), 1. Universidad de Buenos Aires (1995). Seminario de investigacién y trabajo social. Mon- ograph.BRAZIL Seno A. Cornely and Denise D. Bruno BRIEF HISTORY OF SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE AND PROFESSIONAL EDUCATION IN BRAZIL During the 1930s, Brazil was in a postrevolutionary period, and the rural eco- nomic elites emanating from the coffee-producing industry, especially in Sao Paulo, were losing their power in the national political administration in favor of the new urban classes, This situation raised in the people, especially in women, an interest in social issues. One Catholic organization based in Sao Paulo used this motivation to promote a short course for its ex-students con- cerning ‘*social formation.”’ This course was taught by a Belgian social worker, Adele de Loneaux, from March to May 1932 and emphasized social action, according to the report of Odila Cintra Ferreira, one of the students (Roy, 1983). Also according to Ferreira, after the end of the course, two students went to Belgium to take a social work course in Brussels, Albertina (Baby) Ramos and Maria Kiehl, Other students decided to found the Center of Social Action and Studies (CEAS) to maintain the interest in social work. Ferreira was the first president of the center, which promoted courses about social problems, urbanization, and other issues (Roy, 1983). There was a strong Catholic influence at CEAS. It founded several Centers of Social Formation for young workers in So Paulo. Iamamoto and Carvalho (1983) said that the centers aimed to be “‘fields of observation and practice of social work,'’ ‘‘centers of family education,’’ and “‘centers of formation for the elite to act within the labor mass,’’ and so “‘the activities of CEAS turned toward technical specialized formation of groups for social action and dissemination of the church social doctrine”; thus there was a social interest from the Catholic Lay movement, and additionally there was a demand for specialized people from the state. The first State Social Assistance Department was created in Sao Paulo inaa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.96 Latin America THE RECONCEPTUALIZATION PROCESS The North American theoretical-methodological influence lasted until the 1960s. It lost weight when Latin American professionals initiated the debate concerning the development of a framework more relevant to their reality. The debate was based on various theories: Marxism, dependency theory, Freire’s thought, liberation theology, and others. This process is usually called ‘‘recon- ceptualization” (M. D. Costa, 1987; Cornely, 1990). Reconceptualization is a powerful movement of Latin American social work- ers that started in the Southern Cone in the mid-1960s. Its aim was to change the philosophical and methodological influences inspired by European and North American schools. It tried to develop a new methodology, adapting its practice to the Latin American reality of massive poverty, underdevelopment, and ex- ploitation. It involves a process of pedagogical decolonization and the possibility of a new cultural construction (Sartim, 1985). From a reconstruction perspective, it is vital to assist people and enable them to provide for their basic needs. However, this assistance has to be at the service of the people and has to serve as a tool to empower the poor to change the unjust structures and to build a new, more humane, and more just society. There is a crucial difference between social assistance (a right of all the citizens, to be provided by the state) and ‘‘assistencialism’’ (a favor of the state to maintain dependent people) (Oliveira, 1989). The Regional Seminar on Social Work in Latin America, which was held at the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul in Porto Alegre in May 1965, is usually considered to be the first public reference to the reconceptualization process. It was organized by the Union of Social Workers, the Regional Council of Social Workers, the Faculty of Social Work of the Pontific Catholic Univer- sity, and the Students of Social Work Center and had the financial support of the state government through its Department of Social Assistance. Four hundred fifteen social workers and students from the countries of the Southern Cone, mainly from Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay, met to discuss “the new roles of social work in Latin America’’ (Krug, 1982). Among the conclusions and recommendations, it is noteworthy to emphasize the general trend toward autonomy from the North American influence, the need to produce indigenous teaching material, the urgency of editing social workers’ researches and studies, and the political commitment to the working class. In the same year, 1965, in San José, Costa Rica, the Schools Assembly founded the Latin American Association of Schools of Social Work (ALAETS) with some of these objectives. In 1966, in Buenos Aires, a group of social workers committed to the recon- ceptualized objectives founded the Conceptual Referential Operative Scheme (ECRO), based on Pichon de Rivera’s principles. This group edited the journal Hoy en el Trabajo social (Today in social work), which had a powerful influence on the reconceptualization process until its closing by the military dictatorshipBrazil o7 in 1978 after the production of 34 issues. Some of ECRO’s leaders have taught in Brazil and have influenced strongly the young generations of social workers toward more radical action. The Porto Alegre seminar of 1965 was followed by subsequent seminars held in different countries of South America, such as Argentina, Chile, Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, and Mexico. This pattern suggests a growing recognition of a common professional identity for social work. The influence of these mas- sive international gatherings on the reconceptualization process and on Brazilian social work is obvious. In 1974, through an agreement between ALAETS and the Konrad Adenauer Stiftung of Germany, the Latin American Center of Social Work (CELATS) was founded. CELATS itself is considered the academic branch of ALAETS and maintains permanently a group of prominent social workers and other social scientists, selected from all over the continent for their scientific capacity and their commitment to social change. It acts through three areas: publications and communications, social research, and continuing education of social workers. Besides many books on critical points of view about Latin American social problems, it edits social work's highest-level journal, Accidn Critica (Critical action), CELATS has had, and continues to have, a deep influence on Brazilian social work, especially through ABESS and ANAS (Associagao Nagional de Assistentes Sociais) and on master’s degree courses, where Brazilian social work’s inteligentia is evident, as we will see later. Another stream of the reconceptualization process in Brazil was sponsored in the late 1960s by the Brazilian Center for Social Services Cooperation and Interchange (CBCISS), the Brazilian branch of the International Council on So- cial Welfare (ICSW). This center did not clarify the political commitments as explicitly as the others had done earlier. CBCISS sponsored two important social work meetings in March 1967 and April 1970 to debate theoretical- methodological issues. These meetings produced two documents, Araxa and Teresopolis, respectively. The first document can be considered as an abstract concerning scientific social work in Brazil within a Catholic philosophic frame- work, and the second debated the methodology and the subject. It recommended the use of the generic methodology in professional action. ‘The process of reconceptualization originated the expansion of professional interest. The report about social work production stated that in the 1980s and 1990s “‘the field of the professional docsn’t confine itself anymore just to phi- lanthropy or individual clinical care of problems, but rather it covers social policies as a means of reproduction of the labor force and of the relationship between State and society"’ (Faleiros, 1990, p. 43). The principal consequence of the enlargement of the field is that the professionals began to debate theo- retical and empirical data concerning the state as well as the social movements (Ammann, 1989; M. D. Costa, 1979; Paulo Netto, 1990). The models of social98 Latin America mobilization and organization started within the reconceptualization debate (Souza, 1987). EDUCATION FOR SOCIAL WORK The Latin American reconceptualization movement, the Brazilian social work meetings, and the new demands from the professional field brought forth the debate about professional training. In 1979, the Brazilian Association of Schools of Social Work (ABESS) recommended a new training program. The classes concerning casework, social group work, and community development were replaced by classes about social work theory and methodology and research on social work (Silva, 1983). The new program, based on the reconceptual has developed professional skills with emphasis on their critical perspective. Before 1970, most of the Brazilian social work schools, in spite of receiving recognition at the university level, operated independently from the university framework. Later, they were linked to several universities (about 60 percent private and 40 percent public). In spite of concentrating in only 40 percent of the schools, more than half of the Brazilian social work professors teach at public universities, 60 percent of them are full-time; 40 percent have master’s or doctoral degrees; and 42 percent are involved in research besides teaching. Less than half of Brazilian social work professors teach at the private schools (60 percent of the total), only 9 percent are full-time, and teachers in the master’s and doctoral programs together represent less than 25 percent. It seems obvious that the public universities have more and better human resources than the pri- vate schools. Thirty percent of the schools are concentrated in Sao Paulo State. Sao Paulo has the only Latin American doctorate course in social work, which was created in 1981. Up to 1989, it had awarded eight social work doctorates. The doctoral course now has an average of 70 students per year. The high industrialization level of this state and the concentration of universities as well as teachers and researchers account for this expansion. Besides the 66 social work university graduate programs, there are 6 master’s programs in social work, 1 master’s program in social politics (Brasilia Uni- versity, 1989), and the doctoral course previously mentioned. The social work master’s programs were established as follows: Catholic University of S40 Paulo (1972), Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (1972), Federal University of Rio de Janeiro (1976), Catholic University of Rio Grande do Sul (1977), Federal University of Paraiba (1978), and Federal University of Pernambuco (1979). ‘These master's programs have an average of 84 permanent teachers in their staff, and the student average per year is 120. The thematic research areas in the postgraduate courses today are the state and social movements, professional training, the state and social control, social work history, and theory and methods in social work. Many social workers choose their master's and/or doctoral programs in other areas, for example, so-Brazil 99 ciology, planning, administration, education, psychology, anthropology, or phi- losophy. In Brazil there are many specialization courses for social workers, such as public health, labor, social planning, social administration, family care, and pop- ular education. Most of these programs are very pragmatic and teach specific skills. The time required to graduate from social work courses in Brazil is from four to five years for the undergraduate programs, three years for the master’s pro- grams, and four to five years for the doctorate program. The Federal Council of Education determines the minimum time necessary for the undergraduate course (2,700 hours plus field practice or four years) and the classes and seminars necessary for its completion. RESEARCH Since the development of social work focused on intervention methods during the carly years of professionalism in Brazil, social workers do not have a re- search tradition. The dichotomy between doing and researching has always been present among social workers in Brazil. In the last few years, it has been solved in a relatively balanced way thanks to several new elements, such as the large number of master’s courses and the implementation of the doctoral course in 1981; the participation of professionals in the social movements, who ask ques- tions that require research; and the opportunity to publish research.’ Even with such an increase in research at the academic and social-movement levels, the greatest employers of social workers, that is, ‘‘the social institutions, do not require yet researches in a systematic way, but some professionals have made efforts to achieve this situation’’ (Faleiros, 1990, p. 43). The data from the two greatest financing sources of Brazilian research, Coor- denagao Nacional para o Aperfeigoamento do Pessoal do Ensino Superior (CAPES) and Conselho Nagional para o Desenvolvimento Cientifico e Tecnol- ogico (CNPQ), show that although the total benefits for the social work area in 1987 were less than | percent of the total granted, this number has more than doubled annually. The greatest demand for help comes from the east and south regions (ABESS, 1989). This may be explained by the large number of under- graduate universities and master’s courses concentrated in these regions. The 1980s represented, in a significant way, the development of research in social work with the creation of the National Association of Research in Social Work (ANPESS) and of the Documentation and Research Center for Social Policies and Social Work (CEDEPSS), linked to ABESS. During the last five years of the 1980s, ABESS has led a research initiative involving social work educators, aiming to evaluate the development and the results of the new social work curriculum it had recommended in 1979, The result of this research was published in 1990 and serves as a starting point for the present discussion on the professional formation. It is important to mention that during these years,100 Latin America Brazil was ruled by military dictatorship, strongly anti-Communist, and therefore it would not have been healthy to CBCISS to state explicit radical positions. Of the 66 universities offering social work programs, 11 have research cen- ters. All of these offer master’s courses. Seven of the universities have research centers that are public. These are located in Pernambuco, Paraiba, Rio Grande do Norte, Maranhao, Santa Catarina, and Rio de Janeiro (two). There are 4 private research centers located in Séo Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Campinas, and Porto Alegre. These centers have researched topics such as the social meaning of the profession, the dynamics of intervention, the institutionalization of prac- tice, and the search for building a relationship between theory and history of social work. With a focus on professional identity, the following topics have been researched: the relationship between the state and social policies, the par- ticular characteristics of the population, specific segments of the population, the structural context of such populations, and the emergence of the social move- ments. Such movements are regarded as social actors that interfere with the relationship between state and society, These themes have also pervaded the master’s theses produced in the last decade, where we can notice the development of the previously mentioned themes, such as social policy, social movements, and profile and organization of the professionals. We can also notice the decline of themes related to the professional intervention. Until 1960, the point of view for the analysis of any investigation or research undertaken was mainly humanistic. Subsequently, social work began to look to Marxist theory as its theoretical base. This theoretical choice led at first to the adoption of Louis Althusser’s thought and later to adoption of Antonio Gram- sci’s. To Faleiros (1990, p. 62), ‘‘the historical analyses have been more inspired by the historiographical matrix opened by Foucault, by the study of the micro powers and of the social control through the discipline power rather than by the proposals suggested by Thompson's researches in England. The dialectical vi- sion of Lucien Goldmann, through Michael Lowy, has been supporting the PUC- SP research center.”” So Paulo has been characterized by hegemony over scientific production in social work in Brazil. The explanation for such a statement sends us back to the argument already presented: the high level of development of the Sao Paulo State, the concentration of highly qualified scholars, and the fact of being the only university with a doctoral course. Although the model for the analysis of academic production at a high level has been centered on Marxist thought, we can notice, in the daily practice of social work, two other theoretical lines: phenomenology and systems theory (ABESS, 1991). Phenomenology, basically through Merlau Ponty's and Ansel- mus Schutz’s thoughts, has tried to develop methodology based on the dialogue and on the interpersonal relationship. Systems theory has offered, mainly through Maurizio Andolfils and Salvador Minuchin’s works, the model for the caring of families, with a therapeutic emphasis (Minuchin, 1974).aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.114 Europe opposed to technical, status and located in institutions of higher education (Tut- vedt, 1991). Within central and Eastern Europe, recognition of the separate occupational status of social work and of the need for social workers generally has an even more recent history. In Poland, social work training was well established before World War I], but development was halted under communism, and so, despite the longer history, there is an element of starting again. Similarly, in the coun- tries of the former Yugoslavia, where social work education began in the 1950s, economic and political problems prevented the development of comprehensive services, with the result that social work remained an embryonic profession. Elsewhere, in the countries formerly under Communist rule, social work and social work training are still in their infancy and in the process of establishing themselves as occupations that are both academically respected and profession- ally relevant to the challenges of helping people during times of enormous ec- onomic, political, and social upheaval. Hungary, for example, began social work training only in the late 1980s. Along with Romania, Poland, and other formerly Communist countries, Hungary faces the problem not just of training at the professional level but also of addressing the needs of a large number of care workers in residential institutions where there is no tradition of providing care within an environment informed by social work values and a concern to realize potential. Europe incorporates mu and social welfare services are delivered. These reflect very different views on je and varied structures through which social work the role of the state in the direct or indirect provision of welfare and on the responsibility of the family, and more particularly of women, for the survival and well-being of dependent family members. The contrasts are as much be- tween North and South as between East and West. In the United Kingdom, Norway, and Sweden, in the North, for example, there is a long-established tradition of state delivery of welfare services, mostly through local government structures. It is no surprise, therefore, that in these countries almost all social workers are public employees. Private provision of social welfare hardly exists in the Nordic countries, and in the United Kingdom, while there is a respected nonstatutory (voluntary) sector, the private for-profit sector is limited almost completely to the provision of residential care for older people. In southern Europe, however, one sees a different picture. In Spain, there is no tradition of active state involvement in the provision of welfare, since under Franco, private and charitable agencies predominated and the state played a minimalist role. ‘Thus it is only in the last decade or so that public welfare agencies have become significant and that social workers have begun to be employed within the public sector (Rossell & Rimbau, 1989). In Greece, a substantial proportion of welfare services has been provided by private organizations or the church; roughly half of all social workers are employed outside state agencies (Kokkinaki, 1986). The situation in Turkey is similarly one of poorly developed state services, withaa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.Europe 121 REFERENCES Armstrong, H., & Hollows, A. (1991) Responses to child abuse in the EC. In M. Hill (Bd,), Social work and the European Community (pp. 142-161). London: Jessica Kingsley. Athayde Flora, I. M. (1986) Social work education in Portugal. In H. J, Brauns & D. Kramer (Eds.), Social work education in Europe: A comprehensive description of social work education in 21 European countries (437-450). Frankfurt-am-Main: Eigenverlag des Deutschen Vereins fiir Sffentliche und private Firsorge. Brauns, H. J. & Kramer, D. (Eds.). (1986). Social work education in Europe: A compre- hensive description of social work education in 21 European countries. Frankfurt- am-Main: Eigenverlag des Deutschen Vereins fiir Sffentliche und private Farsorge. Cavallone, A. (1986) Social work education in Italy. In H. J. Brauns & D. Kramer (Eds.), Social work education in Europe: A comprehensive description of social work education in 21 European countries (pp. 355-392). Frankfurt-am-Main: Eigen- verlag des Deutschen Vereins fur offentliche und private Fursorge. Hallett, C. (1991). The Children Act 1989 and community care: Comparisons and con- trasts. Policy and Politics 19(4), 283-291. Kokkinaki, S. E. (1986). Social work education in Greece. In H. J. Brauns & D, Kramer (Eds.), Social work education in Europe: A comprehensive description of social work education in 2] European countries (pp. 249-278). Frankfurt-am-Main: Ei- genverlag des Deutschen Vereins fiir 6ffentliche und private Fiirsorge. Lorenz, W. (1991). Social work practice in Europe: Continuity in diversity. In M. Hill (Ed.), Social work and the European Community (pp. 65-79). London: Jessica Kingsley. Milosavijevic, M., & Ruzica, M. (1989). Yugoslavia: The effects of the economic and political crisis. In B. Munday (Ed.), The crisis in welfare (pp. 155-180). Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf. Ricknell, L. (1986). Social work education in Sweden. In H. J. Brauns & D. Kramer (Eds.), Social work education in Europe: A comprehensive description of social work education in 21 European countries (pp. 479-506). Frankfurt-am-Main: Ei- genverlag des Deutschen Vereins far offentliche und private Fursorge. Rosell, T., & Rimbau, C, (1989). Spain: Social services in the post-Franco democracy. In B. Munday (Ed.), The Crisis in Welfare (pp. 105-123). Hemel Hempstead: Harvester Wheatsheaf. Rowlings, C. (1991). More than of academic interest: Taking a European perspective in social work education. Issues in Social Work Education, 11(1), 62-68. Tomanbay, I. (1986). Social work education in Turkey. In H. J. Brauns & D. Kramer (Eds.), Social work education in Europe: A comprehensive description of social work education in 21 European countries (pp. 529-556). Frankfurt-am-Main: Ei- genverlag des Deutschen Vereins fir éffentliche und private Fuirsorge. ‘Tutvedt, O. (1991). The historical development of social work in Norway. In O, Tutvedt & L. Young (Eds.), Social work and the Norwegian welfare state (pp. 19-32), Oslo: Norwegian State College of Local Government Administration and Social Work.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.142 Europe afier cancellation by the owners, an incident which perhaps became the most important consequence of the unification for them. This is the background for many social and psychological problems in East Germany which differ from the situation in West Germany in that the feelings of disappointment and frustration and even some behavioral patterns which were learned in a society and political system which differed so much from the West German system are additional factors in care for many groups of clients. More- over, the economic restrictions which have occurred in all organizations of social work (local authorities and private organizations) during recent years limit the possibility to meet these problems in a proper way. This, of course, is true also for all social welfare agencies in West Germany. REFERENCES Bauer, R. (1978), Wohlfahrtsverbdnde in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Social wel- fare organizations in the FRG]. Weinheim and Basel: Beltz. Belardi, N., Emrich, K.-P., Hautzel, G., Kallmeyer, G., & Wenzlawski, D. (1980). Pad- agogik: Sozialpadagogische Arbeitsfelder (Pedagogy: Fields of social pedagogy). Frankfurt/M.: Diesterweg. Boefenecker, K.-H. (1995). Spitzenverbiinde der freien Wohlfahrtspflege in der BRD. Minster: Votum Verlag. Bundesverband der Arbeiterwohlfahrt. (1990, October). Statistik 1990. Theorie und Praxis der Sozialen Arbeit, 41, 355. Bund-Linder-Kommission. (1996). Studien und Berufswahl 1996/97. Bad Honnef: Ver- lag Karl Heinrich Bock. Deutscher Caritasverband. (1991, February). Die katholischen Einrichtungen der Caritas in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland [The Catholic Social Institutions of the Caritas in the FRG}. Caritas Korrespondenz, 59, 18-20. Freiburg/Br.: Lambertus. Deutsches Rotes Kreuz, Priisidium. (1990). Jahrbuch 1989/90. Bonn. Diakonisches Werk der Evangelischen Kirche in Deutschland, (1991, February). Statis- tische Informationen, (2), 24. Flierl, H. (1992). Freie und éffeniliche Wohlfahrispflege (Private and public welfare]. Munchen: Verlagsgruppe Jehle-Rehm. Gehrmann, G., & Miller, K.D. (1981), Quo vadis Sozialarbeit? [Quo vadis social work?]. Weinheim and Basel: Beltz. Gerold, H. (1979). Gesetze des Unrechts (Laws of injustice]. Sankt Augustin: Asgard Verlag. Heitmeyer, W., & Peter, J.-. (1988). Jugendliche Fufballfans: Soziale und politische Orientierungn, Gesellungsformen, Gewali (Juvenile football fans: Social and po- litical orientations, process of group formation, violence]. Munchen and Wein- heim: Juventa, Kohnert, M. (1990). Soziale Dienste und Einrichtungen in der DDR [Social services and institutions in the GDR]. Beitrdige zum Recht der sozialen Dienste und Einrichtun- gen, 12, 13-39.Germany 143 Merchel, J. (1989). Der Deutsche Paritiitische Wohlfahrisverband The German Parity Welfare Organization}. Bielefeld: Deutscher Studienverlag Moller, C, (1988). Flexibel in die Armut [Flexible into poverty). Hamburg: Institut fir Sozialforschung. Miller, C. W. (1988). Wie Heifen zum Beruf wurde (How helping became a profession} (2nd ed.). Weinheim and Basel: Beltz. Miinchmeier, R, (1981). Zugéinge cur Geschichte der Sozialarbeit [Ways to the history of social work]. Miinchen: Juventa. SachBe, Ch, & Tennstedt, F. (1980). Geschichte der Armenfiirsorge in Deutschland [History of care for the poor in Germany]. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. Scheller, B. (1987). Die Zentralwohlfahrtsstelle: Jiidische Wohlfahrispflege in Deutsch- land 1917-1987 [The Central Welfare Organization of the Jewish Communities}. Frankfurt: Zentralwohlfahrtsstelle. Schellhorn, W, (1988). Soziathilferecht [Social laws}. Neuwied: Luchterhand, Seibel, W. (1992), Funktionaler Dilettantismus, Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesell~ schaft. Seidenstticker, B. (1990). Jugend, Recht, und Jugendhilfe in der DDR [Youth, laws, and youth welfare in the GDR]. Neue Praxis, 4, 328-341. Spittmann, I. (1995, September 15). Finf Jahre danach: Wieviel Einheit brauchen wir? {How much unity do we need?]. Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, 38, 3-8. ‘Trube-Becker, E. (1982). Gewalt gegen das Kind [Violence against the child]. Heidel- berg: Kriminalistik-Verlag. Wieler, J. (1987). Er-Innerung eines zerstorten Lebensabends [Remembrance of a destroyed old age]. Darmstadt: Lingbach Verlag. Zeller, S. (1987). Volksmiitter: Frauen im Wohifahriswesen der zwanziger Jahre {Volks- miitter: Women in social work during the 1920s decade]. Diisseldorf: Schwann,10 SWEDEN Sven E. O. Hort and Suzanne C. McMurphy Sweden is a country where the practice of social policy weaves its way into most corners of society. Its reputation as a model welfare state is based on the following premises: a comprehensive social policy, the belief that citizens have a democratic right to an acceptable standard of living, and a universal system applicable to the entire population. These premises form the political and ide- ological foundation for the structural aspects of the system: (1) an active labor- power policy; (2) a general income-protection system; (3) a broad public service sector; (4) far-reaching central state regulations in such areas as agriculture and housing; and (5) a system of extensive public resource extraction (ie., high taxation) (Hort, 1990). Many different professions, including social work, are integrated in the wel- fare state. As the welfare state has developed and expanded, so has the role and practice of social work. It is often difficult to identify where the boundaries of social work lie within the comprehensive welfare state. To provide an all- encompassing view of both social work and the social welfare state in Sweden, this chapter will take a broad view of social work as integrated into several aspects of the social welfare state, while focusing more closely upon the area of social services. Thus when we talk about social work in a broad sense, we are thinking of all those employed in the public sector—from education to med- ical and social services. In contrast, social workers in a narrow sense are those educated at schools of social work. THE MAKING OF A WELFARE STATE The Swedish nation-state has a long history which dates back to the sixteenth century, when a hereditary monarchy was established and foreign as well as domestic challengers were overcome. The transformation of the Roman Catholic church to a Lutheran state church resulted in control over a nonmilitary authoritySweden 145 throughout the large countryside. For about three centuries thereafter, the coun- ty was involved in wars with its neighbors; however, from post-Napoleonic times onwards, Sweden has been at peace. Enduring peace and internal stability have been two of the most important factors in the evolution of Swedish society (Andersson & Weibull, 1988). Another important aspect of the prehistory of the Swedish welfare state has been the relationship between state and civil society—the distance between the rulers and the ruled. A significant part of this relationship has been the power relations between central and local authorities. Independent farmers, never sub- jected to feudal rule and always part of the Four Estate Parliament, had a voice in both local and national politics, even during the seventeenth century Great Power absolutist regime. At the end of the 1700s, improving the health of the population and combating poverty became public concerns. Centrally appointed provincial physicians pi- oneered community medicine—eventually together with Linnean clerics (Hort, 1990). Both groups were instrumental in decreasing infant mortality; however, the clerics were also responsible for increasing literacy among the population. Although it took over half a century to be fully implemented, schooling was first made compulsory in 1842, financed and administered by the parishes with some cash transfers from the central state. As the state church began to decline, the parishes became secular municipalities responsible for an inadequate and punitive system of poor relief. Through the foundation of county councils in 1862, more concerted action was taken by the Parliament regarding health care. The councils were 25 representative regional bodies, primarily responsible for inpatient hospital services. Like the municipalities, they were granted independ- ent tax-levying powers. Late nineteenth-century Sweden saw the advent of rapidly expanding indus- trial capitalism, as well as new social and political mass movements striving for democracy and a decent and dignified life for the poor and downtrodden. Struc- turally, the mobilization of the large agricultural population alongside a growing semiurban working class was an important precondition for the transformation of poor relief and medical and education services into a coherent welfare policy. Although the enactment took some 30 years after the introduction of the first member's bill, the novel Bismarckian workers’ insurance approach was super- seded as early as the mid-1880s by a universal people's insurance model which was supported by urban radical liberals and rural members of Parliament. In 1914, an old-age and disability system was created, and in 1916, occupational injury insurance was enacted under the auspices of the National Pension Board and the National Insurance Board, respectively (Baldwin, 1989). In addition, voluntary insurance benefit societies such as those concerned with sickness and unemployment received cash support from the central state (1892 and 1934, respectively). In order to understand the historical development of social welfare policy, it is also important to stress the impact of the temperance movement on Swedish146 Europe society (Hort, 1990). The majority of reforms taken at the turn of the century, not the least of which were the poor-law reforms, were influenced by the re- strictiveness of the movement. The first legislation to address alcohol abusers was passed in 1913. This legislation was punitive in nature, specifying incar- ceration for alcohol abuse. Its replacement law in 1931 focused on care rather than punishment for alcohol abuse and initiated the development of municipal sobriety committees. Regarding children, in 1902, the first legislation on the care of foster children and compulsory care for children was passed. Its replace ment law in 1924 established child welfare committees within each municipality whose purpose was to oversee the fostering and compulsory care of children within its local area. The authoritarianism of the temperance movement was not the only force which impacted social reform, however. A major impetus to the development of social services was the creation of the National Association of Social Work in 1903 under the auspices of liberal humanitarians, many of them Christian women. Here the ideas of voluntecrism, preventive self-help, and individual responsibility took root as the heart of social welfare (Carlsson, 1986). The aim of the National Association of Social Work was to initiate and promote social progress and social work at a time when there was no central coordinator and almost an absence of established policies. In 1913, through the efforts of this association, coordination of local government initiatives started, and two central authorities were developed for the management of social services: the National Board of Social Welfare and the Unemployment Commission. In 1920, the Min- istry of Health and Social Affairs was created. The latter became both a think tank and a power center of social reform after the Social Democratic takeover in 1932, influencing developments in social welfare far into the postwar era. Another major social policy initiative was launched in the 1930s by Alva and Gunnar Myrdal, later Nobel laureates, who reformulated the theoretical social policy debate. Some of their ideas were ahead of their time or were rejected in part, yet others continue to influence Swedish policy making. Perhaps most important was their concept of productive or preventive social policy, which became a cornerstone in welfare ideology. They stressed that social policy meas- ures should be looked upon as investments, in particular, through a full- employment strategy as well as work-related social insurance benefits closely linked to economic policy making (Myrdal, 1932). This was later specified by prominent trade-union economists. Inspired also by British social thinkers such as Lord Beveridge and Richard M. Titmuss, they considered institution building and policy making in Sweden as a conscious attempt to create an institutional welfare state. TRIUMPH OF UNIVERSALISM After World War II, the modern version of the welfare state was developed. In close cooperation with trade unions and employers, employment and man-Sweden 147 power policy were more thoroughly coordinated by a labor-dominated national authority, and full employment became a legitimate, overriding national public concern. Housing as a major public focus dates from the 1940s, when a number of important reforms simultaneously reshaped the income-maintenance system: a decent basic pensions system and a general child allowance. Later, compulsory sickness and maternity insurance (1955) and a superannuation pension system (1960) were added. Free school meals as well as no-cost health and dental checkups were early postwar reforms as well. However, it was not until 1956 that the notion of poor relief was replaced by public assistance when the old poor law and other laws related to personal social services—such as the afore- mentioned child welfare and temperance acts—were also reformed. The three resulting acts, the Public Assistance Act, the Child Welfare Act, and the Tem- perance Act, remained, however, ideologically far behind the new approach within employment and social insurance. Overall, though, from the late 1950s, it is fair to speak of a victory for universalism, since all citizens and even all residents were included in the system of social transfers, whether of the flat-rate type or in the forms of wage-related benefits (Hort, 1990). From the early 1960s, medical, health, and personal social services providing care for the aged, chil- dren, and others were established under county council or municipal auspices. ‘The educational system was also thoroughly reconstructed with the prolongation of compulsory schooling. From this time forward, public-sector employment, in particular various welfare state jobs, rapidly began to increase, and large num- bers of women filled these positions on a part-time basis. IDEOLOGICAL SHIFTS IN SOCIAL WELFARE Critical inquiries into shortcomings in the early welfare state as well as pres- sure from the trade unions resulted in a new wave of welfare reforms in the mid-1970s (Hort, 1990). These included extended entitlement to old-age and disability pensions combined with a general lowering of pensionable age (65); expansion of educational allowances under various employment-creation schemes; an extension of entitlement to housing allowances for all low-income groups and tax credits to homeowners (the last two were reduced in the 1980s); more general reimbursements for sickness (for sick leave, medical treatment, and drug prescriptions, i.e., socialized medicine); better unemployment compen- sation (though still tied to full-employment requirements, challenged by the crisis of the 1990s); public dental insurance for all adults; and a combined earnings-related and flat-rate parental insurance for both sexes, covering child- birth and carly child rearing and a major increase in municipal child day care. Later the municipalities also expanded personal social services to the elderly and handicapped. A particular focus of criticism of the early welfare state was the area of social services, where elements of the residual approach remained, In reaction to this, considerable debate grew during the 1960s regarding the orientation toward148 Europe social welfare and social work represented by the three aforementioned laws which were most closely related to personal social services—the Public Assis- tance Act, the Child Welfare Act, and the Temperance Act. In response to this debate, the government appointed a commission in 1968 with the mandate of evaluating the three social welfare laws. The work of this commission, now often referred to as the Social Investigation Commission, continued to the end of the 1970s. The reports written by the Social Investigation Commission (SOU, 1974, 1977) recommended a completely new approach to social services and the enactment of an overarching law on social welfare. ‘The resulting law, the Social Services Act (SFS, 1980), took effect on January 1, 1982. The act covered all the areas mentioned under the three earlier acts in a general manner; instead of outlining specific actions to be taken in detail, the new act provided an outline of the rights of individuals to assistance toward their sustenance and general living condition. The act sets out a ‘‘holistic’” approach, indicating that in providing assistance, consideration should be given to the entire situation of individuals, and assistance should build upon their existing strengths and resources. In addition, the act specified that all forms of care and treatment were voluntary, established on the basis of democracy and solidarity, with a view toward promoting * economic and social security; + equality of living conditions: and + active participation in the life of the community (SFS, 1980). Furthermore, the legislation indicated that the individual had an entitlement to assistance from the social welfare committee toward his/her livelihood and other aspects of living, if his/her needs could not be provided for in any other way, In addition, the assistance must assure the individual a reasonable level of living and must be designed in such a way as to strengthen the independent living resources of the individual. Compulsory care of young people and substance abusers is provided for under two companion laws: the Care of Young Persons Act (Special Provisions, 1990) and the Care of Substance Abusers Act (Special Provisions, 1988). These laws have very specific guidelines as to when and how they should be administered and are used only when voluntary measures under the Social Services Act are not sufficient. ‘The creation of the new Social Services Act, with its universal and democratic focus as well as its holistic orientation, was a major turning point in the devel- opment and formation of social services as well as social work in general. Re- organization of the service delivery system and the development of new roles for social workers were only two of the many changes which resulted from this legislation, Each will be discussed in turn.Sweden 149 SERVICE DELIVERY SYSTEM The debate in the 1960s and 1970s on the nature of the welfare state also criticized the centralized power and capital concentrations and questioned the ability of centrally steered programs to provide the optimal services for citizens. These debates provided the impetus for a comprehensive decentralization of policy and programs to the municipal level. The combination of the law on municipal coordination and the emphasis on local responsibility in the new So- cial Services Act culminated in a total decentralization of social welfare services throughout the country (SOS, 1991b). This decentralization was, however, not without precedent, given the historical tradition of parish divisions as autono- mous bodies. The organization and placement of responsibility for many areas of health care, employment assistance, and social services has been fiercely debated in recent years and is still under discussion and development. In general, however, there is agreement that the state is responsible for both monitoring and providing directives through the National Social Insurance Board and the National Health and Social Welfare Board, among other agencies. The county councils are re- sponsible for developing policies and institutions for health and psychiatric care as well as for special target populations such as children in need of care. How- ever, the county councils have recently been stripped of the responsibility for some care of the elderly in order to better integrate home health and assistance services, As outlined in the Social Services Act, the local municipalities are otherwise responsible for the development of policy and programs regarding social services for all residents within their geographic boundaries, including social services for the young, the handicapped, and the elderly. Each municipality has a social welfare committee which oversees all social service activities which are pro- vided in social services centers and authorizes mandatory care measures when needed. In terms of personnel, those working within the municipalities have expanded rapidly from the 1970s. During the 1980s, responsibility for schooling and employment of youngsters was considerably strengthened. Most social services outlined in the Social Services Act and companion leg- islation are carried out within a local social services center. These social services centers are generally organized into four divisions: (1) economic assistance, which includes financial social assistance distributed on a means-tested basis; (2) services for children and youth; (3) services for substance abusers; and (4) care for the elderly. These centers have gone through several reorganizations in an attempt to find the best model for providing services in a holistic manner as well as to respond to the growing complexities of social issues which often require social services, such as an increasing elderly population, HIV- and AIDS-infected individuals, immigrants, and refugees. Besides necessary coordination between various decentralized goveramental levels, collaboration between different institutions within the system is also in-150 Europe tegral to the functioning of the welfare state. Collaboration with the school system, employment agencies and social insurance, police, public prosecutors, and the judiciary system is also a task for social workers. It should be added that after more than a decade of conscious effort to decentralize and deinstitu- tionalize most welfare services, increased debate in the 1990s resulted in the movement of some welfare services back under national authority. The recently created National Board of Institutional Care has central administrative oversight of institutions for juveniles and substance abusers as well as a research and evaluation mandate for the enhancement of these services. ROLES AND FUNCTIONS OF SOCIAL WORKERS The broadest concept of social work can be seen within the sweeping defi- nition of social policy as “‘all that a state does in order to assure a decent standard of living for its citizens’’ (SCB, 1991). Structurally, this includes the social insurances, health insurance, workers’ compensation, unemployment in- surance, and pensions. In addition, social services such as employment assis tance, housing policies, and family and child health and medical services are also part of the social policy arena. Those who are specifically educated in social work usually work within the social services centers described earlier, which include only a small part of the total Swedish social welfare state. However, the definition of social worker as outlined in the reports of the Social Investigation is as follows: ‘Those who perform services through participation in planning, evaluation, decision- making, treatment and care when it is not a question of pure technical office or admin- istrative work where a social contribution cannot be identified. Various groups of care workers, for example, home assistance personnel, should be called social workers, This emphasizes that these occupations have a common task as well as the same value in- dependent of their employment level or formal merits. To give the definition of social worker a broader meaning is in compliance with the holistic view which characterizes social services. (SOS, 1990a, p. 11) With such a broad view of social work, it is difficult to describe in detail all the functions that social workers perform within the welfare state. However, we shall separate them into social workers in the broad sense and social workers in the narrow sense, as indicated earlie In regard to the broad view of social work, occupations which may not di- rectly identify themselves as social work, but nevertheless are integral to the social service delivery system and welfare network, include those working within the various employment agencies and health and social insurance agen- cies. Although work in these agencies does not always include direct client contact, a significant amount of their work is often directed toward client case management as well as development and training programs. More recently theSweden 151 focus has turned toward employment assistance and training in the wake of the financial crisis of the 1990s. In addition to these roles, social workers in the broad sense can also be found within child day-care centers and in other capac- ities such as providing in-home services for the elderly. These occupations, particularly preschool and day-care workers, are often trained in programs other than social work, such as education. Many of the assistants, for example, the great majority of those taking care of the handicapped or the elderly, have often only completed compulsory high-school education. Those working in child day- care nurseries have either vocational training in the field of specialization or a teaching certificate at the university level. In terms of direct social services provided by the municipalities, social work- ers with a degree from a school of social work often work with the following groups of clients: children, youth, and families; the elderly; the handicapped; substance abusers; immigrants and refugees; and social assistance recipients. As mentioned earlier, recent societal changes have meant that social workers are being confronted with new client groups and social issues such as adoptees and single-parent families; domestic violence; immigrants and refugees; and HIV and AIDS populations. With the passage of the Social Services Act, the role of social work has changed significantly. Prior to the act, social work played a more bureaucratic role within the structure of the three earlier laws. The provision of services was based closely on the detailed legislative guidelines, which were divided between the three areas of social assistance: welfare, children, and substance abuse. The individual-problem orientation as well as the bureaucratic nature of *‘adminis- tering the law’? became the focus of significant criticism in the 1970s. This critique not only resulted in a major overhaul in social welfare legislation and ideology, but also reformed the role of social work. Based on the guidelines provided in the new act, the goals of social services are divided into three main areas: structural, universal, and individual-directed measures. Structurally oriented measures are those directed toward the devei- opment of a good social environment. Examples of these types of measures include social planning activities, field or community work, and outreach activ- ities. Universally oriented measures are those which are directed toward all persons alike, such as child day-care and elder care. Also included are measures such as information about social services, care for children and youth, employment assistance, and group and/or educationally focused activities provided at the social services centers. These activities fall partly within contemporary theories of social pedagogic work. Individually oriented measures are those directed toward the individual—the client’s situation and specific needs. They include economic assistance, family advice and therapy, individual therapy, and other direct forms of individual assistance, These types of activities are often psychosocial work, and social workers in this field often rely on family-centered therapy and short-term coun-152 Europe seling. Since the debate in the 1970s, much more emphasis has been placed on the development of community-based alternatives and other forms of voluntary open care rather than institutional care. The intention of the Social Services Act was that these three types of measures (structural, universal, and individual) were to be incorporated into all areas of social services to provide a framework for addressing societal problems and social change from a multidimensional perspective. Recent evaluations of the effectiveness of social welfare, however, have shown that there are few structural types of measures being implemented or developed and that it has been difficult for social services to transcend the individual focus to a more structural one (SOS, 1991a). Much discussion is currently focused on what is needed to de- velop this area as well as what competence social workers need to develop to meet the demands required by a structural and universal approach (SOS, 1990a). Outside the legislative framework of the Social Services Act, a fourth major focus is the areas of advocacy and collective social action, which are often conducted by professional social workers on a nonsalaried basis who are dedi- cated to various humanitarian ideals such as democracy, equality, and social justice. Such action is mostly carried out within the framework of professional associations, unions, or even political parties. EDUCATION AND TRAINING The first training center for social workers was established in Stockholm in 1921 by the National Association of Social Work and was chaired by a profes- sor, simultaneously appointed in social policy, at Stockholm University. Quite soon, however, almost every sign of voluntary social work disappeared from this training center, although it was considered outside of academe until the 1960s. This was also true of two similar schools, established with the support of local politicians immediately after World War II, but attached to the Univer- sities of Lund and Gothenburg. Later, the Lutheran state church established its own school, but with a curriculum similar to those of the secular schools, From the 1960s, when these schools became part of the general academic system, three regional liberal arts colleges opted to specialize in social work. Prior to the 1960s, much of the research in social welfare occurred under the rubric of social medicine and was conducted within the medical field. In the latter part of the 1950s, a professor position was created at the Karolinska In- stitute focusing mainly on issues of alcoholism. During the 1960s and 1970s, demands for additional social work training and research began to strengthen. In 1972, the Swedish Institute for Social Research was set up at the University of Stockholm. After much heated debate, it was not attached to the university's School of Social Work but became a macro-oriented social science research center focusing more closely on the general labor market and broad living con- ditions in Sweden. The so-called level of living investigations have been carried out by these researchers, though lately international comparative studies haveSweden 153 received more prominence. The institute has grown from some 20 staff members to well above 50, and from 3 full professorships to 6 (in labor-market economics and sociology/social policy). In 1977, the first academic research institute and professor position in social work was established at the University of Gothenburg. The University of Stock- holm created a professor chair in 1978, Ume in 1979, and the University of Lund in 1984. In the 1990s, the Center for the Evaluation of Social Services was created as an independent agency, funded under the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs. Although there is an increase in the amount and quality of social work research, academic research is still struggling to achieve its own identity and balance the high expectations of administrators within the social welfare bureaucracy of social workers’ unions and of client advocates, as well as ex- pectations within the academic community. New nationally funded research po- sitions have been added in areas such as caring for children, the handicapped, the elderly, and drug addicts. In general, education for care assistants, such as elderly home services work- ers, child care assistants, and medical assistants, is provided at the high-school level. In 1979, the “*social services track’’ became a regular major in 100 high schools across the country. This training provided for some basic municipal services for the elderly and handicapped, such as in-home services. A second major called ‘care track” is a forerunner to the social services major and pro- vides the basic education for psychiatric care assistants, assistants within the health and medical system, and child care assistants. These majors are also available to adult continuing education and at 300 “‘adult education’’ schools, which offer an associate degree. Higher education for work within the social services sector occurs in colleges, folk colleges, and the university in a three-and-one-half-year program. The ed- ucation leading to a degree within social services (similar to the bachelor’s in social work degree) consists of two majors: a social care major and a preschool, recreation, and leisure major. The degree most similar to the master's in social work is the social work major, which requires more extensive training and field work than the other two. Clinical social workers, those who work as therapists either in a public agency such as the Children and Youth Psychiatric Center or in private practice, are required to continue their education in psychodynamic theory and therapeutic practice at the university beyond the work required for the basic social work degree, as well as to obtain licensure from the Board of Health and Social Welfare. The actual term ‘‘clinical social worker’’ is not used in Sweden; often these professionals identify themselves as psychotherapists and not social work- ers per se, The doctoral training of social workers, leading to a Ph.D. in social work, is conducted only at the universities and consists of an additional two years of courses and research training as well as the dissertation. There is currently a movement in Sweden to expand the number of universities through the trans-154 Europe formation of several regional folk colleges. If this movement is successful, sev- eral new programs to provide doctoral education for social workers could develop by the year 2000. In addition to academic training, there are two six-month periods of field work. These are regarded as equivalent to formal social work methods in other countries in combination with theoretical learning at the university, such as individual and family interventions and community work. Otherwise, academic training for social workers consists of political science, social planning, social research methods, psychology, sociology, social legislation, and social policy. Overall, the training for social workers has been closely connected with the expansion of the public sector, including the focus on new client populations, which are being served in the public sector, such as immigrants and refugees. An emphasis on theory, however, has been supported by those striving for pro- fessional status. PROFESSIONAL IDENTITY The discussion of whether social work is a profession in its own right, with competence legitimated in its own right, is an area of recent debate. Three major forces behind the drive for professionalization have been identified (Lindholm, 1988). First, the competition between social work and other professions within the social welfare states has led to a debate on the legitimate boundaries of social work as well as a demand for a specified area of knowledge and com- petence unique to social work. This has been particularly true in relation to psychologists and to some administrative personnel who share a knowledge base as well as occupational tasks which coincide or overlap with those of social work. The need to distinguish social work methods from those of psychologists has been fostered by the holistic approach of social welfare as well as the idea of psychosocial work. Second, the acceptance of social work into the university system, as well as the creation of a doctoral program and research training, has led to increased demands and expectations on social work to specify a unique area of knowledge and theory. Social work has recently been criticized for the lack of extensive research and evaluation on the effectiveness of its methods. This criticism led to the creation of the Center for the Evaluation of Social Services mentioned earlier. Along with its other mandates, this center has the responsibility for leading the debate on social work research and evaluation methods and is a cosponsor of the international conference on social work evaluation methods held in Sweden in April 1997. Third, because of the holistic orientation of the Social Services Act and its focus on structural and universal methods as well as individual interventions, new expectations have been placed on social work to expand its competence and to develop effective accountability measures in these areas. In a report from the Department of Health and Social Welfare, areas of future competence forSweden 155 social work were outlined under each of the three goals outlined by the Social Services Act. For example, in the area of structural measures, social work must develop the competence to identify and analyze social problems and their causes in order to produce recommendations for intervention strategies, such as access to housing. In the area of universal measures, preventive strategies through work with target groups such as youth, immigrants and refugees, and foster families and through outreach services are areas of future need. In the area of individual interventions, increased competence in determining the needs of the client as well as evaluating various types of therapeutic approaches for referrals, devel- oping effective measures for working with families in crisis, and supportive measures for immigrants and refugees have all been proposed. Regardless of the comprehensive nature of social work, it is still a low-paying, low-status profession. Recent discussions have addressed the possibility of li- censure for social workers as a means of legitimating the profession. Currently, only the length and level of education have been the determining factors for qualified social workers. However, as increasing numbers of social workers be- come private practitioners and as areas of social work become privatized, a clear demarcation of the level and training of social work is seen as necessary. The strongest supporters of licensure are unions, which can use this issue to increase the status of social work as well as to help in salary negotiations. According to the law on health and medical care (1984), the following profes- sionals require licensure: midwives, opticians, speech therapists, nurses, and dentists. Since 1983, in order to be a practicing psychotherapist, regardless of prior education, one must have special training as well as a license from the Board of Health and Welfare, as mentioned earlier. The argument from the standpoint of the unions is that social work practice involves as much respon- sibility and demands as much competence and education as other professions. The movement toward further professionalization of social work is not with- out its critics, however. The arguments against professionalization fall into two categories: the societal perspective and the client perspective (Lindholm, 1988). ‘The societal perspective argues that social work should be seen in its compre- hensiveness rather than striving for a limited area of knowledge and speciali- zation. The striving within social work should be oriented toward developing a principle of congruence whereby those occupations which collaborate within society should strive to achieve the same goal of overall improvement in society (Swedner, 1987). The client perspective argues that the orientation toward professionalization creates a distance between the social worker and the client since the focus is on the social worker as the “‘expert.”’ This results in a loss of solidarity with the client and weakens his/her ability to be self-sufficient and an active participant in his/her own care. This runs directly counter to the philosophy expressed within the Social Services Act. Along these same lines, other critics have ques- tioned the usefulness of a scientific, rational instrumentalism in practicing social work based on humanitarian goals (Pettersson, 1990; Ronneby, 1993).156 Europe In response to these criticisms, a discussion of ethics has emerged among social workers. Due partly to the decentralization of services at the local level and the flexibility provided for under the Social Services Act, issues regarding the relationship of the social worker to the client as well as the consistency of definitions of welfare, that is, the flexibility of service eligibility and types of possible care, have become of increasing concern. Social workers are also being called on to make more individual decisions which both demand a higher level of competence and are more complex ethically. In response to these concerns, a series of discussions started in 1985, and in 1995 the ethics council of the social workers’ union began the work of revising the code of ethics for social workers (Bleanberger, 1994, 1996). CLIENT OR CONSUMER? Who is the client in an institutionalized welfare state? Are beneficiaries in a system with universal social rights welfare state clientele? Or is the concept of consumer more appropriate? One can see the role of the consumer as both voluntary and involuntary, depending upon the part of the welfare state and the type of social service that are being examined. The heated debate in the 1960s and 1970s which led to the creation of the Social Services Act clearly supported the idea of a new approach to the consumer, one of voluntary participation and self-reliance. The role of social services under the Social Services Act was based ‘on the maximization of the client’s own resources and ability to live indepen- dently. The recent changes in legislation are an indication of a shift in ideology within social welfare; that is, the flexibility in the Social Services Act is intended to protect and guarantee social rights. Within the framework of the legislation, the orientation is that the ‘‘client is to be a participant, a subject of rights and not an object for the mechanical application of the law’’ (SOS, 1990a). Although the focus of the Social Services Act is on voluntary measures, in severe cases involuntary interventions are allowed and outlined in two compan- ion laws to the Social Services Act, mentioned earlier. Both of these outline the measures to be taken when a mandatory care order is necessary (Tinnsjé, 1995). The services provided for under these two acts are stipulated to be used only as a last resort and only temporarily. A second form of involuntary service to the consumer is the mandatory contribution to the retirement pension and health care funds through the tax structure. PROFESSIONAL ORGANIZATIONS: ROLE AND INFLUENCE Reference has already been made to the debate on professionalization within social work. The role of professional organizations in the institutional welfare state, however, must simultaneously take into consideration the diversity of the public welfare system and the existence of a significant number of autonomousSweden 157 associations, mostly trade unions, within this field. Within the blue-collar Social Democratic Trade Union Confederation (LO), those working in the welfare sec- tor are, for the most part, members of the Municipal Workers Union (SKAF), which has more than 630,000 members. In particular, nurse aides in the health sector, home helpers in the municipal personal social service system, and some school personnel such as janitors are all organized by this union. The exception to this pattern is people working in semipublic social insurance offices, which include some 20,000 employees who have their own national union (FF, the Union of Insurance Employees). The social workers who are integral to the employment sector, those working for the labor-market authorities—roughly 11,000 persons, most of whom are employment guidance counselors at local employment offices—are generally organized by the Federation of Civil Servants (ST), an association within the Central Organization of Professional and Salaried Employees (TCO). Overall, this union has some 125,000 members. Almost 100,000 nurses have their own union—SHSTF, to use its abbreviation—which is also under the TCO umbrella. Preschool and primary-school teachers belong to another union (SL) within TCO with some 180,000 members, while almost 50,000 teachers in secondary schools are affiliated with a separate teachers union within the competing white-collar Central Organization of Professional Associations (SACO). The latter organi- zation also organizes medical doctors (31,000), dentists (11,000), and some 25,000 social workers in SSR (the Swedish Union of Social Workers, Personnel, and Public Administrators). Otherwise, social workers and other white-collar employees working in the welfare sector, in particular, various administrators in county councils and mu- nicipalities, belong to the National Union of Local Government Officers (SKTF), another important organization within TCO with almost 200,000 members. As social workers are still a middle-level group with the most unsatisfactory work- ions, SSR and SKTF are the two unions most consistently promoting a professional identity within the welfare sector. Both of these unions are fo- cused on issues such as professional ethics, research and evaluation, competence development, and decentralization, often working in concert with other lobbying groups. KEY PROBLEMS AND TRENDS There are many who currently argue that the intention of the social services legislation is not being applied in reality (Salonen, 1995; SOS, 1990b). After the financial crisis of the 1990s and the resulting unemployment rate, which has not been at such a high level since before World War II, the development of programs and the declining budgets of the municipalities to meet the needs of clients are of great concern. As a result of the rising unemployment rate, the income-transfer system has been under attack, and social insurance systems have been forced to reconsider their tasks in the overall welfare system. Since the158 Europe mid-1980s, there has been growing emphasis on those who are outside or on the margins of the labor market. Instead of handing out disability pensions, the intent is to prevent dependency on welfare through rehabilitation of those at risk or unemployed as well as those receiving economic social assistance. In terms of social work, this has implied a tremendous upgrading of skills at social in- surance offices, where until now, employees had been doing extremely routine work. Similar discussions have been occurring around changes in the social assistance regulations which could add increased expectations for recipients of social assistance (Enwall, 1996). These changes bring increased ethical and oc- cupational challenges to social work. Second, due to the merging of different client groups and services under the same legislation and one service center, not all clients’ needs are met equally. Many argue that services to families and children receive a lower priority than economic social assistance. Also, with the increasing number of immigrants and refugees, social workers are being challenged to meet increasing client diversity. Specific training programs for social workers have developed, in particular at the University of Stockholm, where a concentration has been added to the School of Social Work focusing specifically on working with diverse client populations. Finally, the restructuring of the public sector and the borderline between pub- lic and private activities have become problematic from a structural point of view. Officially the 1980s was a period of public-sector decentralization, a strat- egy by the Social Democrats to counteract nonsocialist attempts to privatize public welfare services. Where such a policy has been fully implemented, sig- nificant changes in work orientation have occurred. Social welfare workers and school personnel, for example, have been mixed to an extent that unions have been concerned about the deprofessionalization of their members. Despite the decentralization strategy of the Social Democrats, the development of private alternatives for the care of youth and substance abusers has increased substan- tially since the passage of the Social Services Act in 1982. Although private alternatives were only to be used as a complement to public organizations, pri- vate initiatives for group homes have risen from 1,000 placements in 1982 to 5,056 in 1990 and are now the dominant placement outside the home. Most of these homes are run by client organizations or philanthropic foundations, similar to what are called nonprofit organizations in the United States, Several reasons underlie this expansion: first, due to higher fees and lower overhead costs, pri- vate homes can pay staff higher salaries than public agencies. Second, in 1986, legislation was passed allowing municipalities to be reimbursed for care costs for residents when no public places were open. Thus when no public funding was available for the development of public alternatives, private foundations and client groups began to fill in the gaps. Third, the private alternatives used various types of therapeutic approaches and specialized in specific populations such as young substance abusers and women, providing for a wider range of options than those found in the public sector (SOS, 1991a). Although the expansion hasSweden 159 been seen as positive, the risk that the hardest-to-serve will no longer receive the care that they need has been a great concer. Because the private alternatives may select their clients, they often take those who are more socially integrated, and the hardest-to-serve are left to the public sector. With the increased focus on community care, those hard-to-serve clients that need more intensive treat- ment are left with fewer and fewer public options. To meet this concern, the National Board of Institutional Care was created to have both oversight and research and development responsibility for youth and adults in institutional care across Sweden. THE FUTURE CHALLENGE OF SOCIAL WORK The fiscal crisis which has affected welfare states across Europe has also had its effect on Sweden. The critique against heavy taxation and an overambitious welfare state is more pronounced, and the rise in the unemployment rate and other social needs has challenged the social welfare budgets of many muni palities (Glatz & Ranchber, 1996). The challenges to social work in this chang- ing welfare environment are great. Social work is being called on to make a larger contribution to social change and social planning, as well as to develop increased skills in individual and other therapeutic approaches. In an institutional welfare state, the boundaries are almost limitless as to the areas that social work can claim as its own. On the other hand, the risk of being all-encompassing is that social work loses its unique sense of perspective and becomes one of many professions within the social welfare net. Defining boundaries while at the same time maintaining a commitment to a universal comprehensive welfare state will be the greatest future challenge to social work. REFERENCES Andersson, 1. & Weibull, J. (1988). Swedish history in brief. Stockholm: Swedish Insti- tute, Baldwin, P. (1989). The Scandinavian origins of the social interpretation of the welfare state, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 31 (1), 3-24. Bleonberger, E. (1994). Ett ord i tiden. SSR Tidningen, 3. Blennberger, E. (1996). Minniskosyn fr socialt arbete. Socionomen 2, 33-48. Care of Substance Abusers Act (Special Provisions), 1988:870. Care of Young Persons Act (Special Provisions), 1990:52. Carlsson, C. (1986). Kvinnosyn och kvinnopolitik. Lund: Arkiv. Enwall, E. (1996). Utmaningar for socialt arbete I framtiden, Nordisk Sosialt Arbeid, 2, 83-94. Glatz, G., & Ranchber, T. (1996). Hela socialsektorn miste samordnas finansiellt. So- cionomen, 1, 4-6, Hadenius, S. (1988). Swedish politics during the 20th century. Stockholm: Swedish In- stitute. 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your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.aa You have either reached a page that is unavailable for viewing or reached your viewing limit for this book.INDEX Aboriginal people, 395 Academy of Certified Social Workers (ACSW), 21 Accountability, 24, 25, 39, 69, 128, 388, 395, 396, 401, 442 Addams, Jane, 10 Africa: context of social work, 304-307, 309-311; education, 303-315; north, 226, 228; social welfare, 304, 306-308, 311-312; social work methods, 309; social work practice, 303-311, 313- 314; social work theory, 303, 305-306, 308, 309, 314; south, 307, 311, 344, 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 352, 353, 354, 356-364, 434, 444 African social workers, 351, 358, 359 Aging, 54, 101, 236, 267, 269, 275, 386 AIDS, 17. 62, 70, 71, 331, 339, 340, 386; victims, 73, 133, 149, 151, 234, 335, 359 Alcoholics Anonymous, 130, 349 Alcoholism, 349 American: influence, 55, 95, 96, 392; model of social work, 206, 208, 443; social work, 9, 11, 12, 15, 18, 19, 21. 22, 24, 25, 52, 53, 55, 57, 96, 119, 208, 216, 237, 282, 309, 371, 392, 441; social workers, 11, 15, 22, 24, 52, 53, 57, 96 Animateur, 443 Apartheid, 307, 13, 363, 444 Argentina: context of social work, 79; ed- ucation, 77-78, 81, 83, 85, 87-89: health services, 77; human services, 76— 77, 80; professional organizations, 87; sectors of service delivery, 79; social welfare, 78, 80, 83, 85; social work practice, 76, 78, 81, 84, 88-89; social work settings, 87; social work theory, 84-85 *‘Assistencialism,”” 96 Associacao Nacional de Assistentes So- ciais (ANAS), 97, 106 Association for Social Work Education in Africa (ASWEA), 213, 304, 305-308, 310-311, 330, 341 Association of Schools of Social Work in India, 251 Australia, 1, 369, 370, 374, 377, 383- 394, 445; context of social work, 383, 386, 392-394, 396, 398, 401; educa- tion, 383-387, 389-390, 392-393, 398— 399, 404; health services, 387, 390, 393; human services, 391, 396, 403— 404, models of practice, 394; social policy, 384, 389, 394-395, 397, 401- 402; social work practice, 388-392, 395, 398-399, 401; social work theory, 389-393 Australian: economy, 402; social welfare, 384; social workers, 392-402; welfare state, 384-387, 402