Nutrition Transiti AU LILLY on and the Public-Health Crisis Aboriginal Perspectives © Debbie Martin Learning Objectives Through this chapter, you can: 1. Develop a critical understanding of the nutrition tr Aboriginal communities 2. Become aware of the role that c health and well-being n Food and Eating ansition as it relates to uulture plays regarding food choices, and thus, in 3. Understand the diverse ways in which Aboriginal peoples understand foods and the important role that foods hold for expressions of culture Introduction The nutrition transition characterizes popu: lations thar have experienced growing rates of overweight, obesity, and telated chronic dis- eases as a result of the increased consump- tion of ‘unhealthy’ foods such as those high in saturated fats, refined sugars, and sodium (Bjerregaard 2010; Kuhnlein et al. 2004). The nutrition transition has, by and large, been con- ceptualized by nutritional scientists as an inevit- able by-product of ‘development’ that includes changing employment patterns, technological advancements, and other associated measures of ‘progress’ within a society (Kuhnlein et al. 2004; Lambden et al. 2006; Thow 2009; Winson 2004) This assumption has been called into question more recently as food researchers ranging from nutritionists to political economists have argued that the nutrition transition must encompass the socio-political context in which foods are eaten A more nuanced understanding sheds light on how an individuals food ‘choices’ are often the product of government policies and marketing strategies that promote processed and refined foods to the exclusion of more traditional or unprocessed foods (Thow 2009; Winson 2004). Although no research has conclusively explained the causes and consequences of the nutrition transition, it is posited by growing numbers of nutritional scientists (as well as food reseatch- ers from diverse disciplines) that the nutrition transition is not simply an inevitable by-product of development, nor is it simply a mauer ol - aay UV wyYIN WAL MMM f 13 Nutrtion Trans al food choice (Delormie meee adwidual lormier et al 204 indin 2009). It ts argued thai 2009: (Delormier gre 2009) tis argued that a move complex rer etal. 2009; Byerregaard 2010) Clearly Aherstanding of the nutrition transition, based agit t look beyond simply what is being Sn cultural awareness and its implicn effects on fond genet a availability and choices, 1s warranted ‘Canada’s Aboriginal peoples arc under. sing @ nutrition transition (Bjerregaard Joho erniein 2009, 2004) Although the deat Ra Navions, Inuit, and Metis who make up canada Abonginal peoples live within one i Caimost developed nations ofthe world (ranked iM onthe United Nations Human Development index), many Aboriginal communities acros fnada are reminiscent of what one migl (at in a much less developed eects ed ffrions 2011). These communities are charac- terized by poverty, overcrowded housing, poor weer quality, and in some cases, hunger (King Bal 2009; Loppie-Reading and Wien 2009: power 2008). The nutrition transition has been Jeemed a public-health crisis within Aboriginal tommunities (Kuhnlein 2004), although it seems Counter-intuitive that communities experiencing hunger and poverty might also face problems iypically associated with overeating and obesity However, if we view the nutrition transition from a perspective that understands food and eating gs inseparable from the social, cultural, polit- ical, and natural environment in which foods are procured and consumed, then the nutrition transition, despite its name, is about much more than simply nutrition. The conventional definition of the nutrition transition views chronic health conditions as being caused by poor food choices; the word choice implies that individuals have com- pte control over what, how much, when, and why certain foods are eaten over others As well, rising rates of chronic disease and obesity cannot be explained by diet alone, since many Aboriginal peoples have historic- ally had high-fat diets; for instance, chronic diseases associated with high-fat foods, such as cardiovascular disease, diabetes, and certain cancers, were virtually absent from Aboriginal communities until the past 50 or so years toward a perspective on food perspec and eating that reflects upon the tole of the Secio-cultural and political environment in influ encing the types, beingeaten. Ines ness, research, conducted within Aboriginal communities. has oted that the nutntion transition 1s marked. by ‘shift away from eating traditional foods—those that are procured locally from the land and sea and whose procurement, preparation, and con: sumption are closely linked to expressions of culture—and a trend toward replacing traditional foods with market foods, or those foods that can be purchased through the market economy (Lambden et al. 2006). [ts important to explore the changing nature of foods eaten (1e., from traditional to market foods) if we stand the nutrition transition mounts, and nature of foods are to under- In communities where Aboriginal peoples: have replaced much of their traditional diets with ‘market foods, there are exponential increases in chronic conditions such as diabetes and cardio- vascular disease, and in many cancers—all of which correspond to the nutrition transition (Bjerregaard 2010; Kuhnlein et al. 2004, Sharma et al. 2010). Similarly, communities where Aboriginal peoples have maintained traditional practices to access and procure traditional foods have not experienced the nutrition transition to the same extent (Damman et al. 2008; Kuhnlein 2009; Lambden et al. 2006; Samson and Pretty 2003). Partial explanations of the nutrition tran- sition exist: the lack of affordable, nutritious market foods; lack of consistent access to the same (Sharma et al. 2010); their high cost for those with low incomes or on social assistance, poverty; high unemployment; and the exclusion of Aboriginal peoples’ perspectives about how they understand food, eating, and the import- ance of both within their communities. Positioning the nutrition transition as a more complex concept than nutritional con- tent alone generates a broad debate about the socio-cultural and political environment in[PPM ie A ror which fo are eaten This environn Pe eee ee marke whe may know noth ng about the Atsorqinal commmunsics i which these fds 2000) The systematic exclusion of Aborig discussions about food systems, including dect- sions about when, how much, how often. and even what types of food can be eaten, means coples often exercise very little that Aboriginal Control or decision-making power over food choices, This peace significant shift from a generation ago, when communities and families relied upon their own wherewithal to acquire, prepare, and store all of the foods that were needed to live healthfully within @ particular geographic area (Martin 2009). The blame for subsequent public-health crises related to the nutrition transition is laid on indi- viduals and communiues with little or no direct control over the crises being experienced (Carter 1990; Delormier et al. 2009; King et al. 2009; Wheatley 1998) It ts thus critical 10 begin to explore the nutrition transition from a perspective that acknowledges the role of historical and con- tinued colonization—that is, the dismissal, under-representation, or complete undermining of Aboriginal knowledge(s) regarding the import- ant role of food within their communities in any discussions about Aboriginal peoples’ food sys- tems (Smith 1999). In Aboriginal communities within Canada, for example, various health and social issues can be traced back to the arrival of the European colonizers in the Americas, since it was at this time that Aboriginal peoples were introduced to diseases to which they had never been exposed, as well as to imported foods that differed significantly {rom the diets to which they had grown accustomed. The impact of histor ical colonial encounters cannot be understated in any attempt to grasp the complexity of the nutrition transition as it continues to shape the types and amounts of foods that are eaten within Aboriginal communities. It is also important to TT UT ewer JH bee’ the Food Syste” yp zation COMLINUES 10 ex J differently: For exampie olor remember that €6 fd offen XPS ean Canada. clon Aonginal, PoP ing and sty thet rg face strug! era es fr [00d PFOCHFEMEN Ati, ational terre vrapping. and agriculiye’ ike hurt BS ase OF St Bory These strug ys that inhibst traditional fog, ment regulavomices, economic developmen, gathering Pe affect Abonginal communities Pee include them in decision mak. but do mot tal destruction resulting from Ing, em opment, abl Oral Opposition ed Tea pal. food-gathering, practices. from jo traditional | opie who are unfamiliar noma ce 1902; Nuttall aeates, Panelli and Tipa 2009, Radkau 2008, a1 200 ha Pretty 2003). Pursuing the (rela tively recent) agenda of nutritional science while ynultancousl failing to account for the existing ath of knowledge about food and eating from the perspective of Aboriginal people perpen. tes colonial assumptions about the unwonhi. ness of Aboriginal knowledge(s) (Smith 1999) Continued forms of colonization present new challenges for Aboriginal peoples in procuring and consuming foods necessary to uphold and strengthen their diverse Aboriginal cultures, This chapter will critically explore how the nutrition transition has been explained (through the lens of nutritional science), and how diverse Aboriginal perspectives can contribute to our collective understanding of the nutrition trans tion, The key argument is that diverse approaches to food and eating, when woven together have the potential to offer a more complet understanding of how the nutrition transition unfolds within Aboriginal communities The Culture of Nutrition Conventional nutrition research has attempted to explain the nutrition transition within Aboriginal communities by describing the nutrient content of the various foods that Aboriginal peoples eat, comparing those foods with nutrition. guidelines,Ky ALY 13 Nutntion tranaa pst how ADOT! peoples hin god Shifted can learn to ey A have "a modern eg Canadas Food Guide has recom ee we for Fist Nations, Inunt and Meng eee adatines 19 provide Aboriginal peoples ey aes DOW PORON sizes, calone nem speak food Combinations wing geaype angnng tadtional foods such a wild mes fepermes (Health Canada 2007)" aime arts t0 change individual diets te Sop forward 3 TecORNIZINg the importance of cuiding culturally appropriate nutrition ede. mon within Aboriginal communities, Fors have met with limited success (Delores {ral 2009), due in part to the nutritional lene jhrough which approaches to food and eaungare ‘jewed. As contemporary researchers seek ngage community members have repeatedly emonstrated, encouraging Aboriginal popula, tions to simply eat ‘Tight’ is fraught with con. cem, as it presupposes that nutritional science Gan adequately address all of the nutrition prob. Jems within Aboriginal communities. Moreover, ic ignores the fact that Aboriginal communities already have millennia-old traditional food sys- tems in place to provide themselves with the nutrients they need to live and thrive, In her book Food Politics, Marion Nestle (2007) argues that different cultures understand their relationships to food differently. Nestle contends that there are distinct belief systems that guide how people think about food and that nutritional science represents one such belief system. Nutritional science, like all belief sgjstems, is based upon a particular point of view. Thus, what constitutes ‘sound nutritional advice’ according to the scientific standards set by nutritional scientists may or may not reson- ate with the way that diverse cultures, which hold very different belief systems, conceptualize and understand their relationships to food. With the understanding that there are many different ways to conceptualize food, it becomes neces- sary to learn about the cultural perspectives on the nutrition transition from those who are actually experiencing it. Present a these ng to The French Par, fadox and the Cultur of Nutrition vere Ce approaches to nutnuon research have almost synonymously linked food wah nutrition, to the extent that alternative belief Systems about food often fail to be incorporated into food research at all (Nestle 2007). Whereas the goal of food and eating id and 1B within many Aboriginal commun SIs to provide to express culture, uph: means old cultural traditions, and strengthen cultural knowledge about the world (Willows 2005), the goal of conventional Rutntonal science research reduces foods to their biochemical properties and. categorizes them according to their chemical compounds (upton 1996, Serinis 2002; Warde 1997) These categories are then quanuified in order to Project measureable amounts of each category that should be consumed every day to remain ‘healthy’. Nutritional science advocates for the Use of these ‘nutritional requirements’ as dietary Guidelines to which individuals should adhere 1m order to achieve optimal health, The problem is that some people who might strictly follow these guidelines might still become ill, while others who do not follow the Buidelines might remain very healthy (Cannon 2003; Pollan 2008). This dietary conundrum has posed such a grand problem within the field of nutrition that it has even been given a name: the French Paradox (Cannon 2003). The French Paradox describes French peasants, who often smoke, drink excessively, and eat copi- ous amounts of saturated fats. According to the rationale of nutritional science, French peasants should be among the unhealthiest people on the planet; however, they have historically had among the lowest rates in the world of obesity, cardiovascular disease, and certain types of can- cers (Cannon 2003). As the French Paradox suggests, conventional nutritional science offers only one way of under- standing the relationship between people and food. In his book In Defense of Food, Michael Pollan (2008) argues that while conventional| | : I (UML AT AE AIL JL ee seme curacy of the ae concerned king at arguments with whic Rather, he angues that 1n how the nutnents wathin foods " lon to the broader -e our 10m emically buochemica we also need to pay attent contest outside of our bodies that influence ot health, including our socal, cultural, polis and physical environments (Pollan 2008 7 The idea that the foods we eat are linked to our health can be traced back thousands of years to cultures that identified eins certain foods with preventing, curing, or enhancing one’s ee Tan vind se = cia I-being (Trivedt 2006). Historically, however, the link between food and health has focused less on under- standing how foods react within the body and more on learning about the types of foods that would prevent hunger or nutritional deficiencies (Cannon 2003, Hanrahan 2008). As such, what was known about food was also closely related to each culture’ locale: through trial and error, experience and circumstance, people engaged with their surroundings to grow, harvest, pick, hunt, and gather foods as they were available. Food allowed diverse cultures to survive in their Particular localities and also to develop relation- ships with their surroundings that are expressed through culture (Willows 2005). The ways in which people gather, prepare, and consume food give rise to diverse expressions of culture; thus, the study of food involves the study of cul- ture (Counihan 1999; Pannelli and Tipa 2009), As a symbol of culture, food provides a ‘means to understand the health of particular cul- tural groups, including social, emotional, spirit- ual, and physical health and well-being Aside from the information our foods can provide about nutritional health, foods and food-related cultural activities and processes also provide insight into other aspects of health (Kuhnlein et al, 2004). For example, the ceremonies and | veal to ACAUIFINE, PFOEESSING. apy es related ght also be importane qa foos ices and norms thay an, ural P Tal emotional, and/or spy 2 Oe ee tood Presents a we impor in this sense. f to ual eal HH Tien broadly, defined) throug, understand Miure that includes but exteng, of the lens © ce for nutrition. stance mond its MPO beyond adox indicates that it 4s, Hs ha The French Qyookat the octal, political, ang haps insighttt in which eating OCCUTS. Indeed, alr comtext the French Para Ty cultures who continue yy since there Or gre considered to be ‘traditional eat foods tha “perience the SAME rates of non, who do ney seas a8 those Who fellows * diet—that of the industrialized worlg ccamjered ‘healthier’ than those advocated by ceuriional guidelines, it appears that the inte Refons between culture and health might pro. vide some insight into the overall health and wel-being of particular populations {is not limited to the French communicable Aboriginal Peoples and the Culture of Nutrition If issues of food and health are viewed through the lens of culture, meaning that we take into account how diverse groups of people use food to express their relationship to one another and to the earth, we can begin to see how foods eaten by a particular culture affect the overall health of the ecosystems in which their foods originate. When people rely upon their natural surroundings for food, as is the case in many Aboriginal communities, and those surround ings become compromised, this can have dev- astating impacts upon key food sources, which can also influence social, physical, mental, and spiritual health (Shiva 2000; Willows 2005). As a result, changes to the availability or accessibil- ity of food can be particularly harmful to local economies, affecting two determinants of health, namely, employment and income (Berkman and Kawachi 2000; Raphael 2004; Wilkinson and PTT TY ae wrI (Q(T 3003) Sin nt dP [traditional f ral al oF spiritual wailabilty of a parce Pre may also 4 cultural lose aowanaty THIS, 1 LUM. may afle somunal, and/or spintual well-being of sat ‘members in addition to the overall hes) of eott 2000, Pannell and Tipa 2009 we 2Qutniion research that accounts for the eat of knowledge held by Aboriginal peoples hon rived at interesting find dings: Abongmnal of their nunent Mrengy from traditional sources get more essen, air mutricnts than those who substitute marker fhads for traditional foods (Egeland et al. 2000 trnrahan 2008). Although market foods tend to rromide more energy, they have an overall lower Jensity of essential nutrients than that in trad ‘nonal foods (Egeland et al, 2009). This data thus upports the consumption of traditional foods (Other nutrition research conducted with aboriginal communities has shown that even Sound’ nutritional advice at best may be ignored if messages are not tailored to the commun- ities they are directed to, or at worst may lead to poorer nutritional outcomes if the scientific advice counters cultural beliefs about food Kuhnlein and Chan (2000) provide a poign- ant example of this situation in their research ‘on the nutritional implications of environ- mental contaminants in certain foods. Previous esearch had indicated dangerously high levels of the contaminant toxaphene in burbot liver, consumed by the Indigenous people in the Northwest Territories. A resultant food advis- ory limiting consumption of burbot liver to one liver per person per week failed to account for the seasonal availability of burbot livers, mak- ing the food advisory inapplicable to the people it was meant to protect. Well-intentioned food advisories might create skepticism and unneces- sary worry about eating traditional foods, Additionally, Kuhnlein and Chan point out that sana pe obtain the bul re PPL! Hl | peoples a pout ret only but also account for -non.nmutntional. valve lume spent otitdoors, passin; Benerational knowledge to children, and reintor alues of conservanon and environmental Fesponsibihty (Kuhnlein and Chan 2000) Aboriginal Peoples’ Understandings of Food and Eating Although Abonginal collectives within Canada share a histoncal connection to the land and are each influenced, histoncally and presently, by the Canadian state, Abonginal peoples within, Canada are incredibly diverse. In fact, Indigenous. Peoples worldwide, meaning all those who con- tinue to hold an ancestral connection to a par Uicular territory—Canada’s Aboriginal peoples included—share some imperatives regarding the role of humans in relation to the world around them. These imperatives have to do with an intimate connection and belonging to the environment, a sacred responsibility to the earth, and a respect for all things living and non-living, including family and community. Each of these beliefs and values manifests itself differently depending on the origins and experiences of par- ticular Indigenous groups, but they all neverthe- less reflect overarching themes consistent with, Indigenous peoples worldwide (Clarkson et al 1992). These values and beliefs all position food and eating as more meaningful than nutritional requirements suggest. Each of these imperatives will be explored in tum as they relate to the Aboriginal peoples of Canada Connection and Belonging Aboriginal peoples’ knowledge of the natural world has frequently arisen in response tothe need to find ways of addressing problems of hunger,(pli elationshi ot to deplete their surroundings (Tur ). ple s that Similarly, the greater the awareness 1 the lands and waters around have in cant them, the the earth will continue providing food and other necesst ts for survival This understanding ofthe fragile relationship between humans and nature c nlny tha ble maxim for sustainability g resources, but an indispui mily was premised on not dept 1n fact was dedicated to improving the amounts and types of resources available for future gen- erations (Tamer 2005) For many Aboriginal cultures, humans form an inseparable part of their physical surround- ings; thus all foods that are eaten reaffirm a dit- ect and intimate connection to the earth and all things living and non-living. Among the Inuit, for example, there is a belief that the foods you eat become a part of you, and therefore, you are, literally, what you eat. Respecting the sac- hifice that an animal makes to provide food is recognized as a necessary part of life and, thus, overall health and well-being (Hanrahan 2008). Indigenous peoples often do not separate the plants and animals used for food from those used in other daily practices such as making clothing and shelter, heating homes, making medicines, and soon (Condon et al, 1998; Hanrahan 2008; Willows 2005). For the Inuit, in particular, the practice of ensuring that all parts of an animal or plant were used largely stemmed from times when foods were scatce. The foods eaten, there- fore, are intimately connected to health: since foods come from lands and waters, the health of individuals and communities is dependent upon the health of those resources. Essentially DUAL ALLE nn se mossy | surrounding Jur physical BB. we do 10 ON Tiges_ This very hose ge y dots rselve nuepts the mntertelatednea, HH forr an integral pany ake Up OUT SUTTOUNdiye natural surToundings ‘reamed alS0 PROVide impo nes, crating. se eral health and well-being for P world acts a8 a “natural phar reopects, allowing Aborign srttiop an extensive Tange of meq. peoples 10 and treatment procedures ove, seal therapies Sing in direct cOntACt With thy centuries OF (amson and Preity 2003; Turney saul 9 example, both Ackroyd (1930) ang >) iooa) have noted that Labrador Inu and indeed. oF 8 a tthe physica macy) in many peopl tw aed tonics of cod liver oll, bog women (rarious other locally derived rene sere omeies, Indeed, Ackroyd (1930) found thay compared with their non-Aboriginal couner jaris in northern Newfoundland, the Inuit of re south coast of Labrador exhibited far fewer incidents of food-deficiency diseases such 36 beriberi, rickets, and scurvy, despite less access to fresh fruits and vegetables, and despite higher levels of poverty (Ackroyd 1930) ‘Another example of the way in which the procurement of plants and animals provided medicinal uses far beyond that of ‘food’ can be seen in Samson’ impressions of his time spent ‘on the land’ with some members of the Labrador Innu The first animal that was killed after | joined the camp was a beaver. On the way back to camp in the canoe, Dominic said that the film on the scrotum of the beaver can be used as a balm for earaches For certain infections, a muskrat fur can be used to clean the pus, after which sap or gum can be applied. Another Tshenut, Pien Penashue, told me that medicines can be obtained from all of the animals inIl (0a a pe country Sponges can he made from te ea skin, diaper rash and skin ur, yabou skin. dap uta aire an be treated with the soft shavines tty ead SPrUCe tees For toothaches g babies, the gums should fi and tect ITS ee ld be arched with 4 pine needle, and then J with berries. If the arn applied isi aretha a ore psychology aE nore paychologeal we dealt with bys ilarly with other limhe problems well as physical exer Gre, dreaming, and communicatin wihers. (Samson 2003 262) cette countr with, rood not only protected against ny utritional eicencies, but also reinforced a collective Maarity, fostering emotional and mental jah and well-being, For example. among the nuit of southern Labrador there was always a tradition of sharing the first salmon caught in ihe spring with all members of a commun (Hanrahan 2000; Martin 2009), This practice, ning from a collective history of benevolence jnd respect for others, ensured that even the foung and frail had a meal, and provided an important means 10 protect against hunger at a time of year when supplies of food were at their fowest, in addition to fostering an atmosphere of sharing and cohesion among community members, Sacred Responsibility Only after the last tree has been cut down Only after the last river has been poisoned Only after the last fish has been caught. Only then will you find that money cannot be eaten. —Cree Prophecy In her book The Earth’s Blanket, ethnobotan- ist Nancy Turner (2005: 24) states that the ‘ich ate those people who balance the bene- fits they receive in life with the responsibil- ities they assume for themselves, their families A A and communines and thett environment In the Western world, wealth ts measured hy the smut posses and less wuently by the value pl n traditions YF the ability to care for and benefit from nat Ural surroundings (Tuer 2005), yet__many Abonginal societies have held onto. perspec ives that d substantially from the ancestors (Clarkson gs suggest that “wealth inal teach etal 1902 gs of the Such teachin, dwells m_pe le who know about, apprect and respect the other Ife forms around them and who understand the importance {habitats for people and all hving things (Tamer 2005: 24-5) fer describes a letter wntten by James Douglas, who later became governor of the colony of Vancouver Island, upon his first arnval at what is now the city of Vietoria, He described the landscape that he first saw as ‘a perfect Eden in the midst of the dreary wilderness of the Northwest Coast’ (as quoted in Tuer 2005: 147). Turner argues that like so many who came before and after him, James Douglas assumed that the vistas he was admiring were untouched by humans, when in fact the landscapes he was referring to were actually moulded and developed by Coast Salish People, who tended and cared for the land using centuries-old practices of burning, clearing, and harvesting, These practices were not sim- ply done for the purpose of creating an ‘Eden’ that would be left unexplored and untouched; rather, they were enacted to satisfy the needs of the people who lived there and enable trade for faraway resources Europeans’ historical accounts about the land now known as Canada noted dramatically varied landscapes and climates, suggesting that diverse adaptations must have evolved among Aboriginal peoples in order to survive in these varied locations. These adaptations corres- ponded with the biodiversity of the geographic regions, which is evidenced by the diversity of foods, languages, songs, clothing, ceremon- ies, and other practices that emerge directly26 from the intimate knowledge of the world around them. Important for understanding the hutnition transition are the histoncal accounts that demonstrate the European colonists’ com monly held assumpuon that the lands and waters upon which they arrived were undiscov- ered and untouched by humans, terra nullius, and were therefore awaiting human interven- tion in the form of ‘development’. Turner (2005) suggests that the ‘untouched’ wilderness on Canada’s west coast was interpreted as prime real estate by Europeans, who could not com- prehend that such bounty was the result of years of careful resource management practices. Not unlike the west coast, the ‘barren and inhospit- able’ landscape of the northeast coast of Canada was also interpreted as ‘untouched’, when in reality, diverse groups of Aboriginal peoples had thrived there for thousands of years (Fitzhugh 1999). The concept of terra nullius has been used to justify the appropriation, development, and exploitation of Aboriginal lands, signalling the assumption that Aboriginal lands were unoccu- Pied prior to European settlement. From this Perspective, food for Aboriginal peoples acts as much more than a means to ensure nutritional health or provide sustenance. Traditional prac- tices of hunting, fishing, picking, trapping, and other forms of harvesting are also used to dem- onstrate a historical and ongoing connection to the land that has never been ceded. Since Aboriginal peoples have historically viewed the foods they eat as being central to many of their daily activities, definitions of what constitutes ‘food’, ‘sustenance’, and ‘subsistence’ are much less clearly defined than those cited by Western nutritionists, health researchers, medical experts, government administrators, and wildlife regulators. According to a study conducted by Condon et al. (1998) among Inuit subsistence hunters, aside from the eco- nomic benefits of harvesting a particular food resource, most of the informants in their study mentioned other aspects of harvesting that had very little to do with economics or nutrition in a Western sense. Many mentioned the rest and Part lll Crises and Challenges in the Food SY sesociated with HviN ON the lang orp of Inuit HUBLINE ACKVities, ang relaxation a continuation 0 Mr tablishing ties with the "© “ rir re-establishing the an importance ggest the depth of ¢ vramements SURE ul These stem pe exhibited through sgh” identity Wes, as well as the important yt ence lest Their associated activities my! that foods 3 ssi at foetaning and protecting the health aa! (2005: $33) suggests of importance 10 understanding the ole that culture plays in determining food choice in Aboriginal communities is that the activities required t0 procure traditional food are not merely a way of Obtaining food but, rather, a mode of production that sustains social relation. Ehips and distinctive cultural character. jatics, This is because the consumption of traditional foods is more than jus, about eating; it is the endpoint of a sey. ies of culturally meaningful processes involved in harvesting, processing, dis. tribution and preparation of these foods, For many Aboriginal peoples, these pro. cesses require the continued enactment of culturally important ways of behaving, which emphasize cooperation, sharing and generosity. Respect Respect for the earth is a natural extension of responsibility, surpassing the respect for one’s natural or physical surroundings to include the importance of one’ family and commun. ity (Knudtson and Suzuki 1992). In a report written for the International Institute for Sustainable Development, three Indigenous authors point out that in order to survive, historical Indigenous peoples had a respon- sibility to treat all life—plants, animals, min- erals, and humans—with the utmost respect (Clarkson et al. 1992). Their rationale was based upon neither aesthetic choices nor3 conservation, Taher, treating the soe Geld wath respect meant engaging saul arth in ways that ensured one could ih ee the needs of one’s family ar axe ty harvesting, unbing, and shaping mumnment an ways that would ensure that cry would continue to provide (Clarkson he she amigo2, Tuer 2005). Failure to do so et 4 pean hunger oF starvation. As such, the could bality to the earth was based on the eral ‘of future generations (Clarkson et al aby) inthis sense, is the duty of Aboriginal “ies to tend and care for the earth so that i peo eM jow future generations to live im a world cat Ze nesourees remain bountiful vwehpsunng Re replenishment of resources sequred many Aborignal groups. to adopt ric, ‘estyles to avoxd depleting the nomiees in a particular area (Carter 1990), How reps of Aboriginal peoples organized them- eb vaned accordingto geographic location, the Sond genders ofthe group members, and the rand responsibilities assigned to each mem- fer The pragmatic nature of Aboriginal survival pe he land demanded clearly defined roles for nh group member, as people depended upon spe another for the group’ survival, Infact, many pecColumbian Aboriginal peoples of Canada did not exhibit signs of the social stratification and hierarchies that are common in Western society today (Cruickshank 1998; Samson 2003). Although each member of a community or tribe fad specific roles and responsibilities, none were fen priority over others (Cruickshank 1998; Gunn Allen 1986; Kelm 1998). Women, men, the young, and the elderly were all given respect because they all played equally important roles in the survival of the community. Men and women, for example, had roles and responsibilities that were clearly divided by gender, yet unlike the Western world’s gen- dered divisions of labour today, these roles were equally valued (Gunn Allen 1986). As the only ones able to bring life into the world, women were given special status in communities as Caregivers and creators of life (Graveline 1998) > ansition and the Pub! ‘Women were also charged with preparing and clothing f u. enabling the men to hunt, and fish, and thus prove the family and communnty with food (Goudie 1983, Hanrahan 2001 If anyone failed to accomplish his or her assigned duties, or did so inadequately, the ennre family and perhaps community might go hungry or starve. Young people were given the important role of gathering fuel and food for the family, and as they got older and learned: about their environments, were expected to impart their knowledge to the next ge (Crarckshank 1998) Community elders have always been given @ special place in Abonginal communities (Kmudison and Suzukt 1992). As the keepers of legends and stories, elders were considered the very transmitters of culture and were expected to pass on their knowledge to younger gen tions through advice and guidance (Knudtson and Suzuki 1992). The accumulated wisdom and teachings of the Indigenous ancestors tell much about how to encourage plant and animal resources to thrive, so that they can continue to give life and support the needs of current and future generations (Knudison and Suzuki 1992). Thus, interactions with the earth and its resources must be carefully considered in order to ensure the survival of future generations. This sense of responsibility for future genera- tions has guided previous generations and offers guidance to the current generation (Clarkson et al. 1992). Respecting and honouring elders and ancestors means listening carefully to their teachings, learning from their mistakes, and living in step with their wisdom. Accordingly, there is a responsibility for us all to take care to respect and honour the generations of the future, just as previous generations have hon- oured us by giving us life and taking care of our resources, Thus, the knowledge passed on through generations, whether through actions ot words, must be given privilege and respect if there is to be greater understanding of the nutrition transition. When we think about the nutrition transition from this perspective, ationSS an bewin to think about food and eating as Of Processes that are profoundly infused with the culture in which they occur, and hich cannot be understood outside ofa social. Cultural, and poltical context As the following SWetation about the annual seal hunt in south caster Labrador suggests, viewine tridions and practices outside of ther conears CuMerpretanion of important cultural pract Ha, AtICh ate challenged by those who do not fully understand them I you're living in the city and have never been exposed to four] way of life, then You probably might think that it dis- susting or that you're trying to destroy the environment, I'S like those seal pro- testors. Like they have absolutely no idea what a seal meant to people ... they have no idea... . they don’ know how depend- ent we were on nature. To ‘survive, And | think that it still holds true in our cul- ture today. Probably depend on it just to keep our traditions alive. Not so much *f people need it to survive like we used to, but think we need it to maintain our connection with our past and with our culture. . . (Martin 2009: 140) Conclusion Throughout the world, concern about the nutrition transition is escalating rapidly for both Indigenous and non-Indigenous popula- tions, particularly with respect to the burden of chronic diseases related to overeating. In 2004, the World Health Organization (WHO) developed a Global Strategy on Diet, Physical Activity and Health, based on the recognition that the current worldwide burden of disabil- ity, mortality, and morbidity is directly related to chronic diseases acquired through unhealthy eating and physical inactivity, In this report, the WHO notes that 47 per cent of the global burden of disease is directly attributed to Part Crises and Challenges in the Food System™ “a of obesity, cardovasculay id various. cancers, all gy Ne nsing srarereventable through changes regular physical activi: In addition, yng acknowledges that given the exponen) in the rates of chronic diseases over 1h, i 30 years, having the appropriate Tesources is place to deal with the associated health s costs, poly changes. and targeted igen® tions represents a major challenge to, Blobal public health (WHO 2004) Some of the biggest population and pup, health concerns being faced today are line overconsumprion of food, and yet the wo acwally experiencing an unprecedented gs food shore that is contributing 0 ther ber of the worlds hungry (United Nations 5 2009), February 2009 fat sheet issued by World Food Programme notes thatthe cunt global economic downturn has increase the number of the world’s hungry to nearly | Billion people. It might appear counter-intuitiye to assert thatthe number of hungry people in yo world is growing atthe same time that peop are experiencing unprecedented burdens ot qe ease related 10 overeating, Ifwe look at these yy health concerns as each representing pan fy growing crisis related to the nutrition transog wwe can begin to view food as being about much, more than providing people with too much wy too litle to eat, and more in terms of how soca economic, political, environmental, and cultuat circumstances beyond the control of individuals affect how, how much, when, and even why cer tain foods are being eaten or not eaten actors diverse populations. Thus, understanding the role that food plays in our health and well-being is about more than simply having ‘enough’ to eat or calculating the nutritional content of the foods that are being eaten: instead, itis essential to understand the social, economic, political, environmental, and cultural context in which foods are accessed and consumed. Even though mounting concerns about the diminishing food supply and the increasingIK ~~ TELAT punden of disease ate attracting Mtention from wnarchers all over the world, the nes Fegarding, potential solutions to sow pane major shared ecological and humay meal 2008). Nutntiomists remain iso Rrologists and anthropologists, and. pvt eat officials ate langely unaware of thes counterparts who work in political economy sod environmental stewardship. The seca & that policies and programs that rely upon the research advances within specific discipline dp fields are overlooking key areas of concern that exist acr0ss multiple disciplines. Although fenuin policies and programs may legitim. ely address the concerns within a particular discipline, such as the need to develop pubhe health interventions that halt growing rates of diabetes, the application of these policies may undermine, ignore, or contradict some of the fundamental concerns that exist within a dif. ferent discipline or policy field. For example, when government policies regarding resource conservation infringe upon Aboriginal peoples’ right to access their traditional livelihoods and sources of income, the result may be an increased burden on health care as Aboriginal peoples experience higher rates of chronic disease such as obesity and diabetes resulting from physical inactivity and poor food choices (Damman et al. 2008). In effect, policies and programs meant to address problems of environmental devastation or population health may contribute to the harm affecting the over- all health of the environment and the people who live in it, when they do not seek to more broadly understand issues that affect health outside of specific disciplinary silos The nutrition transition from land foods to market foods indicates a shift away from the traditional practices and the correspond- ing knowledge that is involved in the procure- ment, preparation, and consumption of these foods. Many Aboriginal peoples are facing a veritable onslaught of circumstances that are lated from lil] | fathering. These circumstances ance feo at directons—the appropnation of. Indigenous I practices of food gather the continued globalza et economy, whi ional food-gathe O08) First ight can be found w diverse Aboriginal communities Scratching the surfa undermines 18 Practices. nd accounts of hin Canadas (Damman et al this onsla of the broader socal economic, political, and environmental crises in which the nutrition transition is occurring Taises many more questions than answers for Aboriginal communities As Aboriginal youth 8row up to learn that traditional land use is regarded as contributing less to the economy than conventional Western agricultural or Industrial uses, our children, our most_pre- cious resource, become discouraged and are pressured to abandon the ways of their elders. Indeed, it is difficult for elders to. suggest otherwise, as they witness any direct depend- ence upon the natural world as making their people more vulnerable. Their vulnerabilities prevent their knowledge from becoming part of the discourse about food systems (Damman et al. 2008). The promotion and protection of Aboriginal food systems and the food systems of Indigenous peoples all over the world need to happen through the promotion and protection of diverse Indigenous cultures and the practices and know- ledge that are part of cultural traditions about food. This must occur through the inclusion of Indigenous peoples as a fundamental part of the decision-making process around food systems. Only when Indigenous peoples are included as full and equal partners in discussions that affect their access to traditional foods might we recog- nize that creative solutions to worldwide food shortages and over-consumption all hinge upon the preservation of the cultural diversity of our world’ Indigenous peoples, PT2 7 Part Crises and Challenges in the Food System Discussion Questions 1 better unde How might understanding Aboriginal cultures promote @ be nutrition transition? Think about the apparent contradiction between soba of obesity: What might Aboriginal perspectives on 00 the complexity of this contradiction? or greater ci Many Aboriginal communities in Canada are fighting f ee bea lands and resources. How and why might traditional food u this fight? Further Reading L Kuhnlein, H.V., B, Erasmus, and D. Spigelski, eds. 2009. Indigenous Peoples’ Food Systems The Many Dimensions of Culture, Diversity and Environment for Nutrition and Health, Rome: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. This book is a collection of 12 case studies from around the world that share the Perspectives of Indigenous community knowledge-holders and international scientists regarding the importance of Preserving and protecting Indigenous knowledge, biodiversity, and the richness of food resources. It presents a critique of modern technological developments that value mono-cultural food production over the people and cultures who are the main producers and consumers of those foods Importantly, this book emphasizes the critical importance of valuing and preserving Indigenous peoples’ knowledge about traditional food systems Loppie-Reading, C., and F Wien, 2009. Health Inequalities and Social Determinants of Aboriginal Peoples’ Health. Vancouver, BC: National Collaborating Centre for Aboriginal Health This report presents a conceptual framework for understanding the relationship between the social determinants of health and “y lerstanding of the food shortages and rising rates ffer in terms of understanding ontrol over their .n important part of health disparities that are experienced by Aboriginal people and communities, as compared to their non-Aboriginal counterparts. The conceptual framework jg called the Integrated Life Course and Socia Determinants Model of Aboriginal Health which examines the proximal, intermediate, and distal determinants of health. Using available data to describe health inequalities, the report presents potential trajectories of health across the life course and suggests ‘ways in which the social determinants may act as barriers to addressing health inequalities. Martin, D.H. 2009. ‘Food Stories: A Labrador Inuit-Métis Community Speaks about Global Change’. Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Halifax, NS: Dalhousie University This qualitative study explores how people who live in one Inuit-Métis community experience and understand their relationships to food in a context of global change. Using ‘food stories’ collected {rom eight elders, eight middle-aged adults, and eight young adults, the study discusses changes to peoples’ relationships to food and how these changes are influencing the health and well-being of both people and communities. Findings from the study demonstrate how the introduction ofIN Qe 0 A 13 Nutrition Transition Claes drignore established social and cultural norms. The study ends with suggestions of references syd, WR 1930. Beribers and Oth cpecases in Newfoundland and ne 30, 357-86 ae at and 1 Kawach aman. Land 1 Kaveacht 2000 Socal Epidemiol Berto Yorke Oxford Unversity Press Ol mand, P 2010 "Nutritional Transtion—Where Dp Derencs 23, suppl 11-2 Cannon, G. 2003. The Fate of Nations. 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