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Translation of Metaphors in Political Discourse
Translation of Metaphors in Political Discourse
Faculty of Arts
Department of English and American Studies
English-language Translation
Petr Dvok
Translating Metaphors
within Political Discourse:
The Case of EU
Masters Diploma Thesis
2011
Table of Contents
1. Introduction .................................................................................................... 1
1.1 Remarks on the scope and aims of the thesis ......................................... 3
2. Area of interest and the research questions ................................................... 4
3. Method ........................................................................................................... 7
4. Metaphor as an issue in translation studies ................................................. 10
4.1 Prescription versus Description.............................................................. 10
4.2 Two main issues .................................................................................... 10
4.3 Translatability ......................................................................................... 12
4.3 Classical versus conceptual perspective ............................................... 13
4.4 Translatability revisited .......................................................................... 16
4.5 Types of metaphors and strategies of translation .................................. 19
5. Metaphors in political discourse. Context and challenges ............................ 24
5.1 Agenda setting and persuasion.............................................................. 26
5.2 Concepts and transitivity in politics ........................................................ 28
5.3 Intercultural communication ................................................................... 30
5.4 Specifics of the EU................................................................................. 32
6. The Corpus .................................................................................................. 34
6.1 Selection procedure ............................................................................... 37
6.2 Time range ............................................................................................. 38
7. Qualitative analysis of metaphors ................................................................ 39
7.1 General information on metaphors......................................................... 40
7.2 Nature and type of metaphors................................................................ 44
7.2.1 Unlexicalised metaphors proper ..................................................... 45
List of abbreviations
SL (L1)
Source language
ST
Source text
TL (L2)
Target language
TT
Target text
EN
English
CS
Czech
UK
United Kingdom
CZ
Czech Republic
EU
European Union
EP
European Parliament
CE
MEP
MIP
TS
Translation studies
Subcorpora:
PRES
DOC
EP
Speeches from the floor and texts from the European Parliament
Motto
And this is the office of the supreme Figure of all: Metaphor. If Genius, & therefore
Learning, consists in connecting remote Notions & finding Similitude in things
dissimilar, then Metaphor, the most acute and farfetched among Tropes, is the only one
capable of producing Wonder, which gives birth to Pleasure, as do changes of scene in
the theater. And if the Pleasure produced by Figures derives from learning new things
without effort & many things in small volume, then Metaphor, setting our mind to flying
betwixt one Genus & another, allows us to discern in a single Word more than one
Object.
Umberto Eco: The Island of the Day Before
1. Introduction
Metaphor is a highly important tool of communication and quite a difficult phenomenon
to study. It often does not allow fully equivalent translation; it therefore provokes
important questions about its nature and possible transferability across languages and
cultures. These questions are being handled in many different ways by various scholarly
approaches, where most of them do not offer more than partial explanations and a
considerably limited scope of operation. For that reason, translation of metaphors will
be always seen as problematic no matter which approach to metaphor is chosen
(Olivera 1998: 5 as cited in Fernndez 2003: 66).
Moreover, metaphor is a topic where growing interest can be perceived, which is
given for one thing by the increasing importance of non-literary texts and the
implications of using English as lingua franca (Stlhammar 2006), for another by
increasing heterogeneity and multidimensionality of scholarly disciplines since
metaphor as such and particularly its practical use is a topic located on the borderline of
more fields, including linguistics, social science, anthropology, and philosophy.
However, this masters thesis does not aspire to cover the topic in its entirety and
complexity. It primarily employs the viewpoint of translation studies and it focuses
mainly on the practical perspective of everyday translation process within one particular
context, namely European Union, and more specifically between two different
languages, English and Czech. The thesis shall empirically analyse the features of
metaphors and the strategies of their translation in these settings. Knowledge of ways of
treatment of metaphors and creative language in general within EU (and possible
detection what the obvious priorities are) could tell us something about typical features
of intercultural communication within this peculiar entity.
1
II. Theoretical part (covering relevant concepts and specifics of the material analysed):
chapters 4 5
III. Information on corpus: chapter 6
IV. Results and conclusions: chapters 7 9
as possible?) or functionalism (Does this strategy fulfil the intended function in the
text?). This thesis shall adopt the empirical and descriptive approach, paying attention
to both mentioned aspects.
The general key issue of the thesis is how important metaphorical constructions
are used in political discourse in EU. What are the specifics of metaphors used here and
what are the biggest perks and perils of their translation? Should a translator working
for EU be concerned about a specific set of problems? More specifically:
Is there any profound difference in applying metaphors and their strategic use
(see chapter 5) between the official (supposedly neutral) EU bodies and the
broad political actors representing European voters?
If so, do the translators tend to preserve the differences by adopting different
translation strategies? Which metaphor types, patterns, and translation strategies
are most common?
Which conceptual patterns are most common? Can any particular transitive
structures (structures describing types of relations between concepts) be
identified?
Is there a tendency to get rid of metaphors in EP altogether?2
Is the approach to translation of figurative tropes within EU ad-hoc or rather
uniform?
How are cultural differences tackled?3
There may be a tendency in case of simultaneous interpreting (used in EP) to kill [sic] metaphors,
owing to the effort for minimising the risks and (unlike the typical translation of texts) limitedness of
resources available in this particular type of inter-lingual mediation (Spinolo Garwood 2010 as cited in
Prandi 2010: 305).
3
Cultural differences have often been mentioned as obstacles to successful translation of metaphorical
expressions. The strategy used by a translator should probably reflect the difference of associations, the
The analysis should allow setting and comparing variables dependent on input
parameters and even their combinations. The results should be straightforward enough
to allow comparison with ease. The aim to bear in mind is to focus on typical patterns
and to find the most widely used types and strategies.
3. Method
My thesis shall make use of an empirical, descriptive approach integrating several
established approaches to the phenomenon of metaphors. I am going to create a research
material of my own, namely a parallel bilingual corpus compiled exclusively for the
purpose of this work (for the composition of the corpus, see chapter 6). Using this
corpus, I am going to perform an analysis of the metaphors found. This research process
should allow me to gain complex information about the types of metaphors used within
the corpus, the underlying conceptual metaphors, and strategies of translation.
The method of the thesis is largely inspired by the approach of Christine
Schffner (2004), who argues in favour of applying cognitive approach (drawing from
Lakoff and Johnsons theory) to the field of descriptive translation studies. In her
analysis of the treatment of metaphors (Schffner 2004: 1258 ff.), she used authentic ST
unfamiliarity of the concept to a foreign reader etc. (Schffner 2004: 1264). A plethora of other variables
has been mentioned as well (Fernndez 2003: 66), where most of them, I presume, could be assigned to
sub-topics of either cultural or language differences (the other ones being related to problems of context
or translators competence).
and TT pairs to analyse and describe the strategies to handle metaphorical expressions
with regard to both cross-linguistic and cross-cultural features making use of the
cognitive approach to compare possible effects of particular expressions on a reader.
Likewise, this thesis shall make use of the orientation of the research which she
describes as product-oriented, i.e. focused on functions of metaphors as agents in the
texts, with the explanation being linked to text, discourse, and culture (ibid.).4
Moreover, the thesis shall make use of Lakoff and Johnsons famous concept to
examine the metaphors analysed in terms of conceptual metaphors used (see chapter
4.3). I am convinced that this aspect of metaphors in use is one of the common
denominators of translation studies and other scholarly fields.
Throughout the thesis, such metaphors are discussed which do not pass
unnoticed when the text is read i.e. dead metaphors hidden in the literal expression
which cannot cause any kind of tension were usually unnoticed. The corpus shall be
searched for these interesting cases of metaphors and their translations, the metaphors
will be manually marked and analysed for (typical) conceptual patterns and translation
strategies using the procedure which has been inspired by the Metaphor Identification
Procedure (MIP) developed by the Pragglejaz Group (see Steen et al. 2010: 769 ff.),
which, according to its coordinator, provides an operational way of finding all
conventional metaphor in actual message (ibid.: 770).
The original MIP was developed over several years and tested by the Group on
various texts. It was an attempt to construct an explicit and systematic inductive5 tool of
The other side of the problem (not to be discussed here) is process-oriented part of analysis (focusing
on cognitive processes in translators mind).
5
In this respect, inductive refers to the analysis moving from the linguistic structures towards conceptual
ones (first, a word or phrase is found, then tagged and assigned). The opposite way of analysis, deductive,
would start with a set of metaphorical concepts which would be searched in the text analysed (the set of
metaphor identification. I will follow the basic logic behind the MIP, albeit with
regard to the obvious limits of resources not in the same depth as the Praggejaz Group
did. The (rather simplified) MIP can be summed up as follows:
1. Reading the text in its entirety,
2. Determining lexical units,
3. Establishing meaning and meaning connections,
4. Deciding about the existence of contextual contrast (such contrast can be used
both directly and indirectly) in my case, including the judgment about a
possible strategic and contextual effect from the point of view of political
discourse.
The metaphorical expressions marked will be then recorded along with their possible
metaphorical concepts and other data related to their use (possible transitive relations,
remarks on context, possible shift in meaning, cultural issues etc.). To sum up, the
resulting information on each metaphor should contain its nature and type, strategy (see
chapter 4.5), conceptual frame and perhaps transitive relations (see chapter 4.3 and 5.2),
and, if justified, a note on context. It is quite clear that the weakest spot in this strategy
is the identification of the expression itself. There are inevitable risks of ambiguity,
omission, or misinterpretation. Nevertheless, I cannot think of a better way of creating
the corpus, given the current circumstances.
possible metaphors would be defined even before reading the text). See Steen et al. 2010: 768 for more
details.
10
The whole sub-domain is further complicated by the fact that no universally accepted
notion of equivalence exists, especially if various post-modern and cultural approaches
are to be incorporated to the discussion in their entirety and with all consequences.
4.3 Translatability
With regard to translatability, three or four main positions have crystallised inside TS
(according to Fernndez 2003: 67 ff.):
1. Metaphors are untranslatable (as argued by Nida (1964) or Dagut (1967), i.e.
any translation of metaphor brings about a different metaphor;
2. Metaphors are fully translatable (e.g. Kloepfer (1981) or Mason (1982)), i.e.
there cannot be a theory of metaphor as such, just a theory of translation applied
to metaphors;
3. Metaphors are translatable with a considerable degree of interlinguistic
inequivalence (e.g. van den Broeck (1981), Toury (1995) and Newmark
(1988));
4. Fernndez lists as a distinct fourth type so called Conciliatory approach
proposed by Snell-Hornby (1988), who claims that the range of renderings will
depend on the type of text and ad-hoc factors.
I reckon that for our purposes, this could be regarded as a variation of the third type
(depending on the strictness of definition of equivalence, which is, after all, not a
primary issue here).
12
13
the recent decades to combine and mutually inspire these two traditions. What are
their main features?
First of all, metaphor can be defined in various ways, among the particularly
interesting being textual interpretation of a conflictual complex meaning, or putting
strange concepts into interaction etc. (Prandi 2010: 305). If we yield to a certain level
of simplification, one of perhaps the most general and often quoted definitions is
Aristotles definition of metaphor as a transfer of a word into a strange domain
(ibid.).
See the chart below featuring the same concept described by various terms and
points of view, none of them being truly universal (cf. Slingerland Blanchard BoydJudson 2007; Prandi 2010). Each of the four pairs comprises a term of its own:
1. Tenor
2. Subsidiary subject
3. Strange domain
4. Extension
1. Focus
2. Vehicle
3. Word
4. Meaning
14
In the classical view, metaphor has been primarily seen as a rhetorical figure or as a
device to add interest to the text. At the same time, metaphor has been treated as
something albeit interesting, yet rather peripheral and difficult to study, as an object in
realm of poetics rather than empirical analysis.
Nonetheless, the traditional understanding of metaphor as a figure of speech
(whose main function is the stylistic embellishment of a text) has been recently replaced
with a more complex conceptual, cognitive6 approach (Schffner 2004: 1254) which
tends to see this phenomenon in context of broader aspects of communication. Whereas
this shift is very interesting, it inevitably leads to further methodological confusion.
With publication of Lakoff and Johnsons Metaphors We Live By (1980), the
whole world of study of communication was once again significantly moved. In recent
years, the new conceptual paradigm has been, according to e.g. Schffner (2004: 12571258) taking root also in translation studies as such. In their remarkable work, Lakoff
and Johnson argue that metaphors are nothing less than demonstrations of the whole
system of experience and thought of human society in other words, that metaphors
permeate and pervade both language and thought (Fernndez 2003: 65).
From this point of view, each metaphor is an expression of conceptual mapping
(from the source vehicle to a target tenor conceptual domain). Whereas this
may terminologically resemble the classical view, the crucial importance is that
metaphorical mapping is not regarded as a finite object. It is only a surface
demonstration of a relation existing on a much deeper level, firmly set in the
experiential system of human beings who are capable to see or understand one
domain by means of another. This changes the whole perspective.
6
Schffner is among those scholars who use the term cognitive to describe the conceptual approach.
15
universal (as proclaimed by Lakoff and Johnson). The remaining ones might perhaps be
reproducible provided a certain level of compatibility between cultures can be
found (which is, after all, not incompatible with both Newmarks and van den Broecks
notions mentioned in chapter 4.3). In this context, different types of metaphors should
be identified with regard to the level of their universality / specificity (cf. Stienstra 1993
in Schffner 2004: 1264) for instance, one could expect the metaphors based on
human body to be universally understandable, whereas metaphors originated in local
traditions as specific.7
This actualised approach is rather optimistic with regard to the question of
possibility of intercultural communication. It can also serve as an intermediate position
between the extreme points of view on the problem of translatability of metaphors, as
represented by the debate every metaphor is translatable versus metaphor cannot be
translatable implicitly.
Prandi (2010: 305 ff.) nevertheless warns against simplified solutions. She notes
that no strategy to tackle the translation of metaphors can be universal. She rather
argues for a much more complex and differentiated approach where the final decision is
dependent on the kind of metaphor used (for instance, consistent versus conflictual,
openness to substitution, coincidence to lexical versus textual interpretation etc.). For
her, metaphors in general have the same origin conceptual interaction but many
McElhanon (2006: 45-47), inspired by Kvecses (2005 in ibid.), proposes using three elementary
models of translation of image-schemas and conceptual metaphors:
1. Universalism: Translate a metaphor that reflects a universal, human conceptual process so as to
preserve the underlying image-schema structure. (This principle reflects Lakoffs invariance hypothesis
i.e. image-schematic elements and structure of the metaphor should be preserved.)
2. Human physiology: Translate a metaphor that reflects common human physiological processes so as
to preserve the sense of a psychological basis.
3. Experiential cultural models: Translate a metaphor that has an underlying cultural model with a
similar model ensuring that the coherence and integrity of the underlying translation model is not
compromised.
17
It should be noted that Prandis terms should not be mistaken with Newmarks. For Prandi, the
difference is given by the distance between particular concepts; for Newmark, the difference is based on
temporal dimension. Whereas Prandi sees some metaphors as inherently conflictual on, say,
psychological grounds, for Newmark, all metaphors could eventually become dead after some time the
question of their effect is dependent mainly on the time they have been used. Prandis approach to origins
of metaphor is listed here as complementary theory.
9
The only real risk being the usual engagement in over-interpretation and explicitation; cf. e.g. BlumKulka (1986) as cited by Prandi (2010: 321).
18
On a side note, as has been stated earlier, metaphors are truly ubiquitous. Modern
languages in their use are constructed by sediment, petrified, metaphors, including those
which are already dead (i.e. not perceived as metaphorical expressions at all). There are
scholars who take the discussion one step further and argue that there actually cannot be
such a thing as a proper distinction between literal and figurative language at all
everything we perceive as literal had in fact roots in metaphorical nature, and words
commonly used are in fact troped, i.e. lacking one exclusive meaning.10 If metaphors
are indeed everywhere, if they [] cannot generally be regarded as something
literary or creative and they [exist] rather in clines and also include expressions
whose metaphorical meaning can be found in a dictionary (Mller 2005: 55), the
resulting complexity of this perspective is truly overwhelming and one has to be
extremely careful when drawing general conclusions. The fact that there could be
interference between all concepts mentioned above and the way whole language
systems work is a real possibility.
10
One of the first things that a student of etymology [] discovers for himself is that every modern
language [] is apparently nothing, from beginning to end, but an unconscionable tissue of dead, or
petrified metaphors. [] If we trace the meanings of a great many words [] about as far back as
etymology can take us, we are at once made to realize that an overwhelming proportion, if not all, of
them referred in earlier days to one of these two solid things a solid, sensible object, or some animal
(probably human) activity. (Barfield 1928: 63 as cited by Kntsson 2008)
19
whose metaphorical nature is still apparent but which are already established in the
language.11
The Newmarks (1981, 1988) typology of metaphors is as follows:
Dead
(Newmark
1998)
Dead
Clich
Stock
Recent
Stock
Recent
Lexicalised metaphors
Original
Adapted
Original
Non-lexicalised
metaphors
Table No. 1
The meanings of the typology categories as described by Newmark (1988: 196 ff. as
cited by Dickins 2005: 16-18 including examples) are:
11
On a side note, Dagut (1976: 23 in Candel 2005: 10) strongly opposes this view and argues that all
metaphors are new and unique creations by definition. For him, solely Newmarks original metaphors
would qualify as proper metaphors at all. The discussion has evidently been complicated, not only across
different paradigms but also in the scope of particular approaches. All attempts to deal with the topic thus
have to be partial and limited, no universal tool to classify procedures is at hand.
20
Description
Examples
Dead
Clich
Stock
Established metaphors; in
informal context
referentially and
pragmatically efficient
Recent
Metaphorical neologisms
which have spread rapidly
in language
Adapted
Original
Table No. 2
A similar principle in a less rigorous way is noted by Mller (2005: 55), who argues: a
procedure of metaphor identification has to differentiate between rather conventional
21
12
It remains an inconvenient truth that the distinction cannot be always clear-cut, which holds true for the
issue of typology as well as strategy. There is no easy way to solve this problem. In doubtful cases, notes
or short in dataset are provided in the dataset.
22
13
It should be noted that whereas these typologies have been largely constructed as a part of prescriptivebased works, I mention them in order to use them just in an empirical, descriptive way I am not trying
to favour any of them.
14
As for target-oriented perspective, Toury (1995: 81 ff) adds two other scenarios, namely (1) Use of a
metaphor in a TT for a non-metaphorical expression in a ST, and (2) Addition of a metaphor in a TT
without any linguistic motivation in a ST. In this respect, Toury is clearly interested in viewing metaphor
not only as a translation problem, but also as a translation solution. As this thesis is inherently sourceoriented, thus focused on ways of translating already existing tropes, this additional set of strategies is
mentioned only for the purpose of context.
15
In Newmarks work, the term object corresponds to topic, image to vehicle, and sense to grounds.
23
left, progressive and conservative, and other everyday terms, such as green or political
spectrum. There is a myriad of various terms from the scope of war, sports etc. In fact,
each political commentary in the newspaper is a noteworthy aggregate of political
metaphors. Also, it is not uncommon that a simple metaphor becomes a meme, a
shorthand term for a complex social phenomenon. Such term can then become a
standard term of its own. When performing the analysis of the political discourse,
pragmatic aspects should be taken into consideration and the analysis has to be of
critical nature, exploring the intentions of a speaker and the strategies they use to win in
the never-ending negotiations.
In general, metaphors are absolutely central to our understanding of many
political concepts, which are usually too abstract, remote, and complex to grasp to an
average voter. The more distant the object, the more important vehicle of understanding
and comforting ones mind metaphor is. In my opinion, metaphor, regardless if novel or
established, then bears the function of prejudice, i.e. of the tool to deconstruct and
internalise reality.16
As we can see, the issue of expressions typical of political discourse is complex
and has been approached from various perspectives. Mtt (2007: 168), making use of
Foucaults (1969) insights, defines the goal of [political] discourse analysis as to
determine why a certain fragment of discourse (statement or nonc) and no other has
appeared in a given place in a given time. This Foucaltian and pragmatic perspective
makes the reader pay attention to the subtle yet omnipresent variables of contextual
meaning, ideology, relations of power and coercion, audience-specificity, and so forth.
16
On a side note, this is one of the reasons why deliberate, participatory democracy has empirical limits
and cannot be employed successfully in real conditions.
25
All utterances need to be looked at with regard to their role in vast networks of concept,
meanings, and desired aims.
Following Foulcaltian logics, we could define analyzing metaphors as a
particular method of discourse analysis, which in turn would be a method of analyzing
either likely intentions of the players in the political system (which is the case of this
text) or political ideology in general (which would require a much more sophisticated
analysis).
In the context of EU, this is particularly relevant with regard to the fact that the
Union is a relatively young17 and still evolving entity. It is a project still in the making.
There is an ongoing debate whether its future lies in converting the Union into a
somewhat integrated, centralised supranational project or rather going back to the
intergovernmental, loosely-federated approach. Recall past employing and successful
introducing (i.e. lexicalizing) of such metaphors as Common European house, Three
Pillars of the European Communities, two-speed Europe, democratic deficit and so
forth, which undoubtedly influenced the way EU has been portrayed in the media and
thought over by political actors as well as voters (cf. e.g. Chaban et al. 2007, Hlsse
2006).
17
Despite having roots as far as in the 1950s, EU in its current form and subjectivity has been in existence
only since 1993.
26
the cost of leaving your meaning vague, not only for your reader but for yourself.
(Orwell 1968: 134 as cited by Mller 2005: 54).
For Orwell, the term stale was primarily a question of style. He viewed using
vague language and clichs as a sign of decay of English rhetorics, not as rudimental
presence of the change of foundations of public politics which can be traced back to
these times. On the other hand, as Mller interestingly points out, Orwells definition go
against the traditional view of metaphors as a mere stylistic ornament, for his
conception is also connected to the condition of mental efforts and ethics of a
speaker. This might have been a nodal point in the evolution of understanding of
metaphor.
Since WWII, an increasing attention has been given to the problems of
persuasion, strategies, self-portraying, and targeted use of concepts in political
communication. Nowadays, hardly anyone questions the fact that political discourse is
characterized by its predominantly persuasive function and argumentative, often
market-oriented style. Under typical circumstances of a democratic political system,
language used within political discourse is a strategic tool directly employed in political
battle. This has never been so much true as now, in the gold age of political marketing.
All utterances should be regarded as possibly strategically chosen ways of setting and
promoting the agenda. Use of metaphor in political discourse is a fundamentally
persuasive discourse act (Charteris-Black 2004: 13 as cited in Candel 2005: 16).
In the agenda setting theory (see e.g. McCombs 2009), strategic framing 18
refers to intentional emphasizing of those elements of a problem which are considered
18
In this thesis, strategic use of framing is strictly called strategic framing. This is not always the case in
theoretical works. This choice is motivated by the effort for terminological charity (strategic framing is a
27
as important by an actor, or those definitions and views of the problem which are
strategically advantageous, particularly using media. The aim is making such solutions
or topics salient, i.e. widely discussed and perceived as important (e.g. McCombs 2009:
133). Using metaphors is one of the way of persuasion. By highlighting some aspects,
and ignoring others, conceptual metaphors located in media discourses are claimed to
form cognitive models which organize thought and action (Gozzi 1999: 10 as cited
by Chaban et al. 2007: 88).
Strategic framing usually works with direct, intentional linkage of source and
target concepts, thus creating a metaphor which can be used to make a particular sociopolitical issue salient or, alternatively, to portray the speaker as an agent capable of
resolving the problem perceived. Hypothetical examples include conceptual frames
such as TERRORISM
POLITICAL OPPONENT IS A
a voter because it can be used as a shortcut for delivering a message using a concept
familiar to the voter.19
pragmatic act, portraying with the help of concepts, whereas framing (without an attribute) is a general
or theoretical term referring to working with concepts.
19
On the other hand, the notion that metaphor is an undoubtedly effective tool of persuasion has not
remained uncontested and needs to be viewed as a qualified hypothesis rather than a fact. There were also
scholars who argued that metaphor-free speech was more persuasive than the other kind. Both parties had
empirical proofs of their position (cf. Mller 2005: 55).
28
sorts of wag-the-dog remarks. Societal discourse and power structure are clearly
interconnected systems. I am far from saying Change the meaning of words and
empires will fall, I just want to remind the reader of the ever-faster changes in public
discourse and the nature of the power relations which we have been seeing since the 2nd
half of the 20th century. As Lakoff (2004: xv in Helln Garca 2010: 59) indicates: In
politics our frames shape our social policies and the institutions we conform to carry
th[ese] policies. To change our frame is to change all of this. Reframing is social
change.
Metaphor plays a prominent role especially in the post-modern approach to
political and societal reality. As Hlsse (2006: 397) sums up, [m]etaphors are a means
of imagining and by the same token constructing social reality. This has to do with their
very logic of operation: they project the meanings of a familiar issue onto a less
familiar and abstract one, thus constituting the unknown in terms of the known.
Analyzing discourse of a particular political actor thus touches upon the belief and
conceptual constructions hidden in their expressions. By decoding and interpreting
metaphorical concept, we may arrive at finding out the speakers intentions.
Accepting Lakoff & Johnsons theory of conceptual systems in its entirety, we
can assume that metaphors, once said, work also subconsciously, thus making the
message accessible on multiple levels simultaneously. A clever use of metaphors may
thus enable an informed political actor to kill two or possibly more birds with one
stone.
Possible use of conceptual metaphors may also include working with transitive
relations as defined by Systemic Functional Grammar of English (Halliday 2004). The
distribution and mixture of different process types gives a particular flavour to a text
29
and contributes to determining the text type and the discourse genre to which it
pertains. In addition, the transitivity grammar construes a particular world view
specific to the text in question (Halliday 2004: 174, 283): it inscribes the text within a
particular discourse type by encoding ideologies in the textual grammar. (Mtt
2007: 169-170). A general idea of types of relations used in metaphors can help to
discover which values are presented in speeches and texts, and how the political issues
are constructed by various speakers.
reads. And, of course, in our increasingly globalised and multi-cultural world, the risks
are more and more common (ibid.: 13-14).
areas and sensitive topics so common that the system is prone to having issues of intercultural misinterpretation and ambiguity. This is the case not only from the theoretical
point of view the problems can be documented by a number of translation blunders
and misinterpretations: Hence, the metaphors of the Tower of Babel and a game of
Chinese whispers (Shore 2005: 17) are indeed pertinent.
From the intercultural point of view, there are three working languages (English,
French, and German), which are used primarily within the European institutions such as
in the Commission, and enjoy a special status. As the website of the Department
(Directorate-General) for Translation states,
[...] the only documents produced in all 23 official languages are pieces of
legislation and policy documents of major public importance accounting for
about a third of our work. [...] Internal documents are all written in (and
sometimes translated into) English, French and German. Similarly, incoming
documents which may be drafted in any language are translated into one
of these three languages so they can be generally understood within the
Commission. (DG Translation 2011).
This (technically certainly understandable) custom creates a possible imbalance within
EU and may contribute to the predominance of the cultural perspective of chosen big
European countries, which may shape the discourse and lead to the additional cultural
gaps between the big players and those countries with non-dominant languages.
33
6. The Corpus
One of the most difficult tasks when dealing with given research questions is securing
available material, i.e. finding suitable (i.e. political, non-legal) texts from a rather
narrowly specified area which would be available in both English and Czech. I tried to
create such a corpus which would possibly contain at least traces of creative
communication, persuasion, and other features typical of political discourse. Out of
question thus were purely or predominantly technical and procedural materials (laws,
notes, memos); priority was given to such texts where higher occurrence of tropes was
assumed.
As a rule, not all potentially interesting material could have been used due to a
simple fact that the amount of material translated into Czech is substantially limited. A
surprisingly acute problem was that the suitable textual materials produced in EU are
really scarce. For instance, a significant part of documents is being produced only in
widespread working languages, i.e. French, English, and German. On a similar note,
absolutely out of the question did prove to be political manifestos and platforms of the
party fractions existing in EP the primary political materials where most metaphors
can be expected the reason being simply non-existence of their translations to minor
languages such as Czech.20
The final, compromise version of the corpus contains two sets of texts:
20
With no doubt, declarations and electoral manifestos of political fractions would fulfil the criteria of
political discourse like no other comparable material, but these were unfortunately not available in Czech
at all. Also, it has been tried to add other, not purely translated texts (Schffner (2004): In order to find
out more about universal, culture-overlapping, and culture-specific metaphors, the analysis of
translations can also be of use. A potentially good source for empirical analyses are multilingual
documents that have come into being in a text production process, involving a combination of
multilingual negotiations. However, these are extremely difficult to obtain as well.
34
In case of official press releases, the original source language of the documents cannot be determined.
Although the English source texts are presumably prevalent (as traceable from the variety of texts not
translated), another possibility cannot be ruled out that certain texts were originally formulated in in other
language (usually French). This is implied by the nature of practice of the European institutions.
22
The selection of the EU institutions is rather narrow because typical press releases of most offices are
in fact based in journalistic discourse rather than political (which is no surprise after all), PESC press
releases are rather public memos and statements on various happenings in the world at large, and CJE
texts are full of uninteresting legal jargon.
35
1. As for the British MEPs, speeches of members from five fractions (S&D,
ALDE, G-EFA, ECR, EFD) plus one solitary member from the
remaining fraction (GUE-NGL) were taken into consideration.
Unattached members (NI) were ignored. That makes a total of 11 people.
2. As for Czech MEPs, an analogous procedure was carried out. In this
case, the speeches of nine members from three fractions (S&D, ECR,
GUE-NGL) plus two members of one remaining fraction (EPP) were
analysed, which makes us arrive at the same result, 11 people.
As a presupposed rule, Czech representatives tended to formulate their speeches
and written answers in Czech. This part of the corpus can thus be practically
considered as a bilingual corpus of a mixed nature23 where L1 is Czech and L2
English. The same (vice versa, needless to say) holds true for the British
members.24
23
Most texts are transcribed speeches, however, some texts are provided in writing and the ratio of both
types varies from person to person.
24
It should be noted that the number of MEPs analysed is too small to allow full statistical analysis the
aim of the selection procedure is to have a balanced corpus rather than trying to reach statistically
significant results for all groups. Moreover, the distribution of members across groups in both parties is
by definition irregular.
37
38
39
The metaphors have been recorded using the ST perspective. Whereas the source texts
were scanned through in their entirety, target texts were read only selectively. That
means that solely those metaphors found in the source text have been compared to their
translated counterparts in the L2 version. Even when an inverse case of translation was
found (lexical language translated as figurative, for example have double standards //
mit dvojm metrem), these cases were omitted.
Perhaps needless to say, the terms metaphor, metaphorical expression etc. in
all following subchapters refer solely to those terms which have been found interesting
enough and subsequently recorded to the dataset and analysed, even if, for the sake of
simplicity, the text refers to features of texts and EU practices in general. In other
words, the data and conclusions presented are related to metaphors bearing pragmatic or
conceptual significance, not all metaphors in the corpus.
As has been already mentioned, the corpus comprised three parts or subcorpora
of texts: PRES, the texts presented by Mr van Rompuy and Baroness Ashton on
various occasions; DOC, the press releases of the Council of EU; and EP, the texts
and speeches from the floor of the European Parliament. In a simplified way, PRES and
DOC are texts published by the executive, supposedly neutral EU bodies, and EP texts
come from the only (quasi-)legislative body EU has. Whereas PRES and DOC
subcorpora were unidirectional (EN-CS), the EP part contained the same number of
Czech-to-English and English-to-Czech translations. The length, number of texts, and
general number of expressions recorded are summarised in the table (all figures are
related to the L1 version of the subcorpora):
Information on corpus
Subcorpus
Number of
texts
Total length
Average length
of a text
Number of
expressions
PRES (Van
Rompuy,
Ashton)
35,371
characters
(19.7 pages)
4,421
characters (2.5
pages)
46
DOC (Council
of EU)
11
58,320
characters
(32.4 pages)
5,301
characters (2.9
pages)
69
EP (European
Parliament)
215
243,147
characters (135
pages)
1,130
characters
(0.63 page)
181
Total
234
336,838
characters (187
pages)
Table No. 3
41
302
As already partially apparent from the table, the presence of metaphors was uneven and
not uniform. In the texts published by the executive bodies, about 2.2 metaphorical
expressions per page were found (2.33 and 2.1 respectively); in the EP part, it was only
1.34 metaphors per page. The last figure is slightly misleading because it ignores the
considerably higher heterogeneity of EP texts (with regard to length, purpose, and
individual style): the differences in general use of language among individual
representatives were fundamental (and naturally so). 110 out of 215 texts analyzed did
contain no metaphor at all. If we take them away and focus only on those texts
containing at least one metaphorical expression, the incidence increases to 2.6
metaphors per page. In other words, those texts which did not lack figurative language
altogether were considerably richer in metaphors than those produced by the
(stylistically rather uniform) executive bodies. As for possible differences between the
CS-EN and EN-CS texts in the EP subcorpus, both parts proved to be exceptionally
similar, with 93 expressions distributed across 108 texts and 88 expressions across 107
texts respectively.
Overall, only a part of the texts included in the corpus could have been marked
as typical, recognizable political discourse which was to be expected in these settings.
There were considerable differences in the styles of usage of metaphors among different
representatives, which follows from different personal styles of expression, and
seemingly from the differences between spoken and written communication in EP. It
probably goes without surprise that several representatives even did not use political
discourse proper and confined themselves to general or technical discourse featuring
technical terms and jargonese, yet no creative and figurative lexical units. This was the
case primarily among those MEPs with higher percentage of answers provided in
42
writing, i.e. so called explanations of vote,25 and particularly relevant in case of those
MEPs not very much active on the floor at all. Consider the following example taken
from one of the explanations of vote and note the distinctive technical style, overly
complicated structure and the obscurity of the actual message:
Nemn dleit je vzva Komisi ke zven potencilu strukturlnch fond
zjednoduenm a zlepenm postup a prunosti s drazem na dimenzi sociln
integrace s clem pomoci lenskm sttm optimalizovat vsledky sociln
politiky a politiky zamstnanosti a dosaen udritelnho rstu. // No less
important is the Commissions call to boost the potential of structural funds by
simplifying and improving approaches and flexibility, with an emphasis on the
dimension of social integration, in order to help Member States optimise the
results of social policy and employment policy and achieve sustainable growth.
Speeches on the EP floor were relatively less technical and also richer in metaphors
than answers provided in writing which lacked tropes or pragmatic markers. The nature
of discourse in both types of communication is different. Another thing to mention is
the natural difference among individual styles. Even in cases where all texts were likely
delivered on the floor, there were MEPs whose using metaphorical expression was
rather an exception in the stream of factual or technical speech. On the other hand, for
some of the MEPs, using tropes was a frequent strategy or a common way of
expression.
25
The types of texts were not known and thus not recorded for the purposes of statistical enquiry but were
quite noticeable nonetheless, because explanations of vote differed considerably from speeches in terms
of style as well as in structure and different choice of expressions (I decided to vote for this bill
because).
43
26
27
44
Lexicalised
Adapted
Original
Dead
Clich
Clich / Stock
Stock
Recent
PRES (Van 4
Rompuy,
Ashton)
17
12
46
DOC
(European
Council)
12
31
13
69
EP
12
(European
Parliament)
19
19
10
12
74
28
181
Total
19
32
13
23
122
18
53
Subcorpus
16
Synecdoche, Total
metonymy
Table No. 4
45
In PRES subcorpus, only four unlexicalised metaphors were found, one of them used
twice in almost the same exact form. All of them fall under Adapted subcategory. (In
the DOC subcorpus, no unlexicalised metaphor was found whatsoever.) The
expressions are:
Without Europe, there would have been an Arab Spring, but without us there
will be no Arab summer! // Arabsk jaro by nastalo i bez Evropy, bez n vak
nepijde arabsk lto!
Without Europe, there would still have been an Arab Spring, but without us
there will be no Arab summer! // Arabsk jaro by vypuklo i bez Evropy, avak
arabsk lto bez ns nepijde!
[in a speech about tackling the economic crisis:] we created a solid fire-wall
and better fire-brigade equipment // vytvoili jsme solidn protiporn hrz a
lep hasic prostedky
[Used in a title:] A SUMMER OF DISCONTENT? // BOULIV LTO?
46
Examples (ADAPTED):
udren nskoku ped inovanmi tygry, jako jsou na i Brazlie //
maintaining a lead against innovation tigers such as China and Brazil
Antidumping je dobr sluha, ale zl pn // Anti-dumping is a good servant but
a bad master
Their European dream, to quote the Commissioner, is that they will receive
subsidies // Jejich evropsk sen, abych citoval komisae, spov v tom, aby
dostvaly dotace
[Marine Stewardship Council] is setting a gold standard. // Tato organizace
stanovuje zlat standard.
The peculiarity of unlexicalised (i. e. original and adapted) metaphors (not only) in
political discourse lies in the almost certain intent of the speaker. One can hardly
assume that someone spends their intellectual resources creating original or creatively
adapted metaphor without the intention to point out specifically the meaning of the
47
message, or to exploit the conceptual tension involved. (On the other hand, older or
lexicalised metaphors can be used both automatically and intentionally, and there is no
easy way to prove the true intention of the speaker.)
This also means that using an unlexicalised metaphor is a straightforward
strategy: The intention is to highlight a point, not to cover the concept in any kind of
wrapping. The examples are profound: Comparing policy to a dead horse is a very
strong way to say by means of an original metaphor that such a policy is defunct and
not worth defending. Similar effects are seen in cases of adapted metaphors, for
example European dream as an adaptation of American dream (meaning the very
best one can achieve, the underlying idea of a society) contrasting with the low-level
aim; and innovation tigers as an adaptation of tiger economy to emphasize the point
that innovation is the single most important thing in economy today and that innovators
are the winners of future.
Examples
we decided to refine and strengthen our tool box. // rozhodli [jsme se] zpesnit
a poslit nstroje, kter mme k dispozici. (PRES, STOCK)
48
The Arab spring is also an invitation to redouble our efforts // Arabsk jaro je
pro ns tak vzvou ke znsoben sil (PRES, RECENT)
This [the options to tackle the problems of economy] is a strong package. // Jde
tedy o drazn balek opaten. (PRES, CLICH / STOCK)
We will build on individual assessments of partners' performance and needs
[] // Stavt budeme na samostatnm posuzovn vsledk a poteb partner
[] (PRES, DEAD)
framework for closer policy coordination on financial stability, in line with the
roadmap agreed by the Council // komplexnho rmce pro celou EU v zjmu u
koordinace politik v oblasti finann stability, v souladu s cestovn mapou,
kterou Rada schvlila (DOC, STOCK)
It concluded the first European semester // Uzavela prvn evropsk semestr
(DOC, RECENT)
Progress and democracy go hand in hand // Pokrok a demokracie jsou
nerozlun spjaty (DOC, CLICH / STOCK)
Basel agreement, which is an important step in strengthening global financial
stability // Basilejsk dohody, je pedstavuje vznamn krok k poslen globln
finann stability (DOC, DEAD)
m je nyn na stran Evropsk komise // the ball is now in the hands of the
Commission (EP, STOCK)
the years the UK Labour Government acted as a Bush poodle // v letech, kdy se
labouristick vlda Spojenho krlovstv chovala jako Bushv pudlk (EP,
RECENT)
49
Dame Sarah and the Lib Dems can cry crocodile tears now over cases like Mr
Symeou // Pan Sarah Ludfordov a liberln demokrat nyn mohou ronit slzy
nad ppady, jako je kauza pan Symeoua (EP, CLICH)
the Lisbon Treaty is, in our view, still a step in the wrong direction. //
Lisabonsk smlouva je podle naeho nzoru stle krokem patnm smrem.
(EP, DEAD)
The results show that lexicalised metaphors, and especially stock ones, are by all means
the most typical tropes in the texts analyzed.28 I would not argue for the thesis that this
is the commonality between the political discourse and general discourse. Instead, I
would like to raise the question of multidimensionality and interdiscursivity. It seems
that with regard to the presence of metaphors in language whereas the PRES and
DOC subcorpora feature something as common, typical style (characterized by
relatively high occurrence of stock metaphors and synecdoche / metonymy on one hand
and the general lack of unlexicalised metaphors on the other hand), a similar conclusion
cannot be drawn in case of EP texts. EP texts are heterogeneous in terms of occurrence
of metaphors, and stock metaphors, albeit most common, are not as dominant as in the
case of executive subcorpora. Also, original and adapted metaphors are more common
here.
Moreover, consider the differences in style which can be found among the EP
texts. These are striking especially when the passages in the dataset are compared to
those texts which were omitted. It is naturally quite common for one particular
representative to use different styles and discourse strategies according to the nature of
28
50
the debate, topic discussed, context etc. The EP texts also featured many cases of
legalese, technical style etc. The point is that there indeed are differences in using
metaphors between executive EU bodies and members of the European Parliament. The
style used by the European Council is just one way which can be employed on the floor
of the Parliament, and there is no such thing as a universal European jargon.
51
In the dataset, this kind of expressions comprised 12 cases (26%) in the PRES
subcorpus, 13 cases (17%) in the DOC subcorpus, and 28 (15%) in the EP subcorpus.
With regard to the fact that other cases of synecdoche / metonymy were not recorded
because they did not bear significant conceptual tension, this kind of figurative tropes
can be considered to be the typical feature of the political discourse texts within EU.
Moreover, two different patterns of this metonymy could be identified in the
corpus:
1. Animate synecdoche / metonymy these do not make any sense without the
metaphorical dimension (For example: The Commission is looking forward)
2. Inanimate synecdoche / metonymy these can be regarded as shorthand,
they make sense even with no metaphorical interpretation involved (For
example: The Commission accepted a proposal)
The difference between both categories can be identified by logical reflection. Whereas
the meaning of some verbs, say, accept, can refer to technical procedure and can be
traced back (i.e. absolute majority of members accepted the proposal, maybe there was
an unanimous vote among the members of the Commission, etc.), verbs such as look
forward or welcome cannot be deconstructed in a pure technical way (did each and
every member of the Commission really like the motion? Is there a way to prove that
objectively?) Here, the body is clearly becoming more than a sum of its parts, the
holistic metaphorical dimension is activated and the figure is therefore used as a
conceptual metaphor.
The field of synecdoche and metonymy is quite vast and it is difficult to link
these expressions to concepts and strategies. For example: The metonymy
52
bude to evropsk ednk, a nikoli americk ednk, [...] kdo ve Sttech bude
rozhodovat // it will now be a European official, and not an American official
[...] who will decide in the Member States
could be ignored on basis of the linguistic criteria (no figurative element used) but can
be taken into account because it bears an emotive tension, a strategic portrayal of
political issue (The concept, say, OURS VERSUS FOREIGN). Clearly, this statement is
more powerful than a hypothetical The competence to decide on this issue is in
European, not American authority.
Also, we could say that various stages of sedimentation can be identified here,
similarly as in the case of metaphors proper. Only briefly, expressions such as
[Institution] is invited; [Institution] plays a role; [Institution] faces [a
pressure]; Head of state; Kanada zavedla vza; pan komisaka se postavila za
Rumuny a Bulhary; Dt Washingtonu jasn najevo
... bear less tension and were often not included in the dataset. The opposite can be said
of expressions such as
[Institution] reaffirm one's determination; "A Europe that protects"; the
European Council remains firmly committed to the process; the Union can
better engage with its strategic partners; [Institution] express[es its]
satisfaction; EU selhv a netla na Kanadu.
Nevertheless, these categories are constructed in a rather impressionistic way. The area
of dubious cases is vast. The actual relevance of the verbs such as recall, urge,
recognize, or exchange views is highly context-dependent and cannot be determined
universally and objectively.
53
Translation strategies
Strategy
Subcorpus
Reproducing Standard
image
Simile
Deletion
Metaphor
plus sense
PRES (Van 36
Rompuy,
Ashton)
DOC
(European
Council)
15
EP
115
(European
Parliament)
25
32
Total
31
53
51
202
Table No. 5
The strategy of reproducing the metaphorical image in target language (No. 1) is by far
the most common one, followed by the strategy of converting metaphor into sense (No.
54
5). Replacing the image with a different image (common in TL, No. 2) has been also
used, particularly in EP, yet not so widely. With only one exception, solely these three
strategies are occurring in PRES and DOC subcorpora. In EP subcorpus, three other
ways of translation are found, however this cannot be regarded as an important
difference due to the significantly larger size of this part. Also, almost surprisingly,
there is almost no tendency whatsoever to delete metaphorical expressions. Let us see
some examples:
Typical strategies
Reproducing image in the TL (No. 1):
we covered all the sides and angles of the debt crisis // bylo na dluhovou krizi v
eurozn nahleno ze vech stran a hl (PRES)
[a referendum is] a significant step towards a more open and democratic
political system // jde o vznamn krok vped na cest k otevenjmu a
demokratitjmu politickmu systmu (DOC)
Europes expertise and resources must be mobilized in a coherent manner //
Je nezbytn soudrnm zpsobem mobilizovat odborn znalosti a zdroje, kter
m Evropa k dispozici (DOC)
cestu, kterou Rusko postupn kr od totality pes autoritativn systm smrem
k demokracii // the path Russia is gradually treading from totalitarianism via an
authoritarian system to democracy (EP)
persecution and harassment against those who dare challenge [Lukashenko's]
iron-fisted rule // svou kampa za pronsledovn tch, kte si dovol vyzvat
jeho vldu elezn psti (EP)
55
56
nen mon donekonena tahat Turecko za nos // it is not possible to pull the
wool over Turkeys eyes (EP)
we should be bending over backwards to respect that principle // mli
[bychom] dt zpteku a tuto zsadu respektovat (EP)
//
Klameme sami sebe, pokud se domnvme, e to, co zde ped nmi le, skuten
uspokoj poteby kadho jednotlivho migrujcho pracovnka (EP)
the Western Balkans, a region where EU membership prospects are the glue
that binds these fractious countries together // [] zpadnm Balkn,
57
It is perhaps natural that the strategies No. 1, 2, and 5 are used predominantly. A
hypothesis can be formulated that the strategies No. 1 and 5, reproducing image and
converting it into its sense, may be the most implicit and least risky ones. Previous
research has also shown the tendency to emulate the form of expression found in
SL.29 Choosing these strategies might even be connected to the tendency of being
influenced by the ST structures during translation process. Moreover, judging from
Newmarks notes on particular ways of translation, strategies No. 1, 2, and 5 may be
most suitable for translating non-literary, factual texts: Since other strategies are
believed to have some influence on the value of the resulting expression (No. 3:
modification of the metaphorical shock; No. 4: loss of tension, No. 7: enforcing the
metaphorical image), the translators might avoid them (automatically or on official
recommendation) in order to lessen the risk of misinterpretation.
29
When analyzing the translations of journal articles from English to Spanish, Fernndez et al. (2003: 77)
even found that there was a tendency to isomorphism, i.e. translation tended to copy the original.
58
In EP, in addition to the concepts above, several other, less frequent cases appeared,
including:
MONEY / PEOPLE ARE LIQUID
transparentnost finannch tok, kter proud do politickch hnut //
transparency in relation to the financial sums flowing into political movements
Metaphor of CONTAINER
uzaven pevnost Evropa neprospje nikomu // a closed fortress Europe would
benefit no one
CITIZENS ARE BELOW, INSTITUTIONS ARE ABOVE
[rozhodnut se mi jev jako] uml krok, kter nevychz zdola // [the decision
looks like] a measure artificially imposed not from below
EU IS A TERRITORY BROKEN APART
The San Andreas Fault for the European Union is between the seven Member
States who are large net contributors, and the rest. // Zlom San Andreas pro
Evropskou unii probh mezi sedmi lenskmi stty, kter jsou velkmi istmi
pltci, a tmi ostatnmi
Differences in concepts across subcorpora do exist because there was a wider range of
concepts found in EP texts. Then again, the difference was not fundamental and can be
most probably again accounted for the multidimensionality of EP discourse.
No particular structures of transitivity were discovered apart from several cases
dealing with the phenomenon of spatial reasoning (what is coming from citizens comes
from below; nations who are not members of EU are outside; there is a physical
60
distance between rich countries and beneficiaries of the financial support, between
citizens and Europe etc.)
Overall, EP metaphors serve as better examples of intertextuality which is again
given by the differences in purpose and style. Consider for example the following
statement which appeared in the speech about crisis in Iceland and which refers to the
phenomenon of Nordic sagas:
The referendum at the end of this week will hopefully bring an end to the saga
[regarding Iceland] // Referendum, kter probhne koncem tohoto tdne, tuto
sgu doufejme ukon
Utterances of this kind are naturally likely to appear in public, lively, and to some
extent topical discussion such as during the debate in the Parliament.
us see at the cases where the conceptual metaphor has been changed during translation
(i.e. obviously in those cases where the strategy was different from simple reproducing):
Cases where the conceptual frame has been directly changed into a different one,
either slightly:
suma [] zmiz v propadliti korupce // [aid] disappears into the jaws of
corruption (CS: CORRUPTION IS DOWN, CORRUPTION IS A TRAP EN:
CORRUPTION IS A MONSTER)
or profoundly (the only case of this very kind was found):
the European Council paved the way for Croatia's accession to the EU // [Ve
vztahu k Chorvatsku] dnes Evropsk rada pipravila pdu pro to, aby
pistoupilo k EU (EN: ADMISSION IS A PATH CS: ADMISSION IS PLANTING)
62
Nonetheless, it is necessary to point out that those cases were truly sporadic; one cannot
possibly speak about fundamental shifts in conceptual metaphors or even distortion of
meaning with regard to intercultural communication. The most typical cases of shift of
meaning were not those which would involve the change in conceptual frames; it was
rather a question of style, emphasis, and emotional temperature, as in following
examples. In these cases, we can see a distinctive loss of not only the metaphor tension
but also a certain shift in the semantic meaning of the phrases. That is because the SL
metaphors are truly language- and culture specific, and their transfer to another
language is very difficult:
Let us take a look at the first two examples for instance. The first translation shows a
shift in meaning: The proper literal sense of the phrase would perhaps be It is almost
too late to act. The second translation is very similar as the previous one. The term off
message refers to messages which are unofficial, spoken not on behalf of the
institution. The proper sense could be this is not the right actor to ask such a message.
30
63
Nonetheless, such examples of mistranslation were too truly exceptional and one
could argue that the shifts in meaning are, due to the context, not strong enough to
preclude proper understanding.
Perhaps one of the most interesting translation problems encountered in the
course of the analysis was the case of double meaning needed to deal with in the
following statement. It was also probably the only metaphor found which was
impossible to be transferred without the (at least partial) loss of its SL tension and
creatively crafted point:
The French now want to join the Italians and say arrivederci Roma //
Francouzi se chtj pipojit k Italm a zvolat sbohem, Romov
The expression plays with two meanings of the word Roma that of the name of the
ethnic group and that of the name for the capital city of Italy. Owing to the inescapable
fact that there are two distinctive names for the two objects in Czech, Romov and
m, there was no easy way to convey the point. On the other way, no factual mistake
has been made, the only loss made was of metaphorical punning, not metaphor as such.
64
65
9. Conclusion
The thesis analysed a way of treatment of metaphors within top political institutions of
the European Union. Its general aim was to shed light on the way of translating
speeches and documents in EU with regard to the possible distortion of meaning and
cultural messages in everyday communication.
In general, the analysis has shown that translating tropes in EU might be
described as largely functional, austere (uncomplicated, unsophisticated), and troublefree. Although several cases of shift of meaning did occur, it can be safely concluded
that in view of the number of expressions occurring these were really sporadic. In
almost all cases, the meaning was conveyed realistically and the cultural shift was not
fundamental, i.e. it did not induce incomprehensibility of the message. Of course, this
might have been so because most metaphors were not challenging in terms of
transferring culturally-specific messages. The results might be different if the analysis
focused on these metaphors and picked them up specifically from the texts.
As for the features of metaphors used within EU, these indeed constitute a
noticeable part of texts produced by the executive bodies as well as (some) Members of
66
the European Parliament. Most metaphors found fell under categories of lexicalised (i.e.
older), metaphors. That means that most tropes used in EU are not specific but rather
borrowed from general language. The most common subcategory was stock (i.e.
commonly used) metaphors. Unlexicalised, i.e. original and adapted, metaphors do
occur but more-or-less only in EP and to considerably lesser degree than lexicalised
ones.
As for translation strategies, most metaphors were transferred using the
technique of reproduction the same image in the target language. Other commonly used
strategies are that of converting metaphors into their sense and that of replacing
metaphor with an image which is standard in the target language. Other strategies (as a
rule, involving use of similes and their combination with the sense of metaphor) are
used much less. A hypothesis can be formulated that those strategies which are more
implicit and less risky are preferred. As a rule, deleting metaphors was not pursued.
As for the issue of conceptual metaphors, several typical concepts occurred
repeatedly and can be described as typical for example EUROPE IS A PERSON of CRISIS
IS A DISEASE.
attributed to the differences in the extent and nature of the material analyzed; no
difference was fundamental. Contrary to the expectations about the European political
environment and intercultural factors involved, the changes in concepts during
translation were almost non-existent.
The types of text analysed did prove to be quite different. On the one hand, there
are texts published by the executive institutions which use predominantly lexicalised
metaphors and are rather uniform in style. On the other hand, there were the texts from
the European Parliament where much wider variety of metaphor types was found, more
67
unlexicalised metaphors have been employed and more conceptual metaphors have
been used. Special features in EP subcorpus are likely to result directly from the
collective nature of the institution and the incomparably higher number of situations and
strategies which can be pursued here. Whereas the Council of the European Union
produces just one kind of press releases along with occasional publication of an
important speech, the situation in the Parliament is interdiscursive a matrix of
different text and discourse types can be found here. Some of the texts from the
Parliament not only contained no metaphors whatsoever but also could not be
categorised as political discourse at all.
Each language is a living, multidimensional space featuring inconceivably many
conceptual relations with various levels of abstraction. A significant part of each
language consists of metaphors in different degrees of sedimentation. Other
metaphors can bear metaphorical tension or shock which can be used creatively.
Political discourse is known for being able to use such features of metaphors, either
directly or indirectly, both subconsciously and in a straightforward way. This thesis
tried to find out more about these processes as made in the unique settings of the
European Union, the largest political conglomerate ever made.
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If not stated otherwise, the electronic sources were checked on 25 May 2011.
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Abstract
The thesis deals with the topic of translation of metaphors within political discourse.
Most important aspects and problems of metaphor translation as presented by the
discipline of translation studies are listed, namely, the problem of translatability, the
difference of classical and conceptual approach to metaphor, and the typologies of
metaphor types and metaphor translation strategies as compiled by Newmark.
Subsequently, metaphor is presented as a relevant tool to use within strategies typical of
political discourse: The thesis argues that metaphor can be used as a tool of persuasion
or as a shorthand term for complicated concepts. In the practical part of the thesis, a
parallel corpus is analysed consisting of English and Czech texts coming from EU
(namely press releases from the Council, speeches of its highest representatives, and
speeches from the floor of the European Parliament). Those metaphors which bear
conceptual or contextual tension are recorded and their types and strategies of
translation are examined. The results of the analysis are that metaphors are indeed
common in the texts analysed. Political actors in EU use predominantly older, nonoriginal metaphors, although novel metaphors are not uncommon in the parliamentary
speeches. Moreover, translation of tropes in EU is largely functional, trouble-free, and
also non-problematic in terms of intercultural communication, as shifts in meaning or
concepts used are truly sporadic.
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Resum
Diplomov prce se zabv tmatem pekladu metafor v rmci politickho diskursu.
Zmiuje nejdleitj vdecky diskutovan aspekty pekladu metafor, a sice otzku
jejich peloitelnosti, rozdl klasickho a konceptulnho pstupu k metaform a
typologie druh metafor a strategi jejich pekladu P. Newmarka. Metafora je nsledn
pedstavena coby dleit nstroj pouiteln v rmci strategi typickch pro politick
diskurs. Prce obhajuje tezi, e metafora me bt uplatnna jako pesvdovac nstroj
i jako zstupn termn pro sloit koncepty. V praktick sti prce je analyzovn
paraleln korpus, kter sestv z anglickch a eskch text pochzejcch z EU,
konkrtn z tiskovch zprv Evropsk rady, projev jejch nejvych pedstavitel a
projev z Evropskho parlamentu. Metafory, kter obsahuj konceptuln nebo
kontextuln napt, jsou zaznamenny a nsledn jsou zkoumny jejich typy a strategie
pouit pi jejich pekladu. Vsledkem analzy je, e metafory se skuten
v analyzovanch textech bn nachz. Dle, e politit akti v EU pouvaj
pedevm star, neoriginln metafory, akoli nov metafory jsou bn v textech
pochzejcch z EP. Dle meme ci, e peklad trop v EU je z velk sti praktick,
bezproblmov, a rovn nepedstavuje problm z hlediska mezikulturn komunikace,
nebo pekroucen vznamu nebo zmny pouitch koncept jsou pouze ojedinl.
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