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The Victoria Sarmatica of AD 340 and three gold medallions from Barbaricum by Aleksander Bursche, Warszawa ‘The value of ancient coin material for historical studies has its origin in two different sources. One is the iconography and epigraphy of the coins themselves, the other the archaeological context in which they were discovered’. Traditionally these two groups of evidence tend to be examined by specialists belonging to independent fields of research — scholars of ancient history and coin specialists on the ‘one hand, archaeologists on the other. Quite often, however, itis possible to arrive at a more adequate historical explanation simply by ana- Iyzing the representation and legend seen on the coin in combination with its archaeological context. A case in point are two issues of gold multipla struck under Constans and Constantius II and repre- sented by just three pieces found in Barbaricum. One is a recently published, unique 18-solidi medal- lion of Constantius Il, minted in Aquileia (fig, 1). It was discovered in 1976 at Verkhivnia, near Zhito- mirin Ukraine and is now in the Kiev Museum’, The next, a 9-solidi Constans medallion, also struck in Aquileia (fig. 2), was discovered around the ‘middle of the 19th century at Opoczki, in the region of Kujawy in northern Poland and was subse- quently sold to the Miinzkabinett in Berlin’, Circumstances surrounding the discovery of the third medallion, also.a Constans multiplum, minted with the same dies as the specimen from Opoczki (fig. 3), are much more complicated. The piece was found in 1898 in the choir of the Uspenska Cerkey ~ the main Orthodox church of the Kiev-Pechersk Monastery in the company of other spectacular objects including another 9-solidi medallion of Con- stantius II (now in the Hermitage in Sankt Petersburg)* and no less than 300 kes of gold and silver 1 CEMA. Alfeldi, Antke Numismatik (Mainz 1979). - R. Gab, Antike Numismatk (Miinchen 1978) and more rcent!y Ch. Howgego, Ancient History from Coins (London-New York [985) ~ R. Wolters, Nummi Signa, Ureersuchungen aur rémischen MGrzprigung und Geldwirtschaft (Miinchen 1999). 2 B.B, Garbur. Zolotiiimsk'ki: medaVon 25. Verkhivsi, Arheolegia (Kies) 1, 1993, 1-78.~8. ©. Jancenko, Kostium vel ‘mozhnogo varvara na meda'ion z Verkivai, bid. 79-80.~E. L. Gorokhow'ki/® L. Kornienko, Vbrantia Kenstanciia I a Verkthivnians kom medaloni ibid, 2, 1993, 199-182. ~ A. Bursche, Ztote medaliony reymskie w Barbaricum, Sym- bolika presiza iwladzy spoleczefisew barbarzyiskich u schyiku starodytnosei (Warscawa 1998) $5, 252 pl. N30. am ‘grateful to late BB. Garbuiz from the Kiev Museum for sending me photos of this piece. 9M. Pinder, Manatsber. Preuss. Akad. Wis. Berlin, 1856, 216-217. J. Friedlaender, Ramische Minzen in Cujavien. Beri rer Bl. Munz~ Siegel-u, Wappenka. 4, 1868, 147-149, pl XLVI, -F. Gnscchis I medaglioni roman, vl. 1 (Milano 1912) 7-28,no 12, pl 103.~O. Ulrch-Banca, Note sulla 2eeca di Aquileia romana. I ultpl del soldo d'ovo (Udine 1995) 47, fig, 23.-J.M.C. Toynbee, Roman Medallions (New York 1944) 173-174, 181, pl. XLVI, 8.~H. Dress Die romischen Medaillone des Minzhabincte der Stalichen Museen 2u Berlin (Dublin-Zutich 1973) 346-349, no 216 pl. XXIV, 6 — Buriche (note 2) 328-239 no 17, pl B,17;M,17.~ A. Bursche, Roman gold medaillons in Barbaricum. Symbols of power «and prcatige of Germanic ite in Late Antiquity In: XIL Internationaler Numismatischer Kongress Akten IT (ede B. luge/ B. Weisser) Berlin 1997) 767-768, Pl. II. 4° Buriche (note 2) 234 no 10, pl. A. 10. 497 Fig 1. The 9-solidi Constans medallion from Opoceki, Poland, Minzkabiners, Staatliche Muscen 24 Berlin~ Prenplscher Ba turbesit (phot. A. Bursche) No scale. coins and medals, mostly West European, dating from the mid-16* to early 18 century’. The Constams medallion of interest here was sold in a Kiev pewnshop at the beginning of the 20° century and latex passed through many hands; it was finally sold in 1984, together with the Garrett collection, at an 20c- tion in Zurich’ The question is how did the two 9-solidi Roman medallions - the Constans and the Constantius II ~ each fitted with a Germanic loop, come to be part of a hoard hidden in 1718 in the Kiev-Pechersk Mo- nastery? The treasure was accumulated over more than 150 years by the monks of this famous Russi- an Orthodox sanctuary, no doubt from donations offered by the faithful. We may imagine that oxi ginally the medallions were discovered early inthe 17® century at Laskiv near Volodimir Volinskii, west Volhynia. They formed part of a hoard which we are able o reconstruct quite well based on carly 17° cx tury legal records preserved in Kiev’. The hoard consisted of 18 gold and silver objects:7 medallions (4 of them weighing 9-solidi), a silver bow and two gilded brooches mounted with precious stones. We know the exact weight of each piece, but very little about theirappearance. The actual history of the find and its contents were reconstructed in detail by V. A. Shugaevskii who, in the 1930s, was the custodian of the numismatie department at the Kiev-Pechersk Monastery; his unpublished manuscript is stored 2 5 Nil Petrow, Arkheologicheskais nakhodka na khorakh v Velkoi cerkvi Kievo-Pechersko) livry. Chreniia v Cerkowao- arkheol. obshchestre 3, 1898 - Verzeichniss der an Lawra in Kiew gehdrigen alten gold- und silber Minzen und Medak len (Kiew 1869).—K, Bolssnowshi, Wisdomosé dokladna o skarbie Kijowshiej Peczerskicj Lawry, odkrytym v 18% © ‘Wiadmosci Numizmatyezra-Azcheologicane 5, 1993-1906 (1907), 589-586 6 J. Schulman, (aution catalogue, IIT 1923) (Armsterdam 1923) 178 no 2718 pl, LX.~ MJ. Braichevskii, Arkheologiche! ‘vidlchennia uchast skhidnkh slov'aa u poliichnikh podiach rims 'ho! istori I-IV st. stn. Arheclogis 8, 1953, The Garrett Collection Il. Zurich, 16-18 October 1988, 73.n0 341, ~ Garbuz (note 2),76 ~Bursche (note 2) 235 no 12, plM, 101 -Bursche, Roman (note 3) 758-768 PL IIL a 7 CEE. De-Vire, Arkheologicheskzia nakhodka v sele Laskove Vladimiro-Volynskago uezéa v 1610 godu. Chteniavisto- richeskcom obshchestve Nestera-Letopisa 14 Tl, 1900, 86-101 408 Fig, 2. The 18-soldi Constamins 11 medlon from VerRbienis, Ukraine, Muzet Istrihnik Kosbteonostei Ukrain, Kiev (phot B.B. Garbuz), Noscale the Academy of Science in Kiev’, Shortly after the discovery of the hoard it passed to.a Polish prince, Janusz Ostrogski, who subsequently made an offering of it to the Church (,to God" as recorded in the archives). Since Janusz Ostrogski was member of the Russian Orthodox Church, we may assume thathe offered these gold and silver objects to the Pechersk Monastery in Kiev. The Ostrogski family vaults and statues continued to be in the monastery until it was blown up by Stalin’. Further proof is provided by the presence in the monastery treasure of a gold Konstanty Ostrogski medal; it was pro- bably offered to the monastery by its owner together with the ancient objects from Laskiv. All in all, my conclusion is that the Constans medallion, first recorded in the Kiev-Pechersk. Monastery, origi nates from the large Migration Period hoard buried at Laskiv in north-western Ukraine" There isa tendency to connect the Constans triumphal issue from Aquileia with his victory over the Franks in AD 342". This cannot be accepted, however, for iconographical reasons. One of the trophies seen in the exergue is 2 quiver, which is never noted on triumphal scenes connected with victories over the Germans. Its presence suggests rather a victory over the Sarmatians", Constans defeated them most probably in AD 338”. This triumph was commemorated with a series of bronze proto-contorniates and medallions minted for Constans and Constantius 1 in Rome between 337-40, with the following 8 V. A. Shugaevskii, Klad rimskikh 2olotyleh medal'onov i seebianykh bytowykh predmictor epokhi aperesseniia nar cdov", maidennyi na Volyniv 1610 godu ([Kiiv 1936]; stored at che archive of the Institute of Archacology, Uk demy of Science sign.F.2, no 147), am grateful wo E.L. Gorokhow'kii for sending me acopy of this manuscript. 9 Pobki Slownik Biograficeny, Krakow, vol. 24, 489 (I. Chynczewska-Hennel. 10 Cf Bursche note 2) 66-69 MMM, Pinder, Kéniglche Museen. Die antiken Miinzen (Berlin 1856) 217; RIC VII, §5 (.PC. Kent).~ W. Weiser, Feliciam “Temporum Reparatio. Kaiser Constans fit gefangene Franken sus ihren Driern. Schweizer. Nam. Rundechat 66,1987, 163; also P. Bastien, Monnaie et .donativa” au Bas-Empire (Werteren 1988) 85, however with some hesitation. The latter clears up misunderstanding conceming the dating ofthis issue by H.R. Ealdus (Constantius and Constans August heb. ‘Num. u, Geldgeseh. 34, 1984, 88:90) on AD 346, 12 So already O. Seech, Zu den Festmtinzen Constantius und seiner Familie. Zetschr, Num, 21,1898, 57-8 and H. Dressel (n0%6 3) 348-9, 13 LD. Barnes The victories of Constantine. Zeitschr Papit-u. Epigr. 2, 1976, 154.-TD. Barnes, imperial chronology. AD. 337-380, Phoenix34, 1980, 162-4. ~ LD. Burnes, Constantine nd Eusebius (Cambridge (Mats -London 1981) 292,39, an Aca 409 Fig. 3. The9-volidi Constans medallion, probably from the Laskio hoard, Ukraine. Privat collection (after the sale catalog J. Schulman, 31111923 [Arasterdam 1925] pl. LX, 2718). No sale legends: DEBELLATORI GENIT BARRBARR" and VICTORI GENTIUM BARBARORUM®™ (On an inscription found at Troesmis in Moesia Inferior, dated to between 337-40, both emperors, i= Constans and Constantius TI, bear the cognomen SARMATICYS'". We know that Constans celebes ted his vietory during his stay in Aquileia on the 9* of April 340”. Itis highly plausible, therefore, thar the medallions of interest to us were minted on this occasion. I would also connect the 18-solidi multiplum of Constantius II minted in Aquileia from Verkbivaia with the same Sarmatian victory. Again a quiver and, additionally, a bow are represented among the trophies in the exergue. Ukrainian colleagues who first published the medallion concluded thas i had been issued to commemorate the triumph over the Sarmatian tribe of Limigantes, in AD 358 However, Ihave my reservations. The medallion of interest was minted in Aquileia rather than closer to the scene of the events ~ Sirmium, for instance, where the emperor was staying at the time, Le. in AD 358. We know of consular medallions of Constantius II minte Sirmium during the same pe 14 A few examples exis also with legends: DEBELLATORI GENTIVM BARBARR or DEBELLATORI GENT BAR BARR. 15 Together with Constantine II victory over Germans. BR, Gnecch, I medaglion’ romani, vol.2: Bronzo (Milano 19: 10 23, pl 133,85 142, no 16,pl. 134,45 148 no 1-25 145 n0 2, pl 135, 7,186 01-4 pl. 136, 1-3. ~ RIC VILL, 235, 285-3 16 ILS 724; her i the fll text ofthis inscription: [ddd.rom] Fl. Cl. Constamtinas Alamannic) | et Fl Tul. Constancics ‘arm. (Per}sifns et | Fl Tal. Constans Sarm. pi felices Avgelg | locum in parte limits positum, gent | Goth{oraim (demeriat semper aptisiimam, ad confirmanéam provineisium| souorum aeternam securitatem erecta isis fabricar ‘manitione clauserunt ltrunculorumque impetum perealnis munilimslnis dspositionetenuerunt, ladcurarte Sappone => duce limits | Seythie. 17 CTH26.5, 1015.3; Epit de Caes.$1.— CF Barnes, Imperial (note 13) 168. 18 Garbuz (note 2) 74, - Jancenko (note 2) 80. Gorokthors ki/Kornienko (note 2) 130-32; on this viewory of A. Mécag, Pannonia and the Upper Mocsis. A Hisory of the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire (London 1974 N.Valic, Konsiantits” Sarmatenkrieg im J. 358 und 339, Byzantin. Zetsch. 30, 1929/30, 375, ~ G. Sabbah, La méthode «Amen Marcellin: recherches sur la construction du discours historique dan les Res Gestae (Paris 1978) 219-20, ~ B. Dittrich, Die Bezichungen Roms zu den Sarmaten und Quaden im vieren Jahrhundert nach Christus (Bonn 1984) 75 =P. Barcelo, Consantivs Il. und die Limiganten: inige Prizisierangen 2 Amn. Mare. XIX 11. Klio 74, 1992, 422-30 410 riod". Starting from after Magnentius until the House of Valentinian the activity of che Aquileia rint was quite low. From AD 352 until the final years of Constantius IT no multipla were minted there, and only a very small number of solidi. The fact thac the scene on the reverse of the Verkhivnis piece has formal stylistic analogies with a Valentinianus I multiplum from Zatonie, near Veliko Gradishte, Serbia, minted in Constantinople not earlier than AD 365°, does not necessarily indicate a later date for the Constantius II medallion’. Most probably the analogy may be the result of a typical pheno- menon, very common in the Later Empire, where engravers repeated a given archetype, often over a period even longer than a century: The exceedingly rate obverse legend, which most probably should be reconstructed as DN CON- STANTIVS [MAX AVGYSTVS|, is known only from a few medallion issues minted in the early AD 3405, Other numismatic and stylistic arguments also suggest a much earlier dating of our multiplum. The symbol AQ denoting Aquileia is typical for early activity of that mint particularly for the period of the 1* Tetrarchy and Constantine I*. It never appeared on gold issues after AD 340. ‘The Constantius II medallion from Verkhivnia should be connected in one series with the Constans issue minted in AD 340 to celebrate the AD 337-38 victory over Sarmatians®. Without doube both these issues bear the same reverse legend: VICTORIA AVGVSTI NOSTRI, known only from the three medallions discussed here. On the Troesmis inscription mentioned earlier both emperors (Con- stans and Constantius Il) have the cognomen of Sarmaticus”. Spring of AD 340, the time of Con- stans’s visit to Aquileia, is the most suitable date for the Verkhivais medallion issue. Aquileia, which ‘was formally under the administration of Constans, also minted other medallions of Constantius I at this time”. Perhaps two 12-solidi issues of both emperors, bearing 2 triumphal scene showing the em- peror standing and holding 2 standard with a Chi-Rho, a captive standing to the right, should in fact be connected with the same event and dated to AD 340%. A unique consular Constantius II 2-solidi multiplum minted in Aquileia is also important in this context”. On its reverse the legend GLORIA ROMANORVM is accompanied by an image of the two co-emperars (Canstans and Constantius TI) in consular dress standing in a quadriga’ ‘The iconography of the multipla s very interesting. The iconographic pattern present- ed on the reverse is quite typical for triumphal scenes of the later Roman Empire. Small figures of bar- ccassed hert 19 RICVI, 388 n0 54, -Basten note 11) 80. 20 V. Kondie, Neposnati zlitni medalon Vsleainijans I. Sarinar 17, 1956 (1967), 45:52, ab. LI. The madallion weight 80,45 g, which was approsimatcly the original weight of dhe Veekhivnis mull 21 In contrast with Gorokhovski/Romnienko (note 2) 132: 22 M.R-Alfold, Die constantinische Goldpragung. Untersuchungen zu ihrer Bedeutung fr Kaiserpolitik und Hofkunst (Mainz 1963). 23 On medallion with the reverse legend TRIVMFATOR GENTIVM BARBARORYM minted in Thessalonica most pro- bably in AD 342 (RIC VIII 48 no 61) ef Basten (note 11) 85.86 and on two9-coidiigsus of Antioch minted in AD 348- 9 (RIC VIM, $17 n0 67 and no 68) of Bastion (note 11) 87 note % Bureche (note 2) 1 24 RIC VI, 310-13, 317-8; RIC VIL, 395-6; ef RIC VIIL, 314-38; RIC IX, 94-107; in the 3505 it was sten only on silver issues (RIC VII, 332:n0 182-189; 335 no 211; ef Urich-Bansa (note 3) passim, 25. Burnes, The vieovies (note 13) 154. ~ Barnes, Imperial (note 13) 162 2 Cfnote 15 27 Alsoin sverB ef RIC VIM, 320 n0 47-48, with the reverse legend TRIVMEATOR GENTIVM BARBARORVN. 28 Constantius I withthe reverse legend: VIRTVS CONSTANTIS AVG; Gnecehi (note 3) 28:0 26. G. Ma2zini, Monete Inperali Romane, vol. V (Milano 1958) 155 no 188, P. XLI RIC VIIL, 314-5 no 2and Constane withthe verse le _gend: VIRTVS CONSTANTI AVG, ~ Gneschi (note 3) 33 no 47, Pl, 13,11, - RIC VIL, 315 n03.~ P Bastien (note 11) 82 dates both issues 1 the end of AD 337, 29 G.Gorini, Un multiple d oo di Constanzo I. Aquileia Nostra 43, 1972, 54-60, ~ RIC VILL, 319 2042 30 This piece is dated by G. Gorini (note 29) 9 AD 340, although i bears typical processus consular scene; that is why FR Baldus (note 11) 96-7 and P. Bastien (note 11) 85 propose a later dating ofthe mltiplamn issue to AD 342-3. In 42 both emperors were consuls. 41 barians with bound hands or kneeling with upraised hands in a gesture of supplication are being wam- pled, pulled by the hair, or struck with a spear by the emperor who is portrayed at a much larger scale However, in the 4 century, in contrast to the period of the Prineipate, it was usual to represent bar- barians without their ethnic attributes, Instead a stereotyped image of the barbarian was used, the mea shown wearing uousers, sporting a beard and long hair, the women ~ with long hair and bared breasts” Tis so in the ease of the Constans issue ~ making it easier to understand why it has been connected with the Germanic triumph of AD 342. The barbarian represented on the Verkhivniz medallion, ho- wwever, is quite different. Here we have a typical image of an Iranian nomadic horseman ~ with a gird- ed caftan (jerkin), trousers with stripes and a special type of shoe. We know such images very well from the classical Pontic toreutic dated to the 4* century BC discovered in Seythian royal tombs. They were produced in Olbia and Pantikapcon by Greek artists who were very well acquainted with Sey- thian reality, Some details seen on our late Roman medallion ~ the tresses or the caftan-tail- are almost identical with the ones seen in Greek toreutic. [e would be interesting to establish whether such a de- tailed representation of nomadic attributes on the Verkhivnia medallion is only a repetition by the Ro- man engraver of traditional iconographic topoi of Seytho-Sarmatians or whether it reflects the 4" cen- tury AD reality of the continued use by Sarmatians of traditional nomadic type of dress. The other interesting question is how the medallions left the Roman Empire and reached the territory of Ukraine and northern Poland. Perhaps itis no accident that the only known pieces connected with the Sarmatian victory of AD 340 were found in Barbaricum. Two Constans medallions minted with the same die were fitted originally with identical Germanic-style loops, presumably made in the same workshop, by the same goldsmith. The medallions were discovered separated by 2 distance of some 500 kilometers, one of them on territory of the Cherniakhiv culture (more precisely, the Mastomecz group), which is linked to Gothic tribes, the other, in the Pr2eworsk culture area, usually connected with the Vandals. They would have been delivered together with other medallions from the Roman Empire to a single major centre of power in Barbaricum, pethaps located in west Volhynia. There 2 Germanic goldsmith added loops and frames in a local granulation style, adapting stylistically foreign Roman objects to the taste of the native elites, in the same way as Roman military equipment, Zier- scheiben or Roman silver vessels, were ornamented in Barbaricum with stamps, Pressblech or granu- lation”. The Roman multipla were subsequently redistributed from the interregional centre of power to smaller, regional centres within Barbaricum, over a distance of more than 1000 km”. Our three me- 31. P.Bisikowak, Desimeribarbaram gentim apd manos. Corpor barbara prodromes(Cravovite 1920) 1d, Les Celie das lesar miners Gréo-Romainy aves de recherches ienographiqus sr quelques aus peupls babe res(Cracore 1928) ~A.C Lei Barbrians on Roman Inpeial Coins and Seuprurs. Num. Note ang Norogr. 123 (New York 1952) 1-49. ~B. Overbsck, Rom und die Germanen Das Zags der Munzsn (Stutgar 983) 52. [-RubezakO pochodzensaredsi! restr peloocsopontyskie. Kwari His. Kaltary Mat 15,1967, 715-27.~ VA. 'insbaiv/ AL Terenoskin Skfia VICIV redo ne (Kiev 1983) 12090 33. |, Werner, Dis been Zeiceiben des Thoriberger Meorfundes Fin Belay nur frihgermanischen Kunst- urd Reig ‘omgechishte. Rim. Germ, Forchuagen 1 Borin 1941) Id, Das Avfommnen von Bad und Schrift i Nordearops Bayer Akad. Wiss Phi His, Kl, Stungabor 4 (Minchen 1960 ~ U. Lund- Hansen Romischer Iipore im» Norden (Kobenavn 1987)411-29.-J Were Danceny und Brangrrup. Bonner hr 188, 198, 11-86.~C. von Caemap-Bore- hi, Die ermanische Gefolgchalt. Zur Interpretation der Mooropler der jungerenronichen Raiser in Sudseand- navies, In: Preprinato Gothca 3. Symposium Fredrikstad 1991 (os Sra, E-Skar (Oslo 1992) 45:2.—Id, Nit- hijo und Sacito, Einige Bemerkungen zum Verhiltais von rémischem und germanischem Feinschmiede-Handwerk in der ingore machen Kaverre Arch. in Schleswig 3 1993 4553. 1d, Zor Enticing dex gemanschen Golschmie- dchardwerke vor und nach den Markomannenksigen 8 Vergcldeng, Fligran und Prfblech. le: Markomannenkriege. Ursachen und Wirkungen eds H. Tssnger J-Tojal, A Stappna) (Brae 19) 9-107. -V. Lund Hansen tales) Himbingoe B Sele B Europa Ein Gribefeld der ngerenromachen Kaiverec af Seland, sine Bodeuting nd i semationalen Bezishangen (Rebenbivn 1995) 237-258 ~ C. von Carnsp-Borntein/. Il, tleryp Adal 3-8 Dc Prachtasrstangen (Hobie 1996) 343-34; 485-46, C. von Carmp-Bornheim, Neve Forschungen zu den biden Zierscheiben aus dem Thorsberger Moorfund. Germania 75, 1997, 69-99. 44 Burache(nte 2) 40.145 16 412 en Pee dallions probably fell into the hands of the Germanfe clite as Roman gifts or remuneration for: help in defeating che Sarmatians. They may be the only evidence, available to date, of participation of Ger- manic troops in the struggle against Sarmatians in AD 337-38. These could have been Gothic foederati, fulfilling their obligations of the foedus of AD 332” or perpanci Vandali, settled in Pannonia after the Matusa battle in AD 335*. ‘Our three medallions found in Barbaricum, minted on the occasion of the Sarmatian triumph in AD 340, area good example of the complexity of numismatic and archacologiesl sources. Very often only a joint analysis of coin kegends and images together with archaeological evidence can take our research forward. 38 Anon, Vales 6,31-32 (Teub.).~ Bute, Brev. X7 (Teub).~ Jord, Get. 112. — V. Conse IVS (Winkelmann). ~Lib, Or. 5% 89-91 (Teab), ~ CF. L. Schmidt, Die Oxtgermaner, Geschichtea der deutschen Stimme bis zim Ausgang det Volkerwan,

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