Токови историје 2012 3

3/2012.
CURRENTS OF HISTORY
Journal of the Institute for Recent History of Serbia
3/2012
, 2012.

THE INSTITUTE FOR RECENT HISTORY OF SERBIA

Editor-in-chief

Editorial board

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()
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Editorial secretary

949.71
YU ISSN 0354-6497

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a ,
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3/2012.
Dr Massimo BUCARELLI, Ph. D.

A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE
SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY (19471992) ................ 11
.
: -
19671974. ............................................ 37
.
,
(19681971) .................................................................... 62

,
................. 86

:
19581968.
......................................................................... 113

.
19451955. .................... 134

(19711981) ................................................ 159

.

(19481956) ........................................... 190

. ...... 226

:
........................... 242

19411945. 257

20. 278

......................................................... 324

1920.

() ............ 343
.
. . .
18791881 . ................................................................ 361
A

...................................... 379
Nils Havemann,
Fuball unterm Hakenkreutz. Der DFB zwischen Sport, Politik
und Kommerz, Campus Verlag GmbH, Frankfurt/Main, 2005.
( ) .................................................................... 407
6
, , , .
18811960, , , 2012.
( ) ...................................... 412
Andrew Heywood, Political Ideologies: An Introduction,
Basingstoke, 2012. ( ) .................. 415
, : 19561968.
, , , 2011.
( ) .................................................................... 418
. ,
19411944. , :
, , ,
2011. ( ) ........................................................... 422

,
,

:
................................ 429
.
:
, , 2021. 2012. .............. 432

2012: , 19391947.
, 1415. 2012. .................. 434

International Conference: Archives, History and Politics in
XIXXXI Centuries Romania (Arhive, istorie i politic n
Romnia secolelor XIXXXI), Bucharest, September
2122. 2012 ................................................................... 437
................................................. 441
CONTENTS
3/2012
ARTICLES
Massimo BUCARELLI, Ph. D.
A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE
SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY (19471992) ................ 11
Milan RISTOVI, Ph. D.
IN THE SHADOW OF THE JUNTA:
YUGOSLAV-GREEK RELATIONS 19671974 ........................... 37
Aleksandar IVOTI, Ph. D.
YUGOSLAVIA, ALBANIA AND THE CZECHOSLOVAKIAN CRISIS
(19681971) .................................................................... 62
Jovan AVOKI, M. A.
COUNTRIES OF ASIA, AFRICA AND LATIN AMERICA IN
MEMOIRS AND JOURNALS OF YUGOSLAV DIPLOMATS ............ 86
Milan PILJAK
FROM THE GREAT LEAP TO THE JULY CONCEPTION: REFORMS
OF THE BULGARIAN ECONOMIC SYSTEM 19581968 ............ 113
Ivana DOBRIVOJEVI, Ph. D.
UNDER THE WATCHFUL EYE OF THE PARTY. CULTURE AND
ENTERTAINMENT IN SERBIAN CITIES 19451955 ................ 134
Aleksandar RAKOVI, Ph. D.
UNION OF SOCIALIST YOUTH OF YUGOSLAVIA AND MUSICAL YOUTH
OF YUGOSLAVIA IN DISPUTE OVER ROCK & ROLL (1971-1981) .. 159
Sanja PETROVI TODOSIJEVI, M. A.
ON THE ROAD. REPATRIATION OF CHILDREN MEMBERS OF
THE GERMAN ETHNIC MINORITY IN YUGOSLAVIA AFTER
WORLD WAR II (19481956) ............................................ 190
Vera GUDAC DODI, Ph. D.
LIFE IN THE SHADOW OF EVIL. DOMESTIC VIOLENCE .......... 226
8
Sran CVETKOVI, Ph. D.

PROCESS AGAINST THE SIX: BEGINNING OF THE END OF
IDEOLOGICAL PERSECUTION IN SOCIALIST SERBIA ............ 242
Aleksej TIMOFEJEV, Ph. D.
UNION OF SOVIET PATRIOTS ANTIFASCIST ORGANIZATION
OF RUSSIAN EMIGRANTS IN SERBIA 19411945 ................. 257
Radmila RADI, Ph. D.
CONTRIBUTION TO THE RESEARCH OF THE ANGLOPHILE
ORGANIZATIONS NETWORK IN SERBIA DURING THE FIRST
HALF OF THE 20th CENTURY .............................................. 278
Vladimir PUTIATIN, Ph. D.
ADAPTATION OF RUSSIAN EMIGRATION IN THE KINGDOM
OF SERBS, CROATS AND SLOVENES ................................... 324
Aleksandar LUKI, M. A.
FOUNDING OF THE YUGOSLAV REPUBLICAN PARTY IN 1920
AND RELATIONS WITHIN THE YUGOSLAV REPUBLICAN
EMIGRATION IN THE USA (CHICAGO) ................................ 343
Andrej L. EMIAKIN, Ph. D.
COMMERCE GENERAL M. G. CHERNAYEV IN SERBIA
18791881 ..................................................................... 361
INTERDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH
Nataa DANILOVI HRISTI, Ph. D.
SAFETY OF WOMEN IN THE CONTEMPORARY PUBLIC SPACE
OF BELGRADE AND IMPACT OF FEMINIST STUDIES
TO THE URBAN SAFETY ASPECT ........................................ 379
REVIEWS
Nils Havemann, Fuball unterm Hakenkreutz. Der DFB zwischen
Sport, Politik und Kommerz, (Football under Swastika.
The DFB beetwen Sport, Politics and Trade), Campus Verlag
GmbH, Frankfurt/Main, 2005. (Dejan Zec) .......................... 407
Momilo Isi, S narodom, za narod, o narodu.

Sreten Vukosavljevi 18811960. (With People, for People,
about People. Sreten Vukosavljevi 18811960), INIS,
Beograd, 2012. (Gordana Krivokapi Jovi, Ph. D.) ............... 412
Andrew Heywood, Political Ideologies: An Introduction,
Basingstoke, 2012. (Vasilije Dragosavljevi) ........................ 415
Aleksandar Rakovi, Rokenrol u Jugoslaviji: 19561968.
Izazov socijalistikom drutvu, (Rock and roll in Yugoslavia:
19561968. A Challenge to socialist Society), Arhipelag,
Beograd, 2011. (Dejan Zec) .............................................. 418
Dragutin J. Rankovi, Svakodnevni ivot pod okupacijom
19411944. Iskustvo jednog Beograanina, (Everyday Life
under Occupation 19411944. Experience of a Belgrade
Citizen), INIS, Beograd, 2011. (Dejan Zec) ......................... 422
SCIENTIFIC EVENTS
Information on workshops,
conferences, symposiums
Dejan ZEC
Tribina: From the Research of Young Associates,
The Institute for Recent History of Serbia ............................ 429
Aleksandar V. MILETI
International scholarly conference: Personality and Work of
Milovan Djilas, Niki, April 2021. 2012 ............................. 432
Aleksandar STOJANOVI
Desnicas Meetings 2012: Intellectuals and War, 19391947,
Zadar, 1415. September 2012 ......................................... 434
Dejan ZEC
International Conference: Archives, History and Politics in
XIXXXI Centuries Romania (Arhive, istorie i politic n Romnia
secolelor XIXXXI), Bucharest, September 2122. 2012 ....... 437
INFORMATION ON AUTHORS ........................................ 441
10

Articles
M. BUCARELLI
A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF

OF THE 20TH CENTURY (19471992)
327 (450:497.1)1947/1992
A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN

THE SECOND HALF OF THE 20TH CENTURY (19471992)
ABSTRACT: Based on primary sources and relevant literature
this study examines the relations between Italy and Yugoslavia in the second half of 20th century. The analysis covers four
different phases that can be detected for the period from 1947
to 1992.
Key words: Italy, Yugoslavia, foreign relations, Cold war,
Trieste question, disintegration of Yugoslavia
1. Italy and Yugoslavia after World War II: Between

National Struggles and Ideological Antagonism
After World War II, political and diplomatic relations between
Italy and Yugoslavia were characterized by misunderstandings, hostility and polemics, mainly due (though not exclusively) to the Trieste
question, which had been the cause of territorial disputes that divided
the two Adriatic countries for decades. After Italy had been defeated in
the Second World War and after Yugoslavia had tried to take possession
of Trieste and most of Venezia Giulia, the Peace Treaty of February 10,
1947 stated that the whole Italian territory to the east of the TarvisioMonfalcone line was assigned to Yugoslavia, with the exception of a
narrow coastal belt which included Trieste (zone A), occupied by the
Anglo-Americans, and Koper (zone B), under Yugoslav occupation.
Under the Treaty, this coastal area would constitute a buffer state,
the Free Territory of Trieste (FTT), to be formally established by the
appointment of a governor by the UN Security Council.1 However,
1
A. Varsori, Il trattato di pace italiano. Le iniziative politiche e diplomatiche dellItalia,

in Id. (editor), La politica estera italiana del secondo dopoguerra (19431957), Milano 1993, p. 140 ff.; L. Monzali, La questione jugoslava nella politica estera italiana
13
3/2012.
the division of Europe into opposing political blocs, resulting from the
breakup of the coalition that had defeated Nazi-Fascism and from the
ensuing confrontation between the two major powers of the coalition,
the United States and the Soviet Union (which represented two political,
economic and social systems completely opposite and alternative),
made the constitution of FTT impossible. Cold War and bipolar logic
transformed the Trieste question from a local problem into the Adriatic
version of the Iron Curtain. In the light of containment policy adopted
by the Washington government in response to the power policy of
the Soviets and to the expansion of the communist movement, the
defense of Trieste took on a new importance: the Adriatic city was
becoming a sort of Western shield intended to contain any communist
infiltration into Northern Italy. The United States and Britain decided
to obstruct the birth of the FTT which was too exposed to a double
risk of military pressures from Yugoslavia (as happened in September
1947 when Yugoslav troops crossed the border and created territorial
pockets within Italian boundaries) or to become a sort of Soviet outpost
thanks to the active propaganda of local communists (both Italian and
Slovenian). It was for this purpose that the governments in London
and Washington postponed the appointment of the governor of the
FTT by the UN, subordinating it to the agreement between Rome and
Belgrade, a hypothesis, at that time, virtually impossible to realize.2
However, a few months after the ratification of the Peace Treaty,
a new variable was added to the already complicated framework of
Italian-Yugoslav relations: a political (more than ideological) breakup
occurred during 1948 within the communist world between Tito and
Stalin, with Yugoslavia moving away from the Soviet orbit and subsequently Belgrade coming closer to the Western bloc, which from
that moment became the main source of economic and military aid
to Titos regime. Yugoslavia started playing an important role in the
dalla prima guerra mondiale ai trattati di Osimo (19141945), in F. Botta, I. Garzia

(editors), Europa adriatica. Storia, relazioni, economia, RomaBari 2004, p. 36 ff.;
M. Bucarelli, La questione jugoslava nella politica estera dellItalia repubblicana
(19451991), Roma 2008, p. 15 ff. As regards the Trieste question, a great number
of studies have been published; among them, see: D. De Castro, La questione di
Trieste. Lazione politica e diplomatica italiana dal 1943 al 1954, Trieste 1981, 2 voll.;
J.-B. Duroselle, Le conflit de Trieste 19431954, Bruxelles 1966; A. G. De Robertis,
Le grandi potenze e il confine giuliano 19411947, Bari 1983; M. de Leonardis, La
diplomazia atlantica e la soluzione del problema di Trieste (19521954), Napoli,
1992; B. Novak, Trieste 19411954. La lotta politica, etnica e ideologica, Milano
1996; D. Bogeti, Transka kriza 19451954. Vojno-politiki aspekti, Beograd 2009.
C. Sforza, Cinque anni a Palazzo Chigi. La politica estera italiana dal 1947 al 1951,
Roma 1952, p. 327 ff.; J.-B. Duroselle, Le conflit, cit., p. 258 ff.; D. De Castro, La questione di Trieste, cit., p. 673 ff.; R. Gaja, LItalia nel mondo bipolare. Per una storia
della politica estera italiana (19431991), Bologna 1995, pp. 8182.
14
M. BUCARELLI

eyes of the Americans: the breakup with Moscow did not only have a
great ideological and propagandistic significance because of the blow
given to the Soviet hegemony in European communist countries of
the Danube-Balkan region, but it also represented a great strategic advantage because it eased the Soviet pressure on the southern borders
of the Atlantic Alliance and turned Yugoslavia into a sort of buffer State
between the Adriatic and the Balkan branches of the two blocs.3 The
realignment of Yugoslav policy could not remain without consequences
for the evolution of the Trieste question: given the importance of
Belgrade for the political and military strategies of Washington and
London and becoming aware of the continuous inability to realize the
FTT because of unbridgeable differences between Italy and Yugoslavia,
the Anglo-Americans decided to favor a solution of compromise verified
by the London Memorandum on October 5, 1954 by which Italy should
replace British and American authorities in the administration of zone
A of the FTT, while in zone B the Yugoslav military administration
should be replaced by a civil administration. So, de facto the partition
of the FTT was outlined, which was in accordance with desires of the
Anglo-Americans who had the intention to renounce responsibility for
administering zone A and to eliminate at the same time the cause
of dispute which was considered harmful for the Western bloc.4 Italy
was left with an alibi that the agreement and the borderline were
provisional, allowing both the thesis of Italian sovereignty over FTT to
exist intact and the related theoretical aspiration for a future return of
Italy to zone B, as it had been promised by the Allies on the occasion
of elections in 1948. The Memorandum, in fact, made reference only
to practical arrangements for the transfer of administration, but no
3
Central Intelligence Agency. The Trend of Soviet-Yugoslav Relations, November 18th,

1948; Central Intelligence Agency, Memorandum, Soviet-Yugoslav Relations, August
22nd, 1949; Intelligence Memorandum No. 232, Subject: Significance of Recent Intensified Soviet Action against Tito, October 5th, 1949; Central Intelligence Agency.
National Intelligence Estimate. Probability of an Invasion of Yugoslavia in 1951, March
20th, 1951, in U.S. Diplomatic Records on Relations with Yugoslavia during the Early
Cold War, 19481957, edited by N. Ceh, New York 2002, pp. 5460, pp. 103104,
pp. 116118, pp. 268270. Jugoslovenski-sovjetski sukob 1948. godine. Zbornik radova sa naunog skupa, edited by Institut za savremenu istoriju, Beograd 1999. On
Yugoslavias rapprochement with the West, see: B. Heuser, Western Containment
Policies in the Cold War. The Yugoslav Case 19481953, London 1989; L. M. Lees,
Keeping Tito Afloat. The United States, Yugoslavia, and the Cold War, University Park
(PA) 1997; D. Bogeti, Jugoslavija i Zapad 19521955. Jugoslovensko pribliavanije
NATO-u, Beograd 2000; I. Lakovi, Zapadna vojna pomo Jugoslaviji 19511958,
Podgorica 2006.
J.-B. Duroselle, Le conflit, cit., p. 406 ff.; D. De Castro, La questione di Trieste, cit.,
vol. II, p. 797 ff.; M. de Leonardis, La diplomazia atlantica, cit., p. 393 ff.; P. Pastorelli, Origine e significato del Memorandum di Londra, in Clio, 1995, n. 4, pp.
607609.
15
3/2012.
transfer of sovereignty was planned.5 The Belgrade government, however, although it had to renounce the Slovenian dream of conquering
Trieste, considered the dispute essentially closed. Stabilization of the
Italian border allowed Tito and the communist leadership to strengthen
the country (turning their attention exclusively towards the East, to
the Soviet bloc and not anymore to two fronts) and to complete the
realization of the Yugoslav road to socialism, making more secure the
grip that the regime had inside the country.6
On the assumption that the London agreement was just a temporary accommodation of the border, Italian governments decided to
normalize relations with Yugoslavia, with a series of successive bilateral
agreements such as the agreement of Udine in 1955 which regulated
the flow of people and goods between the region of Trieste and the
surrounding areas, and the agreement on fishing in the Adriatic in
1958. Such arrangements, despite numerous polemics, represented a
prelude to the intense development of economic and cultural relations
between the two countries verified in the sixties, which put Italy on the
first place among countries importing from Yugoslavia and third place
among exporting countries. Outstanding improvement of economic relations was the direct result of the guidelines followed by the Italian governments which were based on the complete separation of economic
and political issues; such guidelines, moreover, were strongly supported by some economic and industrial stakeholders, whose primary aims
were to benefit from proximity and complementarity of the two Adriatic
coasts.7
5
Briefing Note on Triestes Status (Zone A and Zone B), Manlio Castronuovos
Strictlcy Confidential Memorandum, Rome January 11th, 1964, attached to Castronuovo to Giovanni Fornari, Rome, January 11th, 1964, in Archivio Centrale dello Stato, Roma (ACS), Archivio Aldo Moro (AAM), box 77, file 215/1. Also: J.-B. Duroselle,
Le conflit, cit., pp. 423424; P. Pastorelli, Origine e significato, cit., pp. 609610.
Memorandum of Conversation between Josip Broz Tito and a Delegation of Slovenian
Representatives from Zone A of the FTT, in the presence of Edvard Kardelj, Belgrade,
November 8th,1953, in Arhiv Jugoslavije (AJ), Arhiv predsenika Republike (APR), Fond
837 Kabinet predsenika Republike (KPR), (I3A), box. 144. Also: D. Bogeti, Jugoslavija i Zapad, cit., p. 124 ff.; N. Troha, Yugoslav Proposal for the Solutions of the
Trieste Question Following the Cominform Resolution, in Yugoslavia in the Cold War,
edited by J. Fischer, A. Gabri, L. Gibianskii, E. S. Klein, R. W. Preussen, Ljubljana
2004, p. 161 ff.
Memorandum on Negotiations with Italy, Secret no. 1646, Belgrade, September
19th, 1955; Memorandum of Conversation between the Under- Secretary of State,
Anton Vratua, and the Italian Ambassador, Gastone Guidotti, Belgrade, July 2nd,
1957, in AJ, APR, KPR (I5B), box 245; Information Memorandum on Italy, (without
date, but presumably in October 1958) in AJ, APR, KPR (I3A), box 144; Memorandum of Conversation between the Under-Secretary of State, Veljko Miunovi, and
the Italian Ambassador, Francesco Cavalletti, Belgrade, February 11th,1960, in AJ,
APR, KPR (I5B), box 246; Report on Yugoslavia, (without date, but presumably
16
M. BUCARELLI

Despite the intensification of trade, Italy and Yugoslavia however failed to establish the atmosphere of cordiality and friendly collaboration, essential to give a definite solution to the Trieste question.
After the signing of the London Memorandum, the Belgrade government wanted Italy to formally recognize the closure of the dispute and
expansion of Yugoslav sovereignty on zone B of the unborn FTT; the
recognition represented for the Yugoslavs a necessary reward for their
elimination from the pockets created by Yugoslav troops in September
1947 and for setting-up the border between the two countries. Italys
government, however, aimed at separating the two issues, deriving the
definition of the northern border from the Peace Treaty and reaffirming
the practical and provisional nature of the 1954 Memorandum, which if
exceeded would let Italy launch new negotiations ad hoc (from which
the Italian government was hoping to get some additional territorial
benefits regarding only zone A, demanding at least the acquisition of
the coastal areas of zone B based on the so-called continual ethnical
line).8
2. The Rapprochement in the Late Sixties: Italy and

Yugoslavia in the years of Dtente
International events and parallel internal Yugoslav affairs in
the second half of the sixties promoted the rapprochement of the two
Adriatic shores. In August 1968 Soviet troops, along with the troops of
other Warsaw Pact countries (except Romania), invaded Czechoslovakia to put an end to an internal crisis which had begun in January of the
same year with the appointment of Alexander Dubek as Secretary-general of the Czechoslovak Communist Party. Aggression against
Czechoslovakia was also justified by ideological reasons through the
development of the Brenev Doctrine, which theorized the necessity
of subordinating interests of every single socialist State to the interests
of the international communist movement and taking action to curb
between 19671968), in ACS, AAM, box 85. As for the economic relations between
Italy and Yugoslavia after WWII, see: M. Capriati, Gli scambi commerciali tra Italia e
Jugoslavia dal dopoguerra al 1991, in F. Botta, I. Garzia (editors), Europa adriatica,
cit., pp. 165173. For overall analyses, see: R. Gaja, LItalia nel mondo bipolare, cit.,
pp. 166167; L. Monzali, La questione jugoslava, cit., pp. 4951.
Italian-Yugoslav Talks. A General Overview, (Memorandum without date, but presumably in 1960); Overall Considerations on Italo-Yugoslav Questions, (Memorandum
without date, but presumably in 1960 as well), in ACS, Presidenza del Consiglio dei
Ministri Ufficio del Consigliere Diplomatico (PCM UCD), box 27; Briefing Note on
Triestes Status, cit. ACS, AAM, box 77, file 215/1.
17
3/2012.
any threats to the revolutionary gains achieved by the peoples of

communist countries.9
Violent solution to the crisis in Czechoslovakia and enunciation
of the Brezhnev Doctrine put the Belgrade government on alert,
concerned about a possible application of the same doctrine to the case
of Yugoslavia.10 In those years, actually, national problems inside the
Federation were forcefully reappearing making its political weakness
obvious. Political instability was also exacerbated by economic difficulties coming from the early failures of the Yugoslav development model
based on self-management and local autonomies. The Yugoslav road
to socialism ended up with deepening economic and social differences
and political divisions between various national groups, exacerbating
internal fragmentation underlined by the Communist Party itself, transformed from a unitary and monolithic subject into a Federal League
of Communist Parties of six republics and two autonomous provinces.
Between 1969 and 1971 growing popular protests shook up the internal cohesion of the country so much that the affirmation and the construction of the Yugoslav socialist regime seemed to be called into
question. Great was the fear of Tito and his closest associates that such
destabilizing factors could be taken as a pretext for intervention by the
troops of the Warsaw Pact, with the intention of absorbing Yugoslavia
into Soviet orthodoxy by replacing the Yugoslav leadership with the
elements favored by Moscow.11
A fear also shared by the Italian government, more and more
interested in preserving and consolidating the role of the Yugoslav Federation as a necessary territorial and ideological shield between Italy
and countries of the Warsaw Pact. Since 1963, following the formation
of a center-left cabinet in Italy due to the Socialist Party entry into a
coalition government headed by the Christian Democratic Party, the two
9
10
11
M. Kramer, The Czechoslovak Crisis and the Brezhnev Doctrine, in C. Pink, P. Gassert,
D. Junker (editors), 1968: The World Transformed, Cambridge 1998.
V. Miunovi, Moskovske godine 1969/1971, Belgrado 1984, p. 17 ff.; L. Dimi, Godina 1968 Ishodite nove jugoslovenske spoljnopolitike orijentacije, in 1968 etrdeset godina posle, edited by Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, Belgrade 2008, p.
339 ff.
Leonhart to Rogers, Belgrade, March 13th, 1970, in Foreign Relations of United States
(FRUS), 19691976, Vol. XXIX, Eastern Europe Eastern Mediterranean, 19691972,
doc. 218. Also: Z. Vukovi, Od deformacija SDB do Maspoka i liberalizma. Moji stenografski zapisi 19661972, Belgrade 1989, p. 11 ff.; J. Pirjevec, Il giorno di San Vito.
Jugoslavia tragica 19181922. Storia di una tragedia, Torino 1992, p. 363 ff., p. 437
ff.; S. Bianchini, La questione jugoslava, Firenze, 1996, p. 97 ff.; J. R. Lampe, Yugoslavia as History. Twice There was a Country, Cambridge 2000, p. 276 ff.; F. Privitera,
Jugoslavia, Milano, p. 96 ff.; M. Vrhunec, est godina s Titom, (19671973), Zagreb
2001, p. 251 ff.
18
M. BUCARELLI

countries had gradually started renewing their dialogue in an attempt

to break the deadlock reached not only in the Trieste question but also
in international political collaboration. Italy and Yugoslavia found common political ground in criticizing some aspects of American foreign policy, such as the military intervention in Southeast Asia and its definite
pro-Israeli support in the Middle East. One of the political protagonists
in that new phase of relations between Italy and Yugoslavia was Aldo
Moro, a Christian-Democrat politician, several times Prime Minister
and Foreign Affairs Minister ad interim between 1963 and 1968. The
Christian-Democrat leader was primarily concerned with strengthening
the economic and cultural cooperation and fostering collaboration between the two countries on major international political issues, without
specifically addressing the issue of the final settlement of zones A
and B of the FTT. In November 1965 Moro was the first Italian prime
minister to pay an official visit to Yugoslavia; a visit returned by the
head of the Federal Government of Yugoslavia, Mika piljak, in January
1968, to seal the common interests and intentions existing between
the two countries in numerous sectors of politics and economy, with
the exception obviously of the Trieste question.12
It was in the light of improved relations between the two countries and of the vital strategic importance of the non-aligned Yugoslavia that on September 2, 1968 Giuseppe Medici, Foreign Affairs
Minister at the time, communicated to the government in Belgrade that
Italy would not attempt to derive any benefits from potential moves
towards the eastern borders of the Yugoslav troops stationed along the
border with Italy.13 In the face of instability of the neighboring Yugoslav
Federation, it was more than evident that Italy would be concerned to
see the troops of the Warsaw Pact enter Yugoslav territory to apply
the Brezhnev Doctrine and to find itself sharing the same border
12
13
As regards the official visits of Moro and Spiljak, see: Visit to Yugoslavia, November 8th12th, 1965, Memorandum of Conversations, November 8th and 9th, 1965, in
ACS, AAM, box 77, file 215/3; Memorandum of the Conversation between Tito and
Aldo Moro, Belgrade, November 9th, 1965, in AJ, APR, KPR (I3A), box 145, file
44/31; Memorandum of Italian-Yugoslav Conversations (January 8th 9th 1968), in
ACS, AAM, box 66, file 6. Also: F. Imperato, Aldo Moro e la pace nella sicurezza.
La politica estera del centro-sinistra 19631968, Bari 2011, pp. 104105, pp. 205
208.
Prica to Tepavac, tel. no. 578, Roma, September 2nd, 1968, in AJ, APR, KPR (I5B),
box 247; Italian-Yugoslav Relations and Disputes, Memorandum attached to Preparatory Materials for the Italian President Saragats Official Visit to Yugoslavia, October 2nd6th,1969, Confidential, in ACS, AAM, box 127, file 5. Also: G. W. Maccotta,
La Iugoslavia di ieri e di oggi, in Rivista di Studi Politici Internazionali, 1988, n. 2,
pp. 231232; Id., In ricordo di Giuseppe Medici e Giovanni Fornari, in Affari Esteri,
2001, n. 159, p. 185; S. Mii, Jugoslovensko-italijanski odnosi i ehoslovenska kriza
1968. godine, in 1968 etrdeset godina posle, cit., p. 293 ff.
19
3/2012.
with the Soviet bloc, bringing the iron curtain right next to Gorizia and
Trieste. Italian guarantees produced a real thaw between the two
Adriatic shores, making an important contribution to the improvement
of political climate and to overcoming mutual suspicions and numerous
misunderstandings. The improvement was highlighted by visits of the
new Foreign Minister, Pietro Nenni, and of the President of the Republic of Italy, Giuseppe Saragat, respectively in May and October 1969,
both convinced of the necessity to help the socialist and non-aligned
Yugoslavia remain united and independent, because as they said
the true Italian eastern border was the Yugoslav border with neighboring Peoples Democracies and not the one that went along the
Isonzo River.14
The atmosphere changed so much that the governments in
Rome and Belgrade went back to talk even about the Trieste question
and the northern border based on a new assumptions: the Italian
side accepted that there was a connection between delimitation of the
northern border (which remained suspended since the Peace Treaty)
and final partition of the unsuccessful Free Territory of Trieste, while
the Yugoslav side accepted the Italian request to include the territorial problem into broader political and economic negotiations (request
which was advanced in the hope of obtaining benefits and advantages
in exchange for an agreement that the Italian public opinion would
perceive as a renunciation). Even on this occasion, the protagonist
of the revival of negotiations on the closure of the border issue was
Aldo Moro who returned to the Foreign Affairs Ministry in August 1969.
Unlike the approach taken in previous years, the Christian-Democrat
leader decided to deal with the issues still pending by undertaking concrete actions to find a definite solution to the Italian-Yugoslav territorial
disputes. Moros actions were based both on general and particular
reasons. Determination of the new head of Foreign Affairs was, no doubt, influenced by the international framework in the late sixties when
the process of detent between the two blocs started and when the
Federal Republic of Germany sacrificed some of the territories in the
context of Ostpolitik.15 Changes taking place in international politics
14
15
As to Nennis and Saragats official visits to Yugoslavia see: Memorandum of Conversation between President Tito and the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs, Pietro Nenni,
Belgrade, May 28th, 1969; Stenographic Transcript of the Conversations between
the Yugoslav Delegation and the Italian Delegation, Belgrade, October 3rd,1969, in
AJ, APR, KPR (I3A), box 145, files 44/43 and 44/46. Also: P. Nenni, I conti con la
storia. Diari 19671971, Milano 1983, p. 222, p. 542.
L. V. Ferraris (editor), Testimonianze di un negoziato HelsinkiGinevraHelsinki
197275, Padova 1977; L. V. Ferraris, On the Backstage of the Negotiations in View
20
M. BUCARELLI

favored Moros project to include the closure of the Trieste question

into the framework of general effort to improve Italian relations with
neighboring countries, Austria and Yugoslavia (with which Italy had
some issues since the Second World War). According to Moro, it was
time to overcome patterns of power politics and set up an international
society based on the values of solidarity, dialogue and peace. Italy,
too, could make a contribution to the on-going transformation of the
international system, by putting effort to resolve political and territorial
disputes with Vienna and Belgrade and establish a close political collaboration.16
As to the bilateral dimension of Italian-Yugoslav relations, Moro
was convinced that the territorial settlement established by the London
Memorandum was not possible to modify by force and not possible
to modify by consent.17 For the Christian-Democrat leader, the overall
situation created by the Memorandum was supposed to be respected
without bringing in any changes, and territorial spheres deriving from
it (corresponding to de facto partition of the FTT) were out of question and not for discussion. The missing step for stabilization of the
border and for complete normalization of relations between the two countries was the change in legal status defined by the London agreement
and transformation of the demarcation line between zone A and zone
B into a state borderline. At the same time, however, Moro realized
that a quick and sudden solution of the Trieste question through the
recognition of de facto partition of the FTT would cause many adverse
reactions, both at the local level (even in the Christian-Democratic
Party of Trieste itself) and at the national level in circles of the extreme
right. The Italian Foreign Affairs Ministry wanted to avoid the possibility
of an immediate success being turned into aggravation of relations
caused by the reaction of public opinion which was not mature enough
on some issues, as it was still tied to passionate and sentimental
factors that were not to be neglected. It was necessary, according
to Moro, to present the agreement with Yugoslavia not as an Italian
16
17
of a European Security Conference (19661969) in C. Meneguzzi Rostagni (editor),

The Helsinki Process: a Historical Reappraisal, Padova 2005, p. 139 ff.
A. Moro, Programma per una pace integrale, in Il Popolo, October 9th, 1969. Also:
R. Gaja, LItalia nel mondo bipolare, cit., pp. 181182; C. Meneguzzi Rostagni, La
politica estera italiana e la distensione: una proposta di lettura, in www. dsi.unipd.it /
documenti /ProfMeneguzzi.pdf.; P. Pastorelli, LItalia e la Grande Distensione (1968
1975), in P. G. Celozzi Baldelli (editor), La politica estera italiana negli anni della
Grande Distensione (19681975), Roma 2009, p. 37.
A. Moro, Discorsi parlamentari, edited by E. Lamaro, Roma 1996, Vol. II, p. 1547;
G. W. Maccotta, Osimo visto da Belgrado, in Rivista di Studi Politici Internazionali,
1993, no. 1, p. 65.
21
3/2012.
renouncement of zone B, because it was not possible to renounce

something that had not belonged to the country since the War and the
Peace Treaty, but to present it as a final acquisition of benefits both
territorial (zone A with Trieste which the Peace Treaty of 1947 had
left outside of the national borders) as well as political and economic,
through revival of friendship between Italy and Yugoslavia.18
3. Closure of the Trieste Question and Revival of

Italian-Yugoslav Friendship
Secret exploratory talks (conducted by Italian Ambassador Gian Luigi Milesi Ferretti and Yugoslav Ambassador Zvonko Perii) were
held in the second half of 1969. Negotiations as expected turned
out to be rather complex and difficult because of the gap created between Italian and Yugoslav positions and because of the impossibility to
overcome in a short period of time misunderstandings and differences
caused by decades of conflicts and hostility. Discussions were going
from one extreme to another for almost two years, until the autumn of
1970 when precisely on November 21 the two appointees concluded their work with a report which consisted of a few points of agreement and many points of disagreement.19 Negotiation problems, caused
the resistance of the political exponents of Trieste, strong critiques in
the Parliament by the leader of the extreme right and the subsequent
straining of political relations by Yugoslavia, especially Slovenia and
Croatia, to such an extent as to prevent the arrival of Tito in Italy in
December 1970, planned as a return visit to the official visit made by
Saragat the previous year.20 It was only after a clarification meeting
between Aldo Moro and his Yugoslav colleague, Mirko Tepavac, held in
Venice in February 1971, that Marshal Titos visit could be carried out in
March 1971. In Venice, as well as during the visit of the Yugoslav president in Italy, Moro insisted on compliance with the London Memorandum, acknowledging that the 1954 agreement was not provisional
18
19
20
Memorandum of the Conversation between Aldo Moro and the Yugoslav Ambassador,
Srdja Prica, Rome, December 12th, 1970, in ACS, AAM, box 131, file 61; Memorandum of the Conversation between Aldo Moro and the Yugoslav Foreign Affaire Ministers, Mirko Tepavac, Secret, Venice, Febrauary 9th,1971, in ACS, AAM, box 147, file
14.
Trabalza to Gaja, Belgrade, December 8th 1970, Top Secret Note, in ACS, AAM, box
131, file 61. Also: M. Bucarelli, La questione jugoslava, cit., pp. 5152.
Trabalza to Moro, Belgrade, December 8th 1970, tel. no. 1097, Top Secret Very
Urgent, in ACS, AAM, box 131, file 61. M. Bucarelli, La questione jugoslava, cit.,
pp. 5254.
22
M. BUCARELLI

anymore. At the same time, however, he pointed out that the final
agreement should be reached without causing disturbances in Italian
public life; and in order to achieve this it was necessary to give one
global solution to all the issues, through extensive, gradual and, above
all, secret negotiations. Yugoslav leaders, on the contrary, having the
absolute need to achieve international success for the sake of Slovenian and Croatian public opinion, pressed for a fast resolution of negotiations or, at least, for their official status to show that there was a will on
both sides to reach a final agreement. In Ljubljana and Zagreb, in fact,
Italian hesitations were misinterpreted and they started suspecting that
Italys intention was only to beat around the bushes while waiting for
a possible internal Yugoslav crisis and then take advantage of it. After a
temporary split in the winter of 1970-1971, Moro and Tepavac decided
that, in order to relaunch negotiations without creating embarrassment
to the two governments, it would be appropriate to continue with secret
exploratory talks on territorial issues and, at the same time, to agree
on a series of well-balanced packages to be implemented immediately in order to resolve the most urgent problems of the local populations.
Basically, they were trying to send a reassuring message to Slovenians
and Croats and make them understand that they were working towards
the stabilization of the Italian border; at the same time, however, they
were making Italians understand that at that moment the fate of zone
B was not on the agenda.21 Despite all the positive premises posed in
Venice and during Titos visit, the work dragged on for many months,
without the possibility to neither reach any agreement on packages to
be implemented immediately nor find a global solution for the ItalianYugoslav dispute.
The initiative was resumed by the second government of Andreotti (19721973) with the return of Medici to Foreign Affairs Ministry.
During the meeting in March 1973 in Dubrovnik, Medici and a new Yugoslav Foreign Minister, Milo Mini, agreed to renew the negotiations
and to use, in case the negotiations would lead to failure once again, a
secret informal channel represented by two experts: Director-general
of the Ministry of Industry, Eugenio Carbone, and the President of the
Federal Committee for Economic Relations, a Slovenian Boris nuderl.
Negotiations at the official level were soon stopped, resulting, in the
21
Memorandum of the Conversation between Aldo Moro and the Yugoslav Foreign Affaire Ministers, Mirko Tepavac, Secret, cit., in ACS, AAM, box 147, file 14. As for
Titos official visit to Italy in March 1971, see: Memorandumo of the Conversation
between President Tito and the Italian President Giuseppe Saragat, Rome, March 23rd
1971, in AJ, APR, KPR (I248/1), b. 90; as well as the preparatory materials in ACS,
AAM, box 133, file 74. M. Bucarelli, La questione jugoslava, cit., pp. 5761.
23
3/2012.
spring of 1974, in new polemics fueled by the decision of Yugoslav

authorities to break the deadlock reached in the negotiations by adding
an inscription Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia on transit points between zone A and zone B. The diplomatic crisis, however, did
not prevent the opening of the informal channel. nuderl-Carbone negotiations lasted for about a year and, despite many difficulties, resulted in the conclusion of the Italian-Yugoslav Treaty signed in Osimo, on
November 10, 1975 by Mini and Rumor, Foreign Minister in the fourth
government of Moro. The governments of Rome and Belgrade recognized de jure territorial arrangements provided by the London Memorandum, permanently defining the borderline between zone A and zone B
of the ex FTT. On behalf of their governments, Rumor and Mini declared that they would like to improve relations with neighboring countries
with a qualitative leap in economic and cultural collaboration, so they
decided at Italys request to establish a tax-free zone that could
facilitate a possible inclusion of Yugoslavia to the European Common
Market and inclusion of Italy in the economic space of Eastern Europe
(tax-free zone which, however, was never established because of the
Italian resistance at the local level). The two governments, finally, tried
to maintain the level of protection of national minorities granted by the
special statute attached to the London Memorandum whose overall
content, under the new agreement, was destined to failure.22
The Osimo Agreements had a positive impact on the general
political and economic interests of Italy, helping to greatly improve bilateral relations between Rome and Belgrade, so that it can be pointed
out as an example of relations between the countries with different
regulations and belonging to different political systems. For the first
time in the history of Italian-Yugoslav relations, a true friendship was
developed between the two shores of the Adriatic, characterized by
several important economic, commercial and financial agreements, underlining above all the fundamental role assigned to Yugoslavia in the
Balkan and Adriatic political strategy of Italy, aimed at preservation of
regional settlements, both political and economic, stabile and capable
of insuring national interests.23
Among the earliest and most significant results of the renewed
collaboration between Italy and Yugoslavia, there was, undoubtedly,
22
23
V. korjanec, Osimska pogajanja, Koper 2007, p. 65 ff.; M. Bucarelli, La questione

jugoslava, cit., pp. 6275.
G. W. Maccotta, La Iugoslavia, cit., pp. 232233; S. Romano, Guida alla politica estera italiana. Da Badoglio a Berlusconi, Milano, 2002, p. 244. A. Cavagliari, Jugoslavia:
ricordi di unambasciata (19771980), in Professione: diplomatico, edited by E. Serra, Milano 1990, p. 45.
24
M. BUCARELLI

the creation of the Working Community of the Lnder, Regions and

Republics of the Eastern Alps (later named Alpe Adria Community).
Formed in Venice on November 20, 1978 at Italian initiative, Alpe Adria
Community was a regional grouping whose primary and original core
included territories located in the northeastern part of the Alps, at the
meeting point of the Italian, Yugoslav and Austrian borders. The aim
was to encourage the development of multilateral cooperation and to
promote economic, social and cultural integrations between adjacent
regions belonging to different political and economic system; regions
separated in the recent decades but that had in the past shared a common state experience and had developed a common Central-European
identity. After a period of dividing and splitting, it was obvious that there
was a need to overcome ideological barriers and to realize an informal
and simplified collaboration able to avoid delays and inflexibility of traditional diplomacy. It was, therefore, all about rebuilding a common
environment through a series of actions and initiatives to facilitate
the flow of goods, people, capital, services, as well as information,
knowledge and culture.24
The intention of Italian politicians and leaders, promoters of
the initiative, was to boost the countrys role in Central and Eastern
Europe, making it much more present and active all over the region.
Local Italian politicians had understood how important and necessary it
was to build a solid friendship between Italy, Yugoslavia and Austria, in
order to stabilize the Central-European region and to develop economic
and cultural networks in the Adriatic. This was also vital for the interests
of northeastern Italy in general, Trieste in particular. Within the ruling
circle of Veneto, and Friuli-Venezia Giulia it was considered that the
future of these regions was closely connected to the development of
prospects of friendship and collaboration with neighboring countries.
In such a sensitive moment for Europe, policy of democratic, economic
and social development required a parallel policy of peace and international collaboration with neighboring nations and with entire Central and
Eastern Europe.25
24
25
E. Vrsaj, La cooperazione economica Alpe-Adria, Trieste, 1975, p. 375; Id., Il nuovo

ordine economico mondiale e la sfida del 1992, Trieste, 1988, p. 206 ff.; La Comunit di Lavoro Alpe Adria, Documenti CNEL, Roma, 1992, pp. 1340; L. Poropat,
Alpe-Adria e Iniziativa Centro-europea. Cooperazione nellAlpe-Adria e nellarea danubiana, Napoli, 1993, p. 12 ff.; Id., The Alpe Adria Working Community 19781994,
Trieste, 1996, p. 5 ff. Also: http://www.alpeadria.org.
S. Lusa, Italia-Slovenia 1990/1994, Pirano, 2001, p. 31; E. Vrsaj, La cooperazione
economica, cit. pp. 910; Id., Il nuovo ordine economico mondiale, cit., pp. 206208.
25
3/2012.
Regional collaboration established through the Alpe Adria Community permanently transformed the role of Triveneto: it was not
a border zone anymore, it was an area of active affiliation between
various cultures and nationalities who had a past, even recent, full of
antagonisms and conflicts. It was at the level of political debate and
cultural exchange, rather than purely economic, that the Community
operated most of its interventions in its first ten years. The Alpe Adria
Community primarily represented an informal forum for cooperation
between territorial entities belonging to different political, ideological
and national alliances, but linked by geographical proximity, same
historical and cultural traditions and common economic interests.
Obviously, it was actually bringing to light the complementarity of
the entire region, despite the existing barriers and divisions, that was
the most significant contribution of the Italian initiative. A proximity
and complementarity, which proved to have a significant role in the
development of the Yugoslav crisis in the nineties.26
4. Italian Policy Facing the Disintegration of Yugoslavia

After closing a long territorial dispute over the possession of
Trieste, Yugoslavia became a key partner for the fulfillment of Italian
national interests. As inter-Adriatic economic and commercial networks
grew rapidly and bilateral relations were gradually normalized, Italian
governments were increasingly relying on friendship and collaboration
with neighboring Yugoslavia to implement its own Adriatic and Balkan
policy. In the late eighties and early nineties, in fact, in a period marked by the fall of the Berlin wall, the collapse of communist regimes in
Central and Eastern Europe and the reunification of Germany, Yugoslavia became the pivot of major Italian initiatives in the Danube-Balkan
region. In conjunction with the events of 1989, the Italian government
promoted the establishment of a Central-European Association, with
the participation of different political and economic realities. Other
than Italy, a member of NATO and the European Economic Community
(EEC), countries which joined the initiative were Austria, a neutral
country on the verge of entering the EEC, Yugoslavia, socialist and
non-aligned country, and Hungary, the most reformed and in a way the
most advanced among Warsaw Pact countries. Due to the subsequent
accessions of Czechoslovakia and Poland, the Quadrangular, established in Budapest in November 1989, became Pentagonal and
26
L. Poropat, Alpe-Adria, cit., p. 31 ff.
26
M. BUCARELLI

Hexagonal, until it was finally transformed during the nineties into

a Central-European Initiative following the admission of many other
countries of the region. Unlike the Alpe Adria Community, the Initiative
was built on the convergence of various political and economic interests
introduced and pursued at the national and not just local level. The new
grouping, in fact, was not restricted only to some adjacent territorial
entities, but it consisted of the majority of states in the Adriatic and
Danube-Balkan region. In the light of the ongoing transformation of
political arrangements in entire Eastern Europe, the primary objective
of the new Central-European agreement was to strengthen the cooperation in the political, economic and cultural field; in essence, it
was an attempt to improve the relations of neighboring countries that
had been bitterly confronted for 45 years because of the bipolar logic
imposed by the Cold War; and, at the same time, it was an attempt to
support the development and consolidation of democratic institutions
within those societies which were headed for a long transition towards
liberal and pluralist political systems.27
The project, promoted especially by the Foreign Affairs Minister,
Gianni De Michelis, a leading figure of the Socialist party, particularly
sensitive to Adriatic and Balkan issues, followed the Adriatic Initiative, a cooperation agreement between Italy and Yugoslavia in September 1989 whose goal was to transform the Adriatic, until then
perceived as an obstacle and a barrier, into a common resource from
which to address an entire set of problems and exploit a series of
opportunities in important sectors, such as tourism, environment and
communications. Some flexible parts of the Alpe Adria Communitys
forms and instruments were taken over by the Adriatic Initiative which
led, in April 1990, to the constitution of the Working Community for
the Southern and Central Adriatic. Even in this case, the basic attempt
of the initiative was to promote relations of good neighborliness and to
enhance the inter-Adriatic collaboration, already well underway.28 The
Adriatic Community, however, could not act in the manner desired by
the promoters, because of the internal crisis that shortly after involved
27
28
G. De Michelis, La lunga ombra di Yalta. La specificit della politica italiana, Venezia

2003, pp. 9294; A. Biasutti, Friuli-Venezia Giulia: dieci anni dopo. Diario di un democristiano (19821991), Udine, p. 252. Also: L. Poropat, Alpe-Adria, cit., p. 61 ff.;
S. Mazzaroli, Cooperazione dellItalia con lAustria, la Repubblica Ceka, la Slovenia, la
Croazia e lUngheria, Roma, 1998, pp. 5659; L. V. Ferraris, Una associazione utile.
LIniziativa centro-europea, in Affari Esteri, 2001, no. 132, p. 751 ff. Also: http://
www.ceinet.org.
G. De Michelis, La lunga ombra di Yalta, cit., pp. 9293; S. Lusa, Italia-Slovenia, cit.,
pp. 2628; L. Poropat, Alpe-Adria, cit., pp. 2428.
27
3/2012.
the Yugoslav republics and that in a short period of time made the
socialist Yugoslavia disappear.
Essentially there were two objectives for the renewed Italian
dynamism and they were quite obvious. The first one was aimed at
strengthening stability of the entire region, facilitating integrations
between western democracies and countries emerging from decades
of communist rule. For Italy, the advantages would have been evident.
Such a strategy would have revived its international role and weight
as a reference point for Eastern-European countries and as a bridge to
bring them closer to the EEC. At the same time, it would have allowed
Italy to contain the economic expansion and increasing political influence of Germany in the region, preventing these countries from
falling completely into the orbit of Germany.29
The other objective was to anticipate in some way the Yugoslav
crisis, that was about to explode in all its seriousness, favoring integrative tendencies in the sense of laying foundations for a new Yugoslavia.30 During the eighties, after Titos death, tensions between various
national groups within the Yugoslav Federation were exacerbated
once again as a result of great economical difficulties in the country.
Slovenians and Croats, whose political orientations were increasingly
directed towards nationalism and independency, began to openly
criticize the federal government in Belgrade and its economic and
financial directives, demanding with greater firmness and insistence
the liberalization of political and economic life. Prevalence of nationalist
interests even within the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, gathered
for the last time at the congress in January 1990, led to the split in the
communist leadership, due to the secession of Slovenian Communist
Party, and to the end of the partys leading role in the Federation.
In the spring of the same year free elections were held in Slovenia
and Croatia, and they brought affirmation of nationalist, anti-Serbian
and pro-independence forces. Similar results were obtained at the end
of 1990 in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Macedonia. Only in Serbia and
Montenegro, the Serbian Socialist Party and the Montenegrin SocialDemocratic Party, heirs to the League of Communists of Yugoslavia,
reconfirmed their power. The second Yugoslavia, the republican, fede29
30
S. Romano, Guida alla politica estera italiana, cit., pp. 242243; S. Lusa, Italia-Slovenia, cit., pp. 2627; M. Bucarelli, La Slovenia nella politica italiana di fine Novecento: dalla disgregazione jugoslava allintegrazione euro-atlantica, in M. Bucarelli,
L. Monzali (editors), Italia e Slovenia fra passato, presente e futuro, Roma, 2009, pp.
114 ff.
G. De Michelis, Cos cercammo di impedire la guerra, in Limes, 1994, no. 1, p. 229;
S. Lusa, Italia-Slovenia, cit., pp. 2728.
28
M. BUCARELLI

ral and socialist one (as well as the first Yugoslavia, monarchical and
centralized), proved unable to resolve so many ethnic issues and to
create a unitary identity in various populations and a common feeling
that would go beyond individual national allegiances.31
The aim of Italys Adriatic and Central-European political initiatives was to help the Yugoslav federal government to confront, in the
least painful way, the transition from a socialist single-party regime
to a liberal and democratic system. Italian ruling class considered it
was necessary to strongly support Belgrade authorities in this highly
difficult and delicate phase, for both internal and international balance,
since a new system was being formed in Yugoslavia, primarily based on
participation of several ethnic and religious parties in the political life,
whose aspirations were openly secessionist. Between 1990 and 1991,
while inside the neighboring Yugoslav Federation relations between
Serbs, Croats and Slovenians were going from bad to worse until
parliaments in Ljubljana and Zagreb declared independence on June
25, 1991, Italian government supported the federal authorities attempt
to deal with this difficult situation, convinced that it was still possible to
preserve the existence of Yugoslav State, albeit profoundly reformed
and transformed into a confederal entity free of old hegemonies and
with guaranteed rights for all national groups.32
As a consequence of this approach, after the proclamations of
June 25 and the beginning of short confrontations between the federal
army and Slovenian territorial defense, De Michelis worked actively
to suspend the effectiveness of the declarations of independence expecting to develop a comprehensive solution for the Yugoslav crisis. The
Italian Foreign Affairs Minister played a leading role in the mediation
of the European Economic Community: a tripartite commission was
sent to Yugoslavia delegated to make the confronted sides accept the
suspension of hostility and to lay the foundations for a negotiated
solution, without proceeding any further along the path of unilateral
policies and attacks. The result of the European troika mediation was
a compromise reached on July 7 on the island of Brioni, under which
31
32
J. R. Lampe, Yugoslavia as History, cit., pp. 276 ff.; L. Silber, A, Little, Yugoslavia.
Death of a Nation, New York, 1997; R. Thomas, Serbia under Miloevi. Politics in the
1990s, London, 1999; L. Sell, Slobodan Milosevic and the Destruction of Yugoslavia,
Durham and London, 2002; S. P. Ramet, Balkan Babel. The Disintegration of Yugoslavia from the Death of Tito to the Fall of Miloevi, Boulder, 2002.
G. De Michelis, Cos cercammo di impedire la guerra, cit., p. 230; F. Cossiga, La passione e la politica, Milano, Rizzoli, 2000, pp. 263264; A. Duce, La Commissione Affari Esteri e Comunitari della Camera dei Deputati italiani di fronte alla disgregazione
jugoslava e alla questione slovena (19891992), in M. Bucarelli, L. Monzali (editors),
Italia e Slovenia, cit., pp. 159166.
29
3/2012.
Slovenia and Croatia, represented by their presidents Milan Kuan

and Franjo Tuman, declared to be willing to suspend for a period of
three months the implementation of their declarations of independence
and to take part in multilateral negotiations on the future structure of
Yugoslavia, conducted under international supervision; the authority
of collegial presidency of the Yugoslav Federation was reinstated, with
Serbia, represented by Slobodan Miloevi, accepting a Croat Stipe
Mesi to be the President on duty; finally all present parties, tried not
to recognize any unilateral acts, especially if put in place by force.33
However, in late 1991, due to a continuous and intensified war
in Croatia in open violation of agreements reached in Brioni, the unity
of European governments was getting weaker and the attitude of the
Italian ruling class was getting closer to the idea of recognizing the two
secessionist Republics, even in the absence of a negotiated solution of
the Yugoslav crisis. Lack of compliance with the agreements reached
in Brioni by the Serbian paramilitary forces, the ongoing violent fights
in Croatia, and the failure of peace plans urged some EEC countries to
reconsider the previously adopted policy. Those countries were more
and more convinced that mediation was not possible anymore, that
Yugoslavia de facto had ceased to exist and that the only acceptable
solution, in order to prevent the continuation of hostilities and to find
a solution for the crisis, was internationalization of the conflict through
the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. Germany was the first one to
break the EEC front, thinking that a more direct and decisive intervention
was necessary in order to eliminate the elements of the civil war from
the conflicts. At the end of November, Chancellor Helmut Kohl declared
that the German government was ready to recognize Ljubljana and
Zagreb before Christmas, hoping that the largest possible number of
European partners would be willing to do the same, but making it clear,
at the same time, that the German decision would not be conditioned
by the principle of unanimity.34
Germany was getting ahead of itself, convinced that internationalization of the on-going conflict was the only deterrent capable
of stopping the Serbian aggression, so it prompted other European
partners to accept the compromise and recognize the secessionist
republics. Agreement reached by the EEC Foreign Affairs Ministers in
the meeting held on 15 and 16 December 1991 in Brussels, provided
33
34
G. De Michelis, Cos cercammo di impedire la guerra, cit., pp. 232-233; J. Pirjevec,

Le guerre jugoslave 19911999, Torino, 2001, pp. 49 ss.
G. De Michelis, Cos cercammo di impedire la guerra, cit., p. 234; S. Lusa, Italia-Slovenia, cit., pp. 6971; A. Duce, La Commissione Affari Esteri e Comunitari, cit., pp.
166167.
30
M. BUCARELLI

recognition, by January 15, 1992, not only of Slovenia and Croatia,

but also of other republics of already former Yugoslavia, that had
requested it before December 23, 1991, provided that their internal
regulations were compliant with some general values and conditions,
such as respect of democracy, human rights and minorities, and commitment not to change borders without the consent of the parties
concerned.35
Even on this occasion, Italian Foreign Minister De Michelis was
one of the major protagonist in the mediation between British and
French positions, opposed the recognitions fearing that the war might
be expanded to Bosnia and Macedonia, and Germanys stand, which
was firmly arguing that Yugoslavia was already a fiction, useful only to
the Serbs for their military interventions in other republics as defenders
of federal authorities.36 De Michelis intervened by indicating that the
Italian government had changed its attitude and was now campaigning
for the recognition of Ljubljana and Zagreb.37 Evolution of the Italian
position was both due to international as well as domestic factors. It
was evident, first of all, that the idea of a reformed confederal Yugoslavia became unsustainable, because the violence and cruelty of conflicts
demonstrated absolute hostility of the Yugoslav peoples in pursuit
of common political experience. Italian policy-makers were, finally,
concerned with the unilateral stance of the German government, which
threatened to cause a major split within the EEC; the government in
Rome was interested in maintaining unity of action among EEC and
keeping Germany anchored to the method of collegial decision making
because, otherwise, the alternative would be the renewal of destructive competition of Italy and Germany in the Balkans.38 Equally conclusive and influential for the change in policy by the Italian government
was the move of the Holy See, which had, since September 1991,
following the intensification of conflicts in Croatia, clearly expressed
itself in favor of immediate recognition of Ljubljana and Zagreb. The
Vatican policy was based on the Helsinki Accords, which established,
among other things, the right of peoples to choose their own political
regime freely and without external interference, and to pursue, in forms
35
36
37
38
J. Major, The Autobiography, Londra 1999, p. 533; G. De Michelis, Cos cercammo di

impedire la guerra, cit., p. 234; J. Pirjevec, Le guerre jugoslave, cit., pp. 100 ss.; S.
Lusa, Italia-Slovenia, cit., pp. 6971; L. V. Ferraris, LItalia, la Germania, e lEuropa,
in Affari Esteri, 2001, no. 129, pp. 9495.
D. Owen, Balkan Odyssey, S. Diego, London and New York, pp. 375377.
F. Cossiga, La passione, cit., p. 264; S. Lusa, Italia-Slovenia, cit., p. 61; A. Duce, La
Commissione Affari Esteri e Comunitari, cit., pp. 167170.
G. De Michelis, Cos cercammo di impedire la guerra, cit., p. 234.
31
3/2012.
and manners deemed most appropriate, their own political, economic

and social development.39
Moreover, since the beginning of the crisis, the pro-Yugoslav
position of the ruling class in Rome was subject to criticism and internal
pressures coming from important political circles, which were close to
the government members and belonged to the parliamentary majority.
Those were, in particular, some of the political leaders and rulers of
Veneto and Friuli - Venezia Giulia, the two regions of northeastern Italy
which were related to Slovenia and Croatia since 1978 due to the Alpe-Adria network.40 Over the years, the Community also became a place
to establish and strengthen political ties and solidarity, which at the time of the implosion of Yugoslavia proved to be of great importance.41
It was in the light of these particular relations that during 1991
some local Italian politicians gave initiatives for the support of Slovenian and Croatian independence, which were completely autonomous
of and antithetical to the official standing of the government in Rome.
Among the major protagonists of this sort of regional foreign policy
were governors of the Regional Council of Friuli - Venezia Giulia and
of Veneto, Christian-Democrats Adriano Biasutti and Gianfranco Cremonese. Besides guaranteeing their political solidarity to Ljubljana and
Zagreb, they made sure that the events in Yugoslavia were given the
greatest possible emphasis through extensive media coverage, which
could spread the first hand news coming from Slovenian and Croatian
politicians.42 In February 1991, the President of Friuli - Venezia Giulia
had the Regional Council approve a report, which, in addition to criticizing the position of neutrality taken by the government in Rome
regarding the internal Yugoslav crisis, invited Italian policy makers to
support requests of Slovenian and Croatian leaders and sustain the
process of democratization on-going in the two republics.43 Equally
striking and important was the lobbying done by Biasutti in the heart of
the government and national institutions, through internal channels of
39
40
41
42
43
A. Varsori, LItalia nelle relazioni internazionali dal 1943 al 1992, RomaBari 1998,
pp. 241242; C. De Montclos, Le Vatican et lclatement de la Yougoslavie, Paris
1999, p. 29.
A. Varsori, LItalia nelle relazioni internazionali, cit., pp. 241242; S. Lusa, Italia-Slovenia, cit., pp. 3132; M. Bucarelli, La Slovenia nella politica italiana, cit., pp. 109
ff.
A. Sema, Estate 1991: gli amici italiani di Lubiana, in Limes, 1994 n. 1, pp. 216
219; A. Biasutti, Friuli-Venezia Giulia, cit., p. 268; S. Lusa, Italia-Slovenia, cit., p. 31.
A. Sema, Estate 1991, cit., pp. 200 ss.; E. Greco, Levoluzione delle relazioni politiche, cit., pp. 2729; F. Cossiga, La passione, cit., pp. 264266; A. Biasutti, FriuliVenezia Giulia, cit., pp. 294 ss.; S. Lusa, Italia-Slovenia, cit., pp. 3233, pp. 4041.
L. Poropat, Alpe-Adria, cit., pp. 4344; S. Lusa, Italia-Slovenia, cit., p. 59.
32
M. BUCARELLI

the Christian Democrats; that made the president of the Friuli-Venezia

Giulia become one of the privileged interlocutors of the political leaders
in Rome, in particular the Minister of Transportation Lorenzo Bernini
(former governor of the Veneto region and a convinced supporter of
Alpe Adria) and, above all, the President of the Republic, Francesco
Cossiga, whose sort of personal ambassador Biasutti became in Ljubljana and Zagreb. Constant actions of the Friulian leader and other
local rulers were an introduction to the meeting held in Ljubljana in
January 1991 between Slovenian and Croatian representatives and
governors of the regions of northeastern Italy in the presence of Minister Bernini, who was becoming more and more convinced of the
economic benefits for Italy that would result from the secession. During
the discussions, future conclusion of an agreement on cross-border
cooperation was determined, with the intention to facilitate approach
and entry of Slovenia and Croatia into the European Community,
after the proclamation of independence.44 President Cossiga always at
the urging of Biasutti made striking gestures, such as the meeting
in Gorizia, in early November of 1991, with the President and Prime
Minister of Slovenia, Milan Kuan and Lojze Peterle. Despite the point
made by Cossiga, who clarified that this was proof of Italian and his
own friendship towards Slovenia, the meeting was interpreted as a
creeping attempt to recognition.45
One of the most significant results of domestic pressure on the
political circles in Rome was the debate at the Chamber of Deputies
on 22 and 23 October 1991, after which a resolution was passed,
whereby, after expressing appreciation and approval for the work done
by the government, it was asked to proceed with the recognition of
two secessionist republics, on the basis of principles established in
the Helsinki Accords and within the framework of peace actions of the
European Economic Community. Policy of friendship and cooperation
with Yugoslavia, based on the defense of its territorial integrity, was
now entirely abandoned by the Italian ruling class and it began to
follow the anti-Yugoslav and anti-Serbian policy, which considered the
formation of smaller state entities on the other side of the Adriatic as a
major political benefit and greater economic opportunity.46
44
45
46
S. Lusa, Italia-Slovenia, cit., p. 41.

F. Cossiga, La passione, cit., pp. 264266; A. Biasutti, Friuli-Venezia Giulia, cit., pp.
294 ff.
A. Duce, La Commissione Affari Esteri e Comunitari, cit., pp. 171175; E. Greco,
Levoluzione delle relazioni politiche, cit., pp. 2728.
33
3/2012.
In the light of this new stance of the ruling circles, Italy sided
with the Slovenian and Croatian independence, though conditioned to
respect the principles established by the European Economic Community. However, since Germany decided to proceed with the recognition
in any case, and the Holy See proclaimed to be willing to do the same,
the Italian government tried to make other European partners abandon
their reserves and consent to the recognition of Ljubljana and Zagreb.
After the German recognition on December 23 (followed by the Holy
See, the Baltic States, Ukraine and Iceland), Italy and other members
of the European Economic Community on January 15, 1992 recognized
the independence of Slovenia and Croatia, under condition, as regards
the latter, to accept the commitment to amend the constitution and to
formulate more precisely the protection of national minorities.47
Thus the Adriatic and Danube-Balkan strategy of Italy was
collapsing. Such a strategy began with the Osimo Agreement and
focused mainly on close friendship with Yugoslavia. The closing of the
Trieste question actually helped to improve relations between Rome
and Belgrade: for the first time in the history of Italian-Yugoslav
relations, a friendship between the two shores of the Adriatic was
established which was real and sincere, characterized by numerous
important economic, commercial and financial agreements. After the
signing of the treaty in 1975, the cooperation with Yugoslavia became
the primary option available to the Italian government to establish
itself as a regional power of Eastern Adriatic, which was one of the
goals constantly present in Italian politics of the twentieth century.
However, it was a choice that probably did not give all the results
which were expected, because of the irreversible process of dissolution
within Yugoslavia. The outbreak of ethnic wars and the secession of the
constituent Republics of the Federation, in addition to the ending the
Yugoslav and Balkan political strategy implemented by Italy since the
early seventies, caused the reappearance of a long-standing political
disparity within the Italian ruling circles between defenders of the
idea of Yugoslavia, although changed and reformed, and supporters
of independency for all the nations of the Adriatic and the Balkans.
Policy of friendship and cooperation with Yugoslavia proved, therefore,
probably not to be a choice approved and shared by the whole Italian
political class, especially at the local level. In any case, it was certainly
implemented too late, when the ethnic disintegration of Yugoslavia was
already taking place.
47
J. Pirjevec, Le guerre jugoslave, cit., pp. 104105; C. de Montclos, Le Vatican, cit., p.

51, pp. 243246. E. Greco, Levoluzione delle relazioni politiche, cit., pp. 2930.
34
M. BUCARELLI


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.
AJ, KPR, strogo poverljivo, 559/1, Kabinet dravnog sekretara za inostrane posleve,
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AMIP, PA, Grka, 1968, f. 42, d. 1, strogo poverljivo 416590, Javorski (Atina) DSIP-u,
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1973.
. M. C. Woodhause, The Rise, p. 114.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1972, f. 37, d. 3, str. pov. 9/72, Spoljnopolitiki poloaj Grke i
njena aktivnost u 1971. godini, 19. II 1972.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1971, f. 40, d. 5, pov. 445512, SSIP Savjet za odnose sa
inozemstvom Sabora SR Hrvatske, 21. XII 1971.
AMIP, PA, Grka 1970, f. 38, d. 7, 445275, Savezni sekretar za inostrane poslove, II
uprava, Informacija o Grkoj i jugoslovensko grkim odnosima, 29. XII 1972.
53
3/2012.
... .
,
.68
,

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1972, ... ... - - ... (
6. -, ) ,

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68
69
70
71
AMIP, PA, Grka 1970, f. 38, d. 1, Ambasad SFRJ (Boi, Atina) DSIP, s. pov.
44546, 10. II 1972.
AMIP, PA, Grka 1970, f. 37, d. 4, Ambasada SFRJ (S. Boi) Atina DSIP, pov.
49339, 10. 3. 1972.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1972, f. 37, d. 3, s. pov. 9/72, Ambasada SFRJ, Atina, Spoljnopolitiki
poloaj Grke i njena aktivnost u 1971 godini. Godinji izvetaj, 19. II 1972.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1972, f. 40, d. 5, pov. 46500, Savezni sekretarijat za narodnu
odbranu SSIP, 21. II 1972.
54
: -
19671974.
, , . ,
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.
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, .72

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( )

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. 1972. 17 ,
10.000 .
1. 1971.
( , ), ,
.75
72
73
74
75
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1972, f. 37, d. 4, s. pov. 49340, Zabeleka ambasadora u Atini
Vuinia o razgovoru sa C. H. Palamasom, 49340; M. C. Woodhause, The Rise, pp.
101103, 122127.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1972, f. 40, d. 10, pov. 415056/2U, Razgovor sekretara za spoljne
poslove Tepavca sa grkim ambasadorom Tetenesom, 4. V 1972.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1972, f. 38, d. 1, pov. 411364/72, Ambasada u Atini (Vuini)
SSIP, 27. III 1972.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1972, f. 38, d. 2, s. pov. 435390, Ambasada u Atini SSIP, 30. IX
1972.
55
3/2012.
(, ) 1972,
, , , - , .76

- 31. 1971. (
)
. .

.77

, 1972. .
:
, .
,

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1973. :
, ,
.

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77
78
79
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1972, f. 41, d. 1, pov. 439479, Ambasada u Atini (Vuini) SSIP,
1. XI 1972; M. C. Woodhause, The Rise, p. 94.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1972, f. 37, d. 4, pov. 4131, SSIP (II uprava) Informacija o zapleni
eksploziva na jugoslovensko-grkoj granici, 29. IX 1972.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1972, f. 38, d. 1, pov. 444015; AMIP, PA Grka, f. 38, d. 1, Ambasada u Atini SSIP, 6. XII 1972; Isto, f. 36, d. 9, s. pov. 49374, Aktivnosti studentskog
pokreta, 22. II 1973.
AMIP, PA, Grka 1973, f. 37, d. 1, s. pov. 422834, Ambasada u Atini SSIP (II
uprava), Sluaj razaraa Velos, 28. V 1973; Isto, pov. 424361, Zabeleka o razgovoru ambasadora SFRJ u Atini Vuinia sa S. Stafanopoulosom, bivim predsednikom
vlade, 29. V 1973; M. C. Woodhause, The Rise and Fall of the Greek Colonels, New
York, Granada, 1985, p. 117.
56
: -
19671974.
,
.
,
, .

...

.

(, , , )
( , ).80
,
.
, .81

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,
.
, ameriku politiku prema Grkoj ionako ne odreuje S.(tate) D.(epartment) ve Pentagon.82

. , 1973, ;

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,
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).83

,
80
81
82
83
M. C. Woodhause, The Rise, p. 103.

AMIP, PA, Grka, 1973, f. 37, d. 1, s. pov. 426421, Ambasada u Atini (Vuini) SSIP,
26. VI 1973.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1973, f. 37, d. 2, s. pov. 433200, SSIP (II uprava), 9. VIII 1973.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1973, f. 36, d. 11, s. pov, 428463, SSIP, Zabeleka sa zavrnog
sastanka novonaimenovanog ambasadora SFRJ u Grkoj, Milovana Markovia, 12. X
1973.
57
3/2012.
, ,
, . . ,
, , . , 28. ,

,
.84
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, ,
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.87
84
85
86
87
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1973, f. 37, d. 3, pov. 449896, SSIP ambasadama, 22. XI 1973.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1973, f. 37, d. 4, pov. 428463, SSIP I uprava, Informacija o
vojnom puu u Grkoj, 27. XI 1973.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1973, f. 37, d. 5, pov. 454183, Amnasada SFRJ u Ankari SSIP, 12.
XII 1974.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1973, f. 37, d. 5, s. pov. 454743, SSIP Ambasadi u Atini, 20.
XII 1973. Yom Kipur rata 1973,
. M. C.
Woodhause, The Rise, p. 127.
58
: -
19671974.
, ,
() .
...
. , ,
() ... .

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.

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.
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, .89

1974. , , ,
,
.

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,
() .90

:
,
.

88
89
90
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1974, f. 41, d. 5, s. pov. 444951, Ambasada u Atini SSIP,
Jugoslovensko-grki odnosi u 1973. godini, 14. II 1974.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1974, f. 37, d. 4, s. pov. 423613, Savezno izvrno vee SSIP-u,
Beograd 14. V 1974.
AMIP, PA, Grka, 1974, f. 41, d. 3, pov. 451141, Ambasada u Atini (alovski) SSIP,
23. X 1974.
59
3/2012.
.91
,
- .
Summary
Prof. Milan Ristovi, Ph. D.
In the Shadow of the Junta: Yugoslav-Greek Relations
19671974
Key words: Yugoslavia, Greece, military coup, military junta,
Yugoslav-Greek relations, democratic opposition, Macedonian
question, Cold war, Balkans, Mediterranean
Military coup in April 1967 and establishment of the Military

Junta in Greece opened a new phase in Yugoslav-Greek relations
which were marked by great coolness and mistrust as well as revival
of a series of old, controversial and unsolved issues. Ideological
rigidness of the conservative and nationalistic colonel regime marked
by anticommunism, anti-Slav propaganda rhetoric (mainly aimed
at Bulgaria and the Soviet Union), reopening of the Macedonian
question in a new context, renouncing already signed agreements with
Yugoslavia, as well as, repressing any opposition to the Junta, resulted
in the open distancing of the Yugoslav government from the Junta.
Negative consequences of the violent change of government in Greece
also aggravated the situation in the Balkans and caused negative
reactions in most European countries. Cautious Yugoslav policy meant
both rejection of high level contacts with the government in Athens as
well as political support to the Greek opposition abroad (and financial
to the Greek communists that had split from the pro-Soviet KKE).
In a later phase, not abandoning its cautious and disassociated
policy, the Yugoslav government took a somewhat more pragmatic
91
AMIP, PA, Grka 1974, f. 41, d. 4, pov. 458507, Generalni konzulat SFRJ u Solunu
SSIP, 20. XI 1974.
60
: -
19671974.
attitude accepting formal normalization of relations in certain fields

(some segments of economic co-operation).
The problem of Yugoslav-Greek relations is analyzed as part of
a broader, cold war context in a period of pronounced instability in the
eastern part of the Mediterranean and in Europe (Arab-Israeli War in
1967, Warsaw Pact intervention in Czechoslovakia) and general climate
of political and strategic confrontation of the two blocks.
61
3/2012.
327(496.5:497.1)1968/1971
327.5(437)1968
.
,
(19681971)*
:
, 1968.

1968. 1971. 1945.
1968, 1968. -
1968,
-
.
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1968,
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1961.
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( 47027), .
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- :
1968.
- ? ,

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,

.
1968. . 1948,1 1948. 1953,2
1953.3
1956. -
1961. ,4 1
- : . , . , , 2001; .
, . . . , , 1995; N. J. Costa,
Shattered Illusions: Albania, Greece and Yugoslavia, New York, 1998; . ,
- 19391948, , 1949; . ,
- , , 1995; . Perovi, Ekonomski
odnosi Jugoslavije i Albanije (19471948), Beograd, 1951; B. Petranovi, Balkanska
federacija 19431948, Beograd, 1991; . , (19451981), , 2005; . Pelikn, Jugoslvie a vchodn blok 19531958,
Praha, 2001.
: . .
, : ,
(19451957), , 2002; D. Beki, Jugoslavija u Hladnom ratu.
Odnosi sa velikim silama, 19491955, Zagreb, 1988; D. Bogeti, Jugoslavija i Zapad,
19521955. Jugoslovensko pribliavanje NATO-u, Beograd, 2000; . , , , 1982. . ,
(19451950), , 1998; . , . , , 1999; . trbac, Svedoanstva o 1948.
Fragmenti za istoriju, Beograd, 1989.

: D. Bogeti, Nova strategija spoljne politike Jugoslavije 1956
1961, Beograd, 2006; . . , . - 19531956 , , 2008; . Ka, . , (19441955),
, 2003; . . , . 19451960,
, 2001; V. Zubok, . Pleshakov, Inside the Kremlins Cold War: From Stalin to
Kruschov, Cambridge, 1996.
- : . . , . , , 1992; . . , , , 2006; . Pipa, Albanian Stalinism: Ideo-Political Aspects, New York
63
3/2012.

, .
1968. ,
.

, 1948, 1968.
.
.
.5 ,

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.6

20. 21. ,

22. , .7

, ,
,
.
-
1990; . Prifti, Socialist Albania since 1944: domestic and Foreign Developments,
Cambridge, 1978; . Vickers, The Albanians: A Modern History, New York, 1995; L.
M. Luthi, The Sino-Soviet Split. Cold War in the Communist World, Princeton, 2008.
. , - 1968. , 1968 40 , , ,
2008, . 129130.
D. Bogeti, Jugoslovensko-ameriki odnosi u svetlu vojne intervencije u ehoslovakoj 1968, Istorija XX veka, 2/2007, str. 7580.
Lj. Dimi, Pogled iz Beograda na ehoslovaku 1968. godine, Tokovi istorije, 3
4/2005, str. 205207.
64
, (19681971)
.8
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godine. Jedan dokument, Istorija XX veka, 12/1999, str. 172.
74
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, . 178.
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196197.
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81
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1971,

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1971.
84
85
86
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, , 1970, . 1, 412999, -
7. 4. 1970.
J. Pelikn, Jugoslvie a Prask jaro, Praha, 2008, str. 278.
V. Miunovi, Moskovske godine 1969/1971, Beograd, 1984, str. 108.
, . 83, 108, 125.
82
, (19681971)
88 7. 1971.
.

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90
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1948. ,
1948. 1968.
88
89
90
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(, 25. 10. 1918). .

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1946. 1957. 1962.
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83
3/2012.
(19541956. 19601961). 1968. 1971. - , .

, ,
, ,

,
-

.
- 1971.
.
Summary
Aleksandar ivoti, Ph. D.
Yugoslavia, Albania and the Czechoslovakian Crisis
(19681971)
Key words: Yugoslavia, Albania, Czechoslovakian crisis, Josip
Broz Tito, Enver Hoxha
Relations between Yugoslavia and Albania went through several phases from the end of World War II until 1968. After having
specially close relations up to 1948, there followed: conflict between
the years 1948 and 1953, attempt to normalize mutual relations and
new conflict that culminated in the Soviet-Albanian conflict in 1961
and Albanias dissociation from the Warsaw Pact when Yugoslavia and
Albania faced new a conflict and Albania frequently accused Yugoslavia
84
, (19681971)
of aspirations to assimilate and occupy it. The Czechoslovakian crisis,

which culminated in 1968, with the Warsaw Pact military intervention
caused the formal exit of Albania from the Pact and its shifting closer
to Yugoslavia out of fear of a possible Soviet attack on both countries.
Later events reduced the fear of a possible Soviet attack on Albania but
the Albanian government anticipating a possible Soviet intervention in
Yugoslavia encouraged Yugoslav Albanians to rebel and the rebellion
took place in November 1968. Yugoslavias normalization of relations
with the Soviet Union and its allies, which began by the end of that year,
caused a rapprochment of relations between Yugoslavia and Albania
that lasted until 1971 when a crisis in mutual relation broke out again.
85
3/2012.
327(1-624:497.1)195/199(093.3)
341.7(497.1)195/199(093.3)

,
*
:
,
. ,
,
, , .
: , , ,
,
,
,

. ,
,

, . ,
,
,

*

: / ,
( 47027), .
86
XX .

, , , ,1
, , , ,
.,2
,
.3
, ,

, ,
, ,

,
.4
,
,
, ,
, ,
. ,
, , , ,
1
: . , , , : ,
, , 1999; Dwight D. Eisenhower, White House Years: the Mandate
for Change, 19531956, Doubleday, New York, 1963; Dwight D. Eisenhower, White
House Years: Waging Peace, 19561961, Doubleday, New York, 1965; Lindon B.
Johnson, The Vantage Point: Retrospectives of the Presidency, 19631969, Holt,
Rinehart, and Winston, New York, 1971; Richard M. Nixon, The Memoirs of Richard
Nixon, Grosset and Dunlap, New York, 1978.
: George Kennan, Memoirs 19251950, Little, Brown, and Co., Boston, 1967;
George Kennan, Memoirs 19501963, Atlantic Monthly Press, Boston, 1972; Henry
Kissinger, The White House Years, Little, Brown, and Co., Boston, 1979; Henry
Kissinger, Years of Upheaval, Little, Brown, and Co., Boston, 1982; Henry Kissinger,
Years of Renewal, Simon and Schuster, New York, 1999; . , , , , 1990; Anatoly Dobrynin, In Confidence: Moscows Ambassador to Six Cold War Presidents, University of Washington Press, Seattle, 2001.
: John Kenneth Galbraith, Ambassadors Journal: A Personal Account of the
Kennedy Years, Paragon House, New York, 1969; Dennis Kux, India and the United
States: Estranged Democracies, 19411991, National Defense University Press,
Washington D. C., 1992; . . , : , , , 1996; . . , 50 ,
, , 2011.
: , : ,
, , 1995; . , 19411945,
, , 2011.
87
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.
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,
,
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-, . , ,
,
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,
(, , , )
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, , .,

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5
,
(, , , , , )
50- , ,
,
. ,
: Ale Bebler,
Kako sam hitao: seanja, etvrti jul, Beograd, 1982.
: Edvard Kardelj, Borba za priznanje i nezavisnost nove Jugoslavije, Radnika
tampa, Dravna zaloba, BeogradLjubljana, 1980; Aleksandar Nenadovi, Razgovori
sa Koom, Globus, Zagreb, 1989.
: , :
19531956, , , 1995; Arso Milatovi, Pet diplomatskih
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- 19791983: ,
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Beograd, 2002; Vladimir Velebit, Sjeanja, Globus, Zagreb, 1983; Mira uvar, Vladimir Velebit: svjedok historije, Razlog, Zagreb, 2001.
: Veljko Miunovi, Moskovske godine 1956/1958, SN Liber, Zagreb, 1977;
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: Vlado estan, Spomini diplomata 19511986, Apokalipsa, 107/108/109,
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Su zhengduo di san shijie: Tietuo de Ya Fei zhi xing, Cuiruo de lianmeng: lengzhan
yu Zhong Su guanxi, Shen Zhihua, Douglas Stiffler, Shehui kexue chubanshe, Beijing,
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Beograd, 2007.
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: Matthew Connelly, A Diplomatic Revolution: Algerias Fight for
Independence and the Origins of the Post-Cold War Era, Oxford University Press,
Oxford, 2002.
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29
30
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31
32
33
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Policy: Raja Ram Mohun Roy to Yashwanti Sinha, Harper Collins, New Delhi, 2004,
str. 187206.
: Vladislav Jovanovi, Rat koji se mogao izbei: u vrtlogu
jugoslovenske krize, Nolit, Beograd, 2008; Miodrag Leki, Moj rat protiv rata: rimski
dnevnik jugoslovenskog ambasadora tokom rata za Kosovo, Slubeni glasnik, Beograd, 2007.
: edomir trbac, Zapisi iz Indije 19972002, Altera, Akademija za diplomatiju
i bezbednost, Beograd, 2011.
106
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1983. ). , ,
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: Strobe Talbott, Engaging India: Diplomacy, Democracy, and the Bomb,
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107
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2001. 2002. . ,
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36
37
: C. Raja Mohan,
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2005.
- : J. N. Dixit,
Indian Foreign Policy and its Neighbours, Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi, 2001,
str. 127195.
109
3/2012.
,
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Crossing the Rubicon, str. 83114.
110
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39

: Pan Zhanlin, Zhanhuo zhong de waijiaoguan: qinli Beiyue zha guan
he Nan lianmeng zhanhuo, Dangdai Zhongguo chubanshe, Beijing, 2006.
111
3/2012.
Summary
Jovan avoki, M. A.
Countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America in Memoirs
and Journals of Yugoslav Diplomats
Key words: Yugoslavia, diplomats, memoirs, Asia, Africa and
Latin America
This article deals with different memoirs and journals of Yugoslav diplomats that focus on Yugoslavias relations with a number
of different Asian, African and Latin American countries. By analyzing
these works this article tries to put reminiscences of Yugoslav diplomats into a concrete framework of domestic and international
historiography, particularly concentrating on their contribution to our
better understanding of Yugoslavias relations with the developing
world during and after the Cold War. Apart from many important details
depicting the political situation in countries like China, India, Cuba,
Argentina, Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia all these works provide us with
a new perspective that additionally helps us to fully comprehend their
internal developments, put them into a concrete historical context, and
grasp the importance of the developing world in international affairs.
Therefore, these memoirs and journals might prove useful not only for
ex-Yugoslav historians, but also for everyone interested in Third World
politics during and after the Cold War.
112
:
19581968.
94:338.24.021.8(497.2)1958/1968

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. 20 , ( 47019),
.
Jan Adam, Economic reforms in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe since the 1960s,
St. Martins Press, 1989, p. 3.
113
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114
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149159.

. A. Heywood, Political ideologies: An
Introduction, New York, 2012, p. 122.
115
3/2012.
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, . 138140.

o
: Lj. Madar, Suton socijalistikih privreda, Beograd, 1990,
,
().
B. Eichengreen, European Economy since 1945: Coordinated Capitalism and Beyond,
. 159.
119
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121
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: . , - 50- 60- 20. ,
, 12/2009, , 2009.
(18971981) . 1962.
.
1965. -. M. Caser, Soviet
Economics, London, 1970, . 227.
123
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125
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127
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, . 1, . 34, . . 13.
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(19041980) - 19641980.
: M. Caser, n. d., str. 226230.
, . 1, . 58, . . 7.
, . 293294.
128
:
19581968.

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(1878).
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3/2012.

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2007.
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130
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131
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132
:
19581968.
, 1968.
,
50- 60-, .
Summary
Milan Piljak
From the Great Leap to the July Conception: Reforms
of the Bulgarian Economic System 19581968
Key words: reforms, Todor ivkov, Jevsevie Lieberman,
Alexei Kosygin, the great leap, trusts
This article is an effort to explain complexity of economic

position in which was Bulgaria during the 50s and 60s. Main argument
was that all countries of state socialism were in deep economical crisis
which triggered reforms. Main issues were decreasing role of a plan,
but not eliminating it as main regulatory mechanism, recognizing the
importance of law of value (importing market mechanisms into plan
economy) and increasing the independence of enterprises within the
system. New system was more alike to Yugoslavian one (19521960),
which Yugoslavia at that time wanted to abandon due to its inefficiency.
Main difference from Yugoslavian model was that Plan remained to be
obligated and that enterprises were merged into a huge trusts that
would solve integration problems within one whole branch of industry
or just part of it. Unlike to majority thinking Bulgaria was coping in
reformation period as almost any other socialist states with, naturally,
hers own specifics. It also ended whole program when it as at the peak
due to events that shock Eastern Block in 1968.
133
3/2012.
316.75(497.11)1945/1955
316.72(497.11)1945/1955

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20.
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134
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19451955.
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(19521954),
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19451955, , 2012.
, 507VIII271 (15) (. 19), .
. , . 19451991, , 2011, . 4749.
, , ,
. , , II . 1/15, . 211 18.
1945.
135
3/2012.
,
, .6

, 1944.
,

.7 ,8
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. , 2 ( ) 1, 18. 1947.
, 31781114, 27. 1949.
, 7588, .

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, , , . , 1950, 28 ! ,
187 1, (1950).
, , 12. 1954.
136
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354 105
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. : . , :
19451952, , 1988, . 212213; . ,
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Summary
Ivana Dobrivojevi, Ph. D.
Under the Watchful Eye of the Party.
Culture and Entertainment in Serbian Cities 19451955
Key words: Communist party, Serbia, culture, theatre, film
Mass migrations from rural areas to the urban ones, change of

social structure of the population, political and ideological confrontation with members of city dwelling bourgeois defeated by the revolution,
general poverty but also the presence of firm dogmatic Party stands
167
168
169
170
,
, , . , 7587,
; .
, , 12. 1951; , , 29.
1952.
, , II/10, 16. 1953,
.
, 7587, .
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448449.
157
3/2012.
towards everything pertaining to culture led to a decline in the quality

of cultural and entertainment life in the cities. Although the Party
tired to accomplish a unique cultural revolution by organizing literacy
courses and schooling for migrants, living conditions and their place
of origin induced the tavern atmosphere to prevail, as it did in the
villages, in being their main and only place of entertainment. Attempts
to enforce a special cultural dispersion paradoxically led to a decline in
the quality of cultural life, so even Party leaders noticed that certain
small cultural centers that had certain influence before the war are now
slowly acquiring the image of a backward, provincial, rural like center.
Not paying attention to the real needs, capacities and financial reality,
authorities founded theaters in small towns in improvised buildings.
Theatre troupes without schooled directors and actors resembled more
amateur groups than professional theatre companies and mostly gave
performances of moderately well prepared comedies. Party officials
who determined the theatre repertoire policy wanted performances
which were socially engaged, politically educational and ideologically
suitable, stressed that certain plays were still being performed which
because of their worthlessness, lack of ideological stand or because
of their reactionary stand should not be. Wanting to achieve a special
socialist renaissance, the Party was offering migrants of reduced cultural needs cultural forms which they could not understand nor accept.
The uncontrolled urbanization therefore had a price a new city dwelling class formed a different cultural profile which lagged behind the
traditional city dwelling population in literacy and level of culture. Too
fine for the village and too poorly educated for the city, migrants were
the ones who mainly enjoyed the modified rural culture (kitsch) that
had little connection to the true folk traditions.
158

(19711981)
78:316.75(497.1)197/198
78:061.2(497.1)1971/1981
78.067.26(497.1)1971/1981

(19711981)*
:
.

(),
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, ,
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(1970) (1974)

.
(1973).2 .

. ,
(1974)

(, , , ,
).3 ,
, .4
2
3
, . ,
1966,
? - : Tono je da sam u vrijeme dok
sam bio predsjednik Centralnog komiteta Saveza omladine Jugoslavije, od 1962. do
1968. godine, organizirao druenja predsjednika Tita s omladinom u Omladinskom
domu u Beogradu uoi Dana mladosti, 24. maja. Svake godine program je bio drukiji.
Tako je jednom prilikom bila prireena izloba Titovih fotografija iz vremena Narodnooslobodilake borbe. Araner izlobe dopustio si je da iz fotografije izree lik Milovana ilasa. Tito je to primijetio i vrlo me otro ukorio da se takvo neto ne smije raditi,
jer je to falsificiranje povijesti. Milovan ilas je u to vrijeme bio na tom mjestu i na dunosti koju je tada obavljao i nitko nema prava to negirati. Ovo istiem kao ilustraciju da
bih pokazao kako bi mi Tito, ako bi loe mislio o rock glazbi, to otvoreno rekao. Susret
s omladinom organizirao sam ja, a Titov se protokol u to nije mijeao. Istina, upoznao
sam Tita s programom za tu veer i rekao da omladinci u rockerskom izriaju i aranmanu osuvremenjuju borbene pjesme. Smatrao sam da je to dobro, jer na razumljiv
i prihvatljiv nain omladini pribliavaju pjesme iz NOB-e i tako osiguravaju kontinuitet
s revolucionarnom generacijom. Moje obrazloenje Tito nije komentirao. Tono je da
je poslije izvedbe rockerskog sastava pred Titom i prilikom buduih rockerskih nastupa
bilo evidentno kako je rock priznat kao glazba mladih.
1. 1973. .
Mala senzacija, velike pretnje, Mladost, 7. septembar 1979; Seks protiv muzike,
Mladost, 14. septembar 1979.

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.
.
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().

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(
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).
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, ,
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,
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,
, .

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.
,
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,
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(, , , ,
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05-6/20; ,
, 520. -
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1975.
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od muzike, Mladost, 10. februar 1978.
Muzika provinicija ne postoji, Mladost, 18. novembar 1977.
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Na 11.000 vati, Mladost, 2. septembar 1977; Kad se raskopa Bijelo dugme,
Mladost, 16. septembar 1977.
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Zagreb, 1981, str. 14.
: , . ., . 361448.
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Mio Kuli, Rok kultura u izazovu, Sarajevo, 1980, str. 8792. -
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Postoji istina koju ne mogu rei, Mladost, 16. decembar 1977.
, . ., . 513520.
: To majka vie ne raa, CD, Beograd: Komuna 1995. 33 najlepe pesme
o Titu, CD, Beograd: PGP RTS 2006.
, XX : , , 2010,
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Seanje na rokenrol, Mladost, 11. januar 1980.
.
Osveavajui novi talas, Mladost, 26. decembar 1980. -
: Marija Ristivojevi, Korelacija muzike i mesta na primeru beogradskog
novog talasa u rokenrol muzici, Etnoantropoloki problemi, 4, Beograd, 2011,
str. 931947. Marija Ristivojevi, Rokenrol kao lokalni muziki fenomen, Etnoantropoloki problemi, 1, Beograd, 2012, str. 213233.
Muzika kao refleksija ivota, Nai dani, 9. jun 1978.
184

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() .
.
Summary
Aleksandar Rakovi, Ph. D.
Union of Socialist Youth of Yugoslavia and Musical Youth of
Yugoslavia in Dispute over Rock & Roll (19711981)
Key words: Union of Socialist Youth of Yugoslavia, Musical
Youth of Yugoslavia, Rock & Roll
Youth unity in Yugoslavia was weakened when a part of Croatian youth supported the Mass Movement (19701971) at the time
when both Croatian nationalists in Party ranks and Croatian clergy
unexpectedly but simultaneously began relying on popular culture and
rock and roll in their activities with Croatian youth. In order to curb
Croatian nationalism (and any other nationalism) Party leadership
188

(19711981)
gave directives to expose young people to more Marxist doctrine which

became an integral part of the educational system of Yugoslavia in the
70s.
As far as musical education was concerned, extra curriculum
activities were organized by the Musical Youth of Yugoslavia Jeunesses Musicales (by its republic and city levels organizations) which
only offered to young people musical education of high artistic value
(classical music). Among the most important Rock and Roll bands that
perpetuated the memory of the socialist revolution and Titos heritage
were Korni grupa and Bijelo dugme. Rockers demanded to have more
social engagement and libertine influence. Hundreds of thousands of
young Yugoslavs listened to patriotic messages in texts and slogans of
domestic groups apart from listening to the usual rock and roll songs.
League of Communists of Yugoslavia and the Union of Socialist
Youth of Yugoslavia recognized by the middle of the 70s that extra
curriculum socialist education could primarily be carried out through
rock and roll and thus the Youth organization asked the Musical Youth
organization to adopt rock and roll into its program of education. It
rejected this proposal and when faced by threats it reluctantly accepted
rock and roll in 1981as an educational tool in its work with Yugoslav
youth.
Since young people represented one of the pillars of the Yugoslav state (TitoPartyyoutharmy) rock and roll was highly positioned
in the self-management society. It was fully recognized as a genre of
culture in Yugoslavia.
189
3/2012.
323.15-053.2(=112.2)(497.1)1948/1956 ;
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342.726-053.2-054.75(497.1)1948/1956

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Vladimir Ivanovi, Jugoslavija i SR Nemaka. 19671973. Izmeu ideologije i pragmatizma, Beograd, 2009, str. 7. O
: Dragan Bogeti, Ekonomska saradnja Jugoslavije sa SR Nemakom u
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Beograd, 1998, str. 183212.
, , 22. 1951; , , 8. 1951.
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.
Petar Dragii, Susreti Josipa Broza Tita sa vodeim linostima austrijske politike
60-ih i 70-ih godina, Tito vienja i tumaenja, (ur. Olga Manojlovi Pintar),
Beograd, 2011, str. 498.
, , 14. 1951.
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Zoran Janjetovi, Odlazak vojvoanskih vaba proterivanje ili iseljavanje, Tokovi
istorije, 34, Beograd, 1997, str. 111.
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O : Zoran
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31. 1946. : Zoran Janjetovi, O dravljanstvu

vojvoanskih Nemaca, Tokovi istorije, 12, Beograd, 2002, str. 34
Zoran Janjetovi, Nemice u logorima za folksdojere u Vojvodini 19441948, Srbija
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Z. Janjetovi, Nemci u Vojvodini, Beograd, 2009, str. 333.
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Zoran Janjetovi, Nemice u logorima za folksdojere u Vojvodini 19441948, Srbija

u modernizacijskim procesima, (ur. Latinka Perovi), 2, Beograd, 1998, str. 500.
96.769 :
24.403 , 19.953 65 54.413 ,
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. : Milko
Mikola (zbral in uredil), Dokumenti in prievanja o povojnih koncentracijskih taboriih v Sloveniji: koncentracijska taboria Strnie, Hrastovec, Brestrnica in Filovci,
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Beograd, 1998.
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223
3/2012.
Summary
Sanja Petrovi Todosijevi, M. A.
On the Road.
Repatriation of children members of the German ethnic
minority in Yugoslavia after World War II (19481956)
Key words: repatriation, Germans, children, government
of FPR Yugoslavia Committee for Social Care, Yugoslav Red
Cross, transports
Loss of parents and separation of the youngest members of the

German ethnic minority from their parents and next of kin is a direct
result of World War II and measures taken by the new Yugoslav government against members of the German ethnic minority in Yugoslavia
during the period 19441948. However, the treatment of these children
in homes for children without parental care (orphanages) throughout
Yugoslav republics and their treatment in the process of reunification
with their parents can not be understood without understanding the
policy the new Yugoslav government implemented regarding protection
of children while faced with the problem of war orphans, namely, children
without one or both parents. Understanding the treatment and attitude
of the Yugoslav government towards the youngest Yugoslav citizens of
German nationality in the 1950s is difficult without an insight into a new
phase of international relations that started in the 60s, just at the time
when Yugoslavia lost the German ethnic minority which before the war
had numbered circa half a million people. The youngest members of the
German ethnic minority in Yugoslavia shared the fate of older members
only to a certain extent. Three thousand children without parents were
taken out of camps for Germans based in Vojvodina on the basis of a
decision made by the Ministry of Internal Affairs of FPRY starting May
1946 because of prevailing bad health an hygienic conditions in the
camps which resulted in an epidemic of typhus in spring 1946 and
were placed into homes for children without parental care. Thus the
224
.

(19481956)
lives of a large number of boys and girls were saved, which in the years
after the war was the only goal of the Yugoslav governments Social
Care Services when all children not just of German ethnic minority
were concerned. Although they were treated as all state children,
they were registered in all official documents under another name.
The treatment of children as Others resulted from the policy of the
Yugoslav state taken towards and treatment of Germans in Yugoslavia
after the war. Although the same kind of argumentation used for adult
Germans, seen on the pages of official documents after the war, was
not used in the course of repatriation of children, the state always
treated these children, who were Yugoslav citizens and members of
the German ethnic minority, as Germans. In that sense ultimately,
although the act was formally called repatriation it essentially meant
emigration, thus the children completely and fully shared the fate of
the adult members of the German ethical minority in Yugoslavia after
the war.
225
3/2012.
392.37:343.54/.55(497.11)
343.62(497.11)
343.988-055.2

. *
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20 , ( 47019), .
Vera Gudac Dodi, Under the Aegis of the Family: Women in Serbia, The Journal of
International Social Research, Women studies, Special Issues, volume 3, Issue 13,
pp. 110119.
,
.
226
.
16 44 ,
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. Domestic violence against women and girls, Innocenti digest, 6, 2000,
UNICEF, Florence, Italy, S. Kapoor, editor A. Hawke, str. 5 (www.unicef/icdc.org).
, ,
, 2005, , 1582, ( . ), . 79.
. , . ,
, , 2006.
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. 17.
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227
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(http://www.hocudaznas.org/publikacije/Cinjenice-i-brojke-o-nasilju-nadzenama).
. , , , , 1939, . 344.

. ,
,
,
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. V. Erlich, Jugoslovenska porodica u
transformaciji, Zagreb, 1971, str. 69.
228
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, , . , , 96,
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229
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, . 221.
. Trebjeanin, Stereotipi o eni u srpskoj kulturi, (http://beogradskaka5anija.
cyberfreeforum.com/t4105-stereotip-o-zeni-u-srpskoj-kulturi).
, 18. 1940. , , .
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230
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. I.
Martinovi, Kazneno-pravni aspekti obiteljskog nasilja, Ljudska prava ena, Zagreb,
2011, str. 265.
231
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. , , , 2001, . 168, 169.
V. Nikoli-Ristanovi, Krivinopravna zatita ena u Srbiji, 19. i 20. veka, Srbija u
modernizacijskim procesima 19. i 20. veka, 2, , 1998, str. 31.
. , . , . , . -, .
?, , 2001, . 53.
. ., , 15 , , 10.
2001.
1998.
.
232
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, 118, . 76.
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V. Nikoli-Ristanovi, Krivinopravna zatita ena u Srbiji 19. i 20. veka, str. 31.
, 837, , II2/16, 1953.
, , 141, 33, , 1952.
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(46,1%), (30,6%),
35
36
37
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. , . , . ., . 10.
1990. (Http://
www.womenngo.org.yu/sajt/izdanja/sos telefon za zene i decu zrtve nasilja).
: . -, , , 2002. 2001. ,
230 ,
120, , 60 50.
235
3/2012.
(26,3%).
.
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) (9%).
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(74,8%), (12,1%), (5,6%),
(4,7%) (4,2%).40
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236

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(49,8%). (27,3%) , (33,9%)
. 9,1%
.
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2002.
67,71% .
( 49,24% ), ( 17,84%), ( 12,26%),
( 6,83%), ( 1,41%), (
0,92%), ( 0,71% ). ,

35,3%.
89,9% .44
42
43
44
. . , , . 107108.
, , , ,
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.
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237
3/2012.
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. (http://www.zinfo.hr/hrvatski/stranice/istrazivanja/
nasiljenadzenama/Nasilje.htm)
. 20 ,
, 1997.
1998. . , ,
. . -, ,
, . 32, 35.
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40 . , . , . 70.
238
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47
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. 1985. ,
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5, 2004, . 214.
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, . 14.
239
3/2012.
. , ,
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. ( 78% ).
. .

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240
Summary
Vera Gudac Dodi, Ph. D.
Life in the Shadow of Evil. Domestic Violence
Key words: domestic violence, subjugation of women,
domination, legislation, culprits, victims
Domestic violence is widespread and characteristic of all societies and social communities. Domestic violence in ones own home is its
most common form. The history of domestic violence in married couples
in Serbia and the use of force against women in the past is analyzed
from the perspective of male dominance over women and her overall
position in society. The violent attitude towards women stemmed from
patriarchal cultural patterns, traditional forms of behavior and disparate
relations of power. Not only women but also children were exposed to
different forms of domestic violence in Serbia. Domestic violence in
the socialist state was invisible, mostly perceived as something that
belonged to the privacy of family life. Demands to stop treating it as
such first appeared in the 80s of the 20th century. Domestic violence
was established as a separate criminal offence in 2002. Research carried
out in Serbia shows that domestic violence against women, whether it
is manifested as physical violence or takes other forms, is widespread
and even more present than in neighboring countries.
241
323.282(497.1)198

343.301.096(497.1)198
,,

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242
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- 1989,
, .3

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, ,, , . , 1976,

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1982. 122 . , . ,
, , . . S. uki, Kako se dogodio
voa, Beograd, 1992, str. 15; J. Dragovi Soso, Spasioci nacije, Beograd, 2004, str. 104.
2
1983.
, 1985. 25%, 14%, 80%. 20 . J.
Dragovi Soso, Spasioci nacije, Beograd, 2004, str. 107.
3
S. Hantigton, Trei talas, Beograd, 2005.
4
(), , 803, . 39, 61. , 19.
1976, 8. 1976, ,
. 6571.
1
243
3/2012.
. , 1982,
1983, 1984, 1985. , 1981. :
, , -
.
, , .
( 80% ), -,
.
, . 1980.
,
83%, . 523 , 94% .
1981. , , .5 80- 500
. 1981. 1985. 1.652 , 133 , 382 .

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.
, ,
, .7
, , .8 . R. Danilovi, Upotreba neprijatelja. Politika suenja u Jugoslaviji 19451991, Beograd,
2002, str. 66.
6
19811985. 305
, 49 , 38 , 9 7 ,
, 5,8%.
, , 26. 5. 11. 6. 1987; D. Lempi, Jugoslavija kao
istorija. Bila dvaput jedna zemlja, Beograd, 2004, str. 305.
7
D. Bilandi, Jugoslavija poslije Tita 19801985, Zagreb, 1986, str. 199200.
8
, . 206.
5
244
,,

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1984. ,
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, .

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, , 1984. (1984),
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1982.
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.
77 1977. 1989. 572 -.12
,
197172. ( , ).
K. Nikoli, S. Cvetkovi, . Tripkovi, Bela knjiga 1984. pokuaj kulturne kontrarevolucije u SFRJ, rukopis.
10
. . , . , , 2002, . 228.
11
,
. ,
.
. , , , 25. 1984; N. Popov, Contra fatum. Sluaj
grupe profesora Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu 19681988, Mladost, Beograd, 1989,
str. 31; , , 26. 2009; Odbor za zatitu
slobode misli i izraavanja, Dokumenti i saoptenja 19841986, Beograd, 1986.
12
K. Spehnjak, Disidentstvo kao istraivaka tema pojam i pristupi, Disidentstvo u suvremenoj povjesti, Zagreb, 2010, str. 14.
9
245
3/2012.
.
1981. .
(
60- 70-)
. 133 ,
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80- , , , ,

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, .15 1982.

K. Spehnjak, V. Cipek, Disidenti, opozicija i otpor Hrvatska i Jugoslavija, asopis za
suvremenu povjest, br. 2, Zagreb, 2007, str. 255297, str. 282.
14
Z. Radeli, Hrvatska u Jugoslaviji, Zagreb, 2006, str. 546549.
15
S. Popovi, Poslednja instanca, 1, Beograd, 2003.
13
246
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. ,
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1985.
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19841985.
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16
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). , ( ),
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Presuda Okrunog kasacionog suda (OKS) Beograd, 469/84; Arhiv Kazneno popravni dom
Zabela, Dosije Miodraga Milia m. br. 24271; ,
, 15. 2008.
18

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,
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19
: S. Popovi,
Poslednja instanca 2, Beograd, 2003, str. 9311025.
17
248
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20. 1984. 40, , , , ,

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. Prilikom pretresa ilasovog stana oduzeta mu je jedna trofejna puka, kada smo mu
uruivali odluku o putanju iz zatvora zatraio je da mu je vratimo. Sutradan sam uzeo
trofejnu puku i lino mu je odneo u njegov stan u Palmotievoj
() : D. Beli, O Nikoli,
Svedoenje Vitomira Kneevia, advokata na suenju estorici 19841985, Nedeljni
telegraf, 10. mart 2004, str. 67.
21
N. Popov, Contra fatum. Sluaj grupe profesora Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu 1968
1988, Mladost, Beograd, 1989, str. 50; . , , , 2005,
. 269.
20
249
3/2012.
. 1977.
1984. , , , ,
- . 26 , ,
64 : , , ,
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, .
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. 4. 1985. . , , ,
, 1980. 1984. - , , , . ,
. ,

,
. .23

, ,
Brandeis 1982.
S. Popovi, Poslednja instanca, 2, Beograd, 2003, str. 9311025; D. Beli, O. Nikoli,
Svedoenje Vitomir Kneevia, advokata na suenju estorici 19841985, Nedeljni
telegraf, 10. mart 2004, str. 67.
23
Presuda OKS Beograd K. br. 469/84; Arhiv KPD Zabela, Dosije Miodraga Milia m. br.
24271; S. Popovi, Poslednja instanca, 2, str. 9311025; N. Popov, Contra fatum. Sluaj
grupe profesora Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu 19681988, Mladost, Beograd, 1989,
str. 50.
22
250
,,

. , , , ...
, , ... : ... ,
.24
: , ... ... ... . , . .
, . ,
, , , , ...25
, : Njemu, u stvari, smeta to odreene
grupe nemaju uea u vlasti. Osnovni izvor mu je pamflet Milovana ilasa Nova
klasa. Oigledno, on govori o viepartijskom sistemu. Jedino ostaje nejasno ta bi od
samoupravljanja ostalo u tom sistemu i kako bi se on razvijao u istom. Ovo tim pre to
se mora imati u vidu da smo nekada imali taj viepartijski sistem graanske demokratije
i upoznali rezultate istog, koji je ovaj narod skupo platio. A sudu nije poznato da su
te graanske demokratije, koje Nikoli zagovara, dale bilo gde ansu samoupravljanju.
Optueni, u stvari, pokuavaju da eliminiu sve ono pozitivno to je partija uradila,
stvaraju potpuno crnu sliku stanja kod nas, kako bi se kao neophodna nametnula teza
o nunosti postojanja opozicije i viepartijskog sistema... Presuda OKS Beograd K. br.
469/84; Arhiv KPD Zabela, Dosije Miodraga Milia m. br. 24271; S. Popovi, Poslednja
instanca II, Beograd, 2003, str. 9311025; N. Popov, Contra fatum. Sluaj grupe profesora Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu 19681988, Mladost, Beograd, 1989, str. 50.
25
Presuda OKS Beograd K. br. 469/84; Arhiv KPD Zabela, Dosije Miodraga Milia m. br.
24271; S. Popovi, Poslednja instanca, 2, Beograd, 2003, str. 9311025; N. Popov, Contra fatum. Sluaj grupe profesora Filozofskog fakulteta u Beogradu 19681988, Mladost,
Beograd, 1989, str. 50. - ,
, : On je tada bio jedan
od onih mladih sudija za veanje, kako smo ih mi tada nazivali u argonu. U stvari, to
su bile mlade drne sudije koje su pravile karijeru. Oni su bili vei katolici od pape, pa su
ih isturali da rade ta politika suenja. Pametnije, umerenije sudije, oni su to izbegavali.
A oni koji su hteli preicama da naprave karijeru, oni su se prihvatali takvih suenja.
Gospodin Stojkovi je zabranio jednu knjigu N. Popova. On je ak naredio da se ceo tira
uniti i ona je veim delom spaljena. A onda je, kad se tako potvrdio, dobio i da sudi tzv.
beogradskoj estorici. Na tom suenju, u prvoj instanci, kad je presudu doneo gospodin
Stojkovi, nas trojica smo konano bili osueni. Miodrag Mili je dobio dve godine, ja sam
dobio godinu i po dana, a mislim da je Oluji dobio godinu dana. Onda je, na vioj instanci, sud te kazne ublaio. Znai da je sudija bio drniji nego to je reim od njega traio...
Ne pljuj po podu, ili nekoliko rei o pravdi, Peanik, B 92, mart 2004. -
:
On je taj sluaj verovatno morao da vodi. No istovremeno nije morao... Mogao je da odbije! Razume se da bi tada doao u opasnost da ostane bez posla, ali hiljade ljudi je imalo
snage da zauzme taj stav i sa sudijskih mesta ode u advokaturu. Tehniki je besprekorno
vodio sluaj, davao nam je odmah kopije zapisika, bio je ljubazan, sve je trebalo da izgleda besprekorno... Stojkovi je imao ansu da im izrekne blae kazne i svaku presudu
lako odbrani. Ne pred svojom saveu, ve pred sudskim viim organima... posle Tita
24
251
3/2012.
-
,
19411942, - 1948. , , , ;
,
- - , , , ,
. ,
.26
( )
( 1986.
1987).
.27
(1948), , , .28

doao je tzv. reim kolektivnog rukovodstva, koji je samo ublaio represalije. Meutim,
iza spoljnih fasada deavalo se da vlast bude jo brutalnija. Svi koji su radili za reim,
pa i sudstvo morali su da sluaju. Ali dunost je bila iskoristiti do krajnjih mogunosti
svoje slobode i sudsku nezavisnost kakavu takvu... D. Beli, O. Nikoli, Svedoenje
Vitomira Kneevia advokata na suenju estorici 19841985, Nedeljni telegraf 10. mart
2004, str. 67. - : Sudio nas
je za stvari za koje i nismo optueni npr. stavio je presudu da smo mi bili zagovornici
viepartijskog sistema, on je time hteo da dokae svoju lojalnost aparatu. Imao je priliku
da kao nijedan sudija u bivoj Jugoslaviji donese prvu oslobaajuu presudu u jednom
politikom procesu. B. Toni, Stojkovi propustio istorijsku priliku, Danas, 9. mart
2004, str. 5.
26
Arhiv KPD Zabela, Presuda OKS Beograd K. br. 469/84; Dosije Miodraga Milia m. br.
24271.
27
Arhiv KPD Zabela, Presuda OKS Beograd K. br. 469/84; Dosije Miodraga Milia m. br.
24271; Svedoenje Milana Nikolia autoru, 15. april, Beograd, 2010.
28
(, 1948) ,
, -. ,
1960. .
1963. ,
. 1964.
. 1967.
1968. 70-
.
. 70. . , .
. 40,
70- ,
. , , 15.
2008.
252
,,

.29
( 1973) , . , ,
: , . , . , ,
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.30
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. 28. 1984. , 30. , , . , , .
, - .
.
.
, , : ?31
,
, . . ,
. , . ,
, . ,
. , , , 15. 2009; Presuda OKS Beograd 469/84; Arhiv KPD
Zabela, Dosije Miodraga Milia m. br. 2427; S. Popovi, Poslednja instanca II, Beograd,
2003, str. 9311025.
30
Svedoenje Milana Nikolia Ne pljuj po podu, ili nekoliko rei o pravdi, Peanik, B 92,
mart 2004.
31
1991.
,

. , ,
:
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.
, 20. 2008. - : ta istraga i Stane Dolanc
29
253
3/2012.

.
, , , .
, Amnesty international,
.32 , . 1984. ,
.33
12. 1984.
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, .34
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.35
nisu objasnili? pismo Jelene Radovi i Pavluka Imirovia, Mladini 16. 7. 1987. - .

. S. Popovi,
n. d., str. 535.
32
: prof. C. D. Ruter, Direktor of The Institute of Criminal Low iz Amsterdama; dr. Bruckmayer; La federation des Droits de l Homme; Mme Antonine Garapot,
magistrate, Paris; American bar Association; Mr. Stuart Robinowitz, Esg. Attorney At Law;
Offizielprocesbeobahater Petra K. Kely, Mdb; Gert Bastian, MdB; Uli Fisher, Norwegian Bar
Assiciation Human Rights Section of the Helsinki Committee of Norway; Finn Lynghjem
Attormey at Law; Swedish Jurustis, Committee PRO JUSTITIA; Susanne Urwitz, Public
Prosecutor; Stelin Carde, LL. B; predsednik Jugoslovenskog udruenja za sociologiju,
prof. dr Niko To i dr. S. Popovi, Poslednja instanca 2, Beograd, 2003, str. 9311025.
33
, : , ,
, , , ,
, , , ,
. : ,
, , , ,
: , ,
, , , . S.
Popovi, Poslednja instanca 2, Beograd, 2003, str. 9311025; R. Danilovi, n. d.
34
S. Popovi, Poslednja instanca 2, Beograd, 2003, str. 931. .
; Arhiv KPD Zabela, Dosije Miodraga Milia.
35
B. Toni, Stojkovi propustio istorijsku priliku, Danas, 9. mart 2004, str. 5.
254
,,

9. 1985,
,
, ,
, . ,
,
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24. 1985.
.36
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,
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.39
Arhiv KPD Zabela, Dosije M. Mili; S. Popovi, Poslednja instanca 2, Beograd, 2003, str.
9311025.
37
S. Popovi, Poslednja instanca 2, Beograd, 2003, str. 9311025; J. Dragivi Soso, Spasioci nacije, Beograd, 2004, str. 97.
38
, . 931.
39
D. Beli, O. Nikoli, Svedoenje Vitomira Kneevia advokata na suenju estorici 1984
1985, Nedeljni telegraf, 10. mart 2004, str. 67.
36
255
3/2012.

- ,
. 80-
,
, - .
7, ,
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.
Summary
Dr Sran Cvetkovi
PROCESS AGAINST THE SIX
beginning of the end of ideological pursuit in socialist Serbia
Key words: political repression, communism, trails, SFRY
(Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia), Free University
Together with growth of political repression in SFRY since the beginning of

the 80s, resistance against non-democratic regime also grew, based mostly on new
born nationalism as well as on critical questioning of ideological motives. Thanks to
the awakened general public, deprived of totalitarian social context, these kinds of
show trials in Serbia more and more missed their target. In the words of the attorney
Srdja Popovi, courthouses were legally turned into schools of democracy, instead
of stages of terror. The first case of this kind of process was the trial of the poet
Gojko Djogo in 1982, which ended ingloriously for the state, with the acquittal of the
accused, after a strong reaction of foreign and domestic general public as well as the
human rights organizations. The same thing, with even stronger intensity, repeated
on the trial of six activists of Free University in Belgrade in 1985, which practically
indicated the end of ideological pursuits in Belgrade and Serbia.
256

19411945.
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257
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259
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261
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269
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273
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.59 1945. . ,
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274

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( 1942. 1943.)
. . , , 20. 10. 1944.

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275
3/2012.
Summary
leksej Timofejev, Ph. D.
Union of Soviet Patriots Antifascist Organization of
Russian Emigrants in Serbia 19411945
Key words: Union of Soviet Patriots, Russian emigrants in
Serbia, World War II, Partisan movement
Founding group of USP (Union of Soviet Patriots) began work

in the autumn of winter 1941/42, however the beginning of active
work must be connected with the end of 1942 beginning of 1943.
The organization was headed by number 1- Dr V. Lebedev (Levicki),
number 2 - F. Vistoropski (Feca), number 3- engineer I. Odishelidze
(Aliko). Each member of the group formed new groups marking
them by numbers, the first two numbers were his own number in the
organization and the third number was the one he chose. Total number
of active members was circa 150 comrades. Activities of USP were
restricted to: helping the Partisans and working for national liberation,
transferring people to the forests, providing clothes and all necessary
for those Russian prisoners of war who wanted to escape to the forest,
collecting money and medicine, doing propaganda work against joining
the Russian Corpus and campaigning against signing up for work in
Germany especially among the young people. Activities were either
based on personal connections or by coordinating connections of the
whole organization with the National Liberation Movement (NLM). In
springautumn of 1944 several prominent members of the USP were
arrested among them being I. Odishelidze, V. Lebedev and others but
they were freed. However, hard evidence was found against two of
the members F. Vistoropski and K. Sineljnikov and they were sent to
the death camps. The arrests were a result of betrayal that took place
while they were recruiting and transferring to the forest some Russian
volunteers from the ranks of emigrants and prisoners of war. After
the arrests the members of USP who were most exposed to danger
276

19411945.
decided to find and join Partisan units and 17 members succeed.

Tragic fate awaited I. Odishelidze, A. Lipski, A. Jefimovski who tried
to join the Partisan units in July 1944 but were unable to find their old
contacts and were killed by the very people who would have been their
comrades-in-arms. A year after the liberation the USP was abolished
since it had no real power and neither became a bridge between the
USSR and new Yugoslavia nor an umbrella organization for the Russian
emigrants in Yugoslavia.
277
3/2012.
061.23(410:497.1)1918/1946
001.32(=111)(497.1)1918/1946

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20. ( 47019),
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53 1.000 .
, . , .10
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,
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. 1924.
, . 13
10
11
12
13
, , . 5, 1925.
. , . 1914. 1919.
, . 1, 1924. . 4, 1927.
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,
.14 1926.
. 11.
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, ,
,
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14
15
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30- . ,
1.000 National Council of the British YMCA. .
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, .
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Harold Greig), . . (Edgar M. Robinson)
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17
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, . 1314, . . 1925; . 10, , 1926; . 1, 1930;

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, 2008, . 172.
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18 . .
80 60 .
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().
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,
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.
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19
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1926.
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, . 5, 1925. . 6, 1927. (Anglican & Eastern Churches Association)
1906. , (Student
Christian Movement) YMCA/ .
(Nicolai, Paul Ernest George 18601919), ,

1903.
. . 1865.
.
1910. .
1946. 1948.
. 1955. -. 1911. , . -
. , 70

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40
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284

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Vesnik Hrianske zajednice mladia,

.
,
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, 1924.

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, .

. 1930. 1933.
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, . 1, 1924; . 2, 1924; . 1, 1926;
. 2, 1926; . 3, 1926; . 4, 1926; . 1, 1930. (, 1867 , 1944)
.
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.

.
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, . .
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,
. .23
1928. 430 1930.
20 2.000 .
.
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,
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.
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30- ,25 , . . (R. C. Taggart).
. 26
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. 27

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23
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1924.
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.

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.
( 1920. 1939)
1926. 6
.
, . 1, 1924; . 2, 1924; . 1, 1930; . 2,
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20.
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.29 , . .
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- .
,
,
.
.30
. ,
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, 1930. ,
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, 31
28
29
30
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. 1930.
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1924. . 4, 1926, . 57; ,
, , , .
56 (1931), . 105107.
Is the YMCA National or Not?, South Slav Herald, 8/1934, 16. 6, str. 2.
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. . .
. 1916. , ,
. , 1918.
,
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.
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, ,

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, . , 1930.

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. 32

(
) .
, , 2.
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,
.33
32
33
. 1925. .
1923/1924. 1932. 1924. . 1937.

. (
)
( ) 1937.
.
, 10. 3. 1944. (IV, , 2009, . 319)
. , : (). , , , , 2011, . 167, 175, 184186,
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, . 1, 1930; . 2, 1930; . 3, 1930.
() , 22. 4. 1894. , , , .
. 1913.
1914. 1916. .
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1919. 1919.
288

20.
,
. -
() (Florance Maw).
, . . .
,
. .34
The Living Church, 17.
1932.35
-
(Serbian Relief Fund, 19141921) , 23. 1914.
. - (Robert William Seton-Watson),36
, 37 (Sir Arthur John Evans),
(Bertram Christian) (Elsie Inglis).38
- ,
34
35
36
37
38
, .
1924. 1928. 1931.
. . ,
. , . .
- 1935,
1938. . , , . .
Anglican`s Eastern Church Association. , ,
691538 694268; , ,
, , 1996, . 201202.
, . 5, 1925; , ,
. 6, 1925; , , . 7,
1925. . 8, 1925.
. ,
. 8184.
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.

. . ,
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.
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.
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.
.39
,
,
, (Louisa Margaret Leila Wemyss, Lady Paget),
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, (Mable
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.40
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.

.41 , ,
,
,
1917. .42
39
40
41
42
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, ,
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, 19141918, , 2010;
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290

20.
1914, , - 1921.

800.000 .
350 19161919. (
25.000 .
)
. 38.000
,
.43
- - (Gertrude Carrington-Wilde),

e . -,
1918,
.

.44
, .
,
.

(Scottish Womens Hospital)
.

.45
43
44
45
-
1915. , 336.000 .
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Orphanage at Ni; Una P. Moffet, Lena . Yovitchitch, Florence Maw: the chronicle of
her lifework in Serbia, Privately printed for Nellie Hooker, 1957, London, str. 20.
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,
1920,
. , . -,
, http://www.rastko.rs/rastko/delo/14418, 7. 7. 2012;
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,
, .46
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-
,
, ,
, .47
,
1902. ,
.
,
.
, 70
.48
1919. (Florens Maw).49
. . (Helen Muriel Jerram).
46
47
48
49
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Orphanage correspondence (19471953) memos: Memorandum of the AngloSerbian Orphanage at Ni.
Orphanage correspondence (19471953) memos: S.R.F. Childrens home at Nish,
history of the Orphanage written by Florence Maw.
.
(Maw, Florence Brereton) 14. 1876. , ,
(Ellen Augusta Brykhais) , (Bowdon, Cheshire, England)
. 28. . . , .
1911. 1914. (Community of the Sisters of the Church),
(Emily Ayckbowm) 1870.
19. .
,
, , 1915. (Stobart, Mabel Annie) .
.
, ,
. .

. ,
, . Una P. Moffet,
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1919.
(Jean Rankin).50 , .
,
,
.
.51
.
, .

. ,
50 ( )
.
()
.
. 52
1923. .
50
51
52
(Jeane Rankin) 6. 1887. ,

, (Sorz). . . 1915. Una P. Moffet, Lena
. Yovitchitch, n. d., str. 517; (),
(), I62; SSEES Library, UCL, Catalogue of Seton-Watson Collection:
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of the Anglo-Serbian Orphanage at Ni.
(18771945) ,
, 1899.
1904. . 1898.
.
1909. .
1913. 1915.

.
, .
, , . 1932. 1933. . , 10.
1941,
. 13.
1945. ,
( 13. /31. ). , ,
, , 1996, . 175176;
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) ,
, -
,
.53
.54
, - , .
-,55
. -
,
.

(War Charities Commission),
(Trust Dd),56
9. 4. 1923. (
-)
, .
( 5.000

) 30.000
53
54
55
56
- : SSEES
Library, UCL, Catalogue of Seton-Watson Collection: SEW/7/6/3 Ni Orphanage
correspondence (19471953); SEW/7/4/1 Memos and correspondence re early years
of Ni Orphanage (19151924, mainly 19161917); SEW/7/4/2 Correspondence
re disolution of SRF and transference of assets to Ni Orphanage Trust (19201921);
SEW/7/4/3 Correspondence re finance, administration and staffing of Ni Orphanage
(19221924); SEW/7/4/4 Correspondence re finance, administration, staffing and
new building for Ni Orphanage (19251927); SEW/7/3/17/3/5; SEW/7/4 Serbian
Relief Funds Ni Orphanage, correspondence (19151927); SEW/7/5 Serbian Relief
Funds Ni Orphanage, inter war years (19201939, mainly 19201931); SEW/7/9
SRF Executive Committee minute book (29 May 1918 14 February 1923; 2628
March 1924); SEW/7/12 SRF account book (1 July 1921 3 March 1924) .
SSEES Library, UCL, Catalogue of Seton-Watson Collection SEW/7/4/3 Correspondence re finance, administration and staffing of Ni Orphanage (19221924)
http://www.ssees.ucl.ac.uk/archives/setonw/sewp741a.htm
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, . , . , (trustees)
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.
, .
(Westminister Bank).

, .
,
,
,
(
) ,57
.58
( 1948. )
,
,
.

.
, .59
, 1921. ,

.
(William Binns),
57
58
59
. , 100.000.000 , Blair and Co. Inc.,

(30 , 70 ),
1962. 1922. 20
. .
19211923. , 1932. .
, 19181988, IIII, , 1988, . I/61;
. . , 19181941,
, 2012, . 336341.
SSEES Library, UCL, Catalogue of Seton-Watson Collection SEW/7 Serbian Relief
Fund (SRF), First World War and interwar years (19141953, mainly 19141921);
SEW/7/5/2 Ni Orphanage financial correspondence and accounts (19201939,
mainly 19201929); SEW/7/5/5 Ni Orphanage financial correspondence with
London County Council (19251927); SEW/7/6/3 Ni Orphanage correspondence
(19471953) memos: Memorandum of the Anglo-Serbian Orphanage at Ni
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295
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,
-.
(19271930) .60
, , . . ,
,
, ,
,
. -
.61
.
, , , .
, -
. II .

.62
, 4. 1926. .
,
, ,
.63
.
, .
, ,
60
61
62
63
, . 2122.
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written by Florence Maw.
, ,
, 1938. . . -, , http://www.rastko.rs/rastko/
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, - ( )
, . -
. . , . 1011,
1926, . 422423.
296

20.
, ,
.64
1931.
1926. ,
,
, .
, 1929.
185 .65
- , ,
1919. 1946. .
, ,
.66 .67
64
65
66
67
, (Wilhelm Theodor Mollgaard,

18881920), 1915. ,
.
17. 1920. -, (18881920) ,
. a
, , . 66, , 2010, http://www.rastko.rs/
rastko/delo/14013, 7. 7. 2102.
, . 2 ( 1878. 1941. ), . , , 1984, . 518519.
SSEES Library, UCL, Catalogue of Seton-Watson Collection SEW/7/4/3 Correspondence re finance, administration and staffing of Ni Orphanage (19221924);
SEW/7/4/4 Correspondence re finance, administration, staffing and new building
for Ni Orphanage (19251927); SEW/7/5/1 Ni Orphanage reports and minutes
(19201931) http://www.ssees.ucl.ac.uk/archives/setonw/sewp741a.htm
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2012. o . I , , , V VI. http://domucenikasrednjihskolanis.info/index.
php?option=com_content&view=article&id=20&Itemid=70.
297
3/2012.

. . ,
12.
.
.
. ,
. ,
, .
, . , , .68
,
,
.

.69
(. . , , . ), : ,
, .
(Liuza Grosser).
.
. . , ,
,
,
, ,70 .
1941,
. , ,
68
69
70

history of the Orphanage written by Florence Maw; Una P. Moffet, Lena . Yovitchitch,
n. d., str. 2930.
, , -- . - . Ranka Gai, Anglofilske
organizacije u Beogradu izmeu dva svetska rata, str. 2135.
298

20.
, ,
,

.
.
, . .71 ,
. , ,
, , , .
.72
( 70 80),
.73
74 . 1942.

. , .75 1943,
.
48 ,
.
.
( 72)

.76 ,
, 1.000
71
72
73
74
75
76
, , , 2008; . ,
, 02. 2010. http://www.novosti.rs/vesti/naslovna/
aktuelno.293.html:264107-Othranila-nas-ljubav
SSEES Library, UCL, Catalogue of Seton-Watson Collection: SEW/7/6/3 Ni Orphanage correspondence (19471953) memos: S.R.F. Childrens home at Nish,
.

,
.
John B. Allcock, Antonia Young, Black Lambs and Grey Falcons: Women Travellers
in the Balkans, Berghahan Books, 2000, str. 85; SSEES Library, UCL, Catalogue of
Seton-Watson Collection SEW/7/6 Serbian Relief Funds Ni Orphanage, post
Second World War years (19441953), http://www.ssees.ucl.ac.uk/archives/setonw/
sewp761a.htm, 7. 7. 2012.
299
3/2012.
. .
,
, . ,
.
, ,
.77
,
. ,
,
.
,
. ,
,
. ,

. ,
, . .
1945,
, .78

.

(Save the
Children Fund) .79
(UNRRA)

77
78
79
SSEES Library, UCL, Catalogue of Seton-Watson Collection: SEW/7/6 Serbian
Relief Funds Ni Orphanage, post Second World War years (19441953), box 20,
SEW/7/6/1 Ni Orphanage correspondence (19441945).
Orphanage at Ni and S.R.F. Childrens home at Nish, history of the Orphanage
written by Florence Maw.
300

20.
, .80 (Sir Ralph Stevenson),

(Stenbock).81
,
, ,

. . .

, .
600 .82 ,
282, 1946. ,
700 .
.
, .
:
.83

,
, ,

. ,
.
.84
80
81
82
83
84
12. 1945. .
, , I62.
, , , 2008; . ,
, 02. 2010, http://www.novosti.rs/vesti/naslovna/
aktuelno.293.html:264107-Othranila-nas-ljubav. , ( ) 2008. -
1946. http://www.politika.rs/rubrike/Srbija/Engleske-majke-srpske-ratne-sirochadi.
lt.html D. Jankovi, objavljeno: 13. 11. 2008.
1945. , 2.000 , 3.000 ,
1.200 , 1.200 , 1.200, ,
1.200 , 1.200 , 1.200 , 1.200
800 . , , I62.
301
3/2012.

.
.

,
.85
27. 1945. (.
1133) ( )
. , -

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87
27. 1945.
85
86
87
4.000 , 1.800 .
/ 19451978, . , , ,
, 2012, . 8687.
, , 642720.
. .
. 1944. , .
,
,
1944. , 1944.

-. II
11. 1. 1945, .

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16. 2. 1945.
, - . II
2. 3. 1945.
5. .
.
(), , - -. 11. 11. 1945.
. 11. 4. 1945.
, -
302

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: . . 1133 27.
-

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- ,

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6. 1945.

,

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150.000
1945, .
100.000 .
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89
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1945. 1945. ,
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1946,
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19181988, IIII, , 1988.
, , 642720.
.
303
3/2012.
,
- .
9. 1945.

25. ,
,
.

-, ,
.90

1945. , . 1945.
150.000 1945. 74.200
40.000 .
1946.
.91

.
,
. 1946.
, ,
-

.92
20. 1946. 25 ,
,
90
91
92
. .
- . Yugoslavias Child Welfare Expert
Coming, The Sunday Herald (Sydney, NSW: 19491953), Sunday, 12 November
1950, . 12; You Lucky People! Says Visitor From Yugoslavia, The Sunday Herald
(Sydney, NSW: 19491953) Sunday, 10 December 1950, . 16, http://trove.nla.
gov.au/newspaper/result?l-title=38&q=kicevac
, , 642720.
Orphanage at Ni.
304

20.
,
.93 (, .) .94
, 71, ,
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19. 1946. .
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.

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, .97
25. 1946.

-
, .98

93
94
95
96
97
98
.
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Orphanage at Ni.
.
, , 3316.
305
3/2012.
, .
, ,
,
.99
, ,
, 29. ,
. .
,

,
,

.100
,

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( ) , 1919. 1941.

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,
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100
.
Orphanage at Ni.
306

20.
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:
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102
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.
Summary
Radmila Radi, Ph. D.
Contribution to Research on the Network of Anglophile
Organizations in Serbia during the First Half of the 20th
Century
Key words: Anglophile organizations, YMCA, Anglo-Serbian
Orphanage in Ni, Anglo-Yugoslav Club in Ni, Florence Maw,
bishop Dositej (Vasi), Serbian Orthodox Church, Serbia,
Kingdom of SCS/Kingdom of Yugoslavia, Great Britain
Serbian historiography has mostly reconstructed the activities

of the Anglophile organizations between the two World Wars in the
Kingdom of SCS / Kingdom of Yugoslavia (Serbia) however some parts
of the network deserve more attention and further research. This article
primarily deals with the YMCA, the Anglo-Serbian Orphanage (ASO),
and Anglo-Yugoslav Club in Ni because of their mutual relations,
cooperation, and influence on the broader community and presence
of certain representatives of the Serbian Orthodox Church in their
activities.
Cooperation between the Serbian Church in the Kingdom of
Serbia and the Anglican Church began in the mid-19th century, continued
during the First World War and intensified after the war in the Kingdom
321
3/2012.
of SCS/Kingdom of Yugoslavia. Support for collaboration came not only

from the British and Yugoslav authorities and representatives of the
two churches, but also from the Court, many politicians, intellectuals
and public figures in the United Kingdom and Kingdom of Yugoslavia/
Serbia, and from the Russian emigration. British and Foreign Bible
Societies, and Students Christian Movement were present in Serbia
before World War I, and after the war the YMCA, all of them as a part
of the activities related to the rapprochment of Anglican and Eastern
Churches. Plans for building a church for Anglicans and a YMCA building
had never been realized but that did not stop the collaboration from
becoming more serious, especially during the Concordat conflicts and
on the eve of the Second World War. It has been known that some
SOC bishops, theologians and priests were especially prominent in this
cooperation, (some of whom attended theological schools in England
during the war): Irinej orevi, Nikolaj Velimirovi, Josif Cvijovi,
Justin Popovi, Kosta Lukovi, Voja Janji, etc. Less known was the
activity of Milo Parenta, Dimitrije Stefanovi, Steva Dimitrijevi, and
especially the bishop of Ni, Dositej Vasi and the clergy of his diocese.
Bishop Dositej was not only one of the founders of the English-Yugoslav
Club in Ni but he actively supported the establishment and work of
Anglo-Serbian Orphanage in Ni and was one of the Fund Trustees,
constantly emphasizing the need to thank the UK for helping Serbia
during the war.
The ASO had a special place in a number of hospitals and
orphanages, which the Serbian Relief Fund founded and supported at
the end of the war and in the first couple of years after it. British staff
involved in the work of ASO, consisted mainly of members of the British
medical missions during World War I, who treated wounded Serbian
soldiers, helped during the epidemic of typhus fever, armys retreat
through Albania and on the Salonika front. Many public figures from
the UK, known for their charity work on behalf of the Kingdom of Serbia
during the war, were engaged in the activities of the ASO organization,
as well as many political and religious circles in the country. ASO
worked as an experimental and co-educational institution (the one of
the kind in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia), even during the World War
II. With the arrival of the communist regime and the deterioration of
Yugoslav-British relations since the spring of 1945, its functioning was
limited and it was finally closed 1946.
Analysis of the part of Anglophile organizations in Serbia show
that activities organized by these societies, associations or institutions
were very similar in character and wide in range. Religious, cultural,
322

20.
charitable and propaganda missions often intertwined. British people,

who directed these organizations or participated in their work, and
those who occasionally took part in them, were closely connected.
Persons who helped, supported, and supervised them in the country,
also belonged to well-connected Anglophile circles. Support provided
by SOC certainly influenced the fact that these organizations and
institutions were more common in the eastern parts of the country
where the majority of population was Orthodox.
323
3/2012.
314.15(=161.1)(497.1)1918/1941

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362.
Vesna ikanovi, Iseljavanje u Sjedinjene merike Drave. Jugoslovensko iskustvo
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Summary
Aleksandar Luki, M. A.
Founding of the Yugoslav Republican Party in 1920 and
Relations within the Yugoslav Republican Emigration
in the USA (Chicago)
Key words: Yugoslav Republican Party, United States of
America, Yugoslav Republican Alliance, Ljubomir Stojanovi,
Josif Mihailovi, yugoslav emigrants
A small group of intellectuals, gathered around Ljubomir Stojanovi and Jaa Prodanovi, advocated the introduction of the republican form of government in the Yugoslav state and they founded
the Yugoslav Republican Party in Belgrade at beginning of 1920. Given
that they needed a material and moral support in a strong monarchy as
the Yugoslavia was at that time, they tried to establish connections and
cooperation with the republican organizations in the USA; in the first
place with one of the largest Yugoslav republican associations leaded
by Etbin Kristan and based in Chicago, State of Illinois. Nevertheless,
despite the good will of both sides and an initial success in the
correspondence among two republican movements, the ties were soon
broken, because of the ever more difficult national situation in the
Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes and the quarrels among the
yugoslav republicans in the USA.
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RESEARCH
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386
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Whitzman C., The Handbook of Community Safety, Gender and Violence Prevention
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2008,
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Greed C., Roberts M. (eds), Introducing Urban Design, Interventions and Responses,
London: Longman, 1998.
Women in Cities, http://www.femmesetvilles.org
W e-news, http://www.womensenews.org
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V. Gudac-Dodi, Poloaj ene u Srbiji (19452000), Srbija u modernizacijskim

procesima XIX i XX veka, 4: ene i deca, Biblioteka Helsinke SVESKE br. 23,
Beograd, Helsinki odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji, 2006.
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drutvu, Tokovi istorije, br. 12/2000, str. 918.

, , 9. 1983,
( ) , , , . http://www.politika.
rs/rubrike/Hronika/CHetvrt-veka-od-atentata-na-turskog-ambasadora.lt.htm Arhiva
vesti, online izdanje lista Politika, 09.03.2008.
S. Tomanovi (ur.), Drutvo u previranju socioloke studije nekih aspekata drutvene transformacije u Srbiji. Beograd: Institut za socioloka istraivanja Filozofskog
fakulteta u Beogradu, 2006.
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Bezbednost na lokalnom nivou, Beograd: Centar za studije bezbednosti i istraivanje

terorizma Instituta za politike studije, 2007.
Z. Vukovi, S. Gajin, ene rtve nasilja u porodici, V. Nikoli-Ristanovi,
predsednica Viktimolokog drutva Srbije, Novo pravo za siledije, Danas, 28. jun,
2002.
Internet prezentacije navedenih organizacija: http://www.transconflict.com, http://
www.ccmr-bg.org, http://www.bezbednost.org, http://www.osce.org/serbia, http://
www.unhabitat.org.rs, http://www.skmbalcani.cooperazione.esteri.it
UN-HABITAT: Gradovi u dijalogu, Ciklus tematskih konferencija (dokumentacija),
decembar 2007 jun 2008, Razmena iskustava o socio-ekonomskim i graanskim
integracijama u Srbiji, Sava Centar, 25. jun 2008.
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N. Danilovi Hristi (rukovodilac radnog tima): Sigurniji javni prostori, studija o bezbednosti javnih gradskih prostora u Beogradu, Beograd: Urbanistiki zavod Beograda
i Misija OEBS u Srbiji, Odeljenje za demokratizaciju, Demsec projekat, 2008.
Office of the Deputy Prime Minister & Home Office: Safer Places The Planning System and Crime Prevention & Secured by Design Principles Concept, London, 2004;
prevod: Bezbednija mesta sistem planiranja i prevencija kriminala, Urbanistiki
zavod Beograda i Inenjerska komora Srbije, 2007.
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Republika Srbija, Republiki zavod za statistiku: ene i mukarci u Srbiji, Beograd,
2011.
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42
N. Danilovi Hristi, Urbanistiko-arhitektonski elementi za obezbeenje vieg stepena bezbednosti na javnim gradskim prostorima, neobjavljena doktorska disertacija, odbranjena na Arhitektonskom fakultetu u Beogradu 25. 11. 2010.
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Svensen L. Fr. H., Filozofija straha, Beograd: Geopoetika, 2008.

Buzan B., People, States & Fear: The National Security Problem in International
Relations, London: Longman, 1991.

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402
Summary
Nataa Danilovi Hristi, Ph. D.
Safety of Women in the Contemporary Public Space of
Belgrade and Impact of Feminist Studies to the Urban
Safety Aspect
Key words: women, feminism, urban safety, fear, public
spaces, Belgrade
Focusing on the topic of urban safety, as one of the basic qualities of urban life, inevitably leads to further research on how women feel
in urban environments, and also in what manner feminist scholarship
and movements exerted their influence upon the development of
relevant theory and practice. Although women make up a significant
part of the population particularly in the cities, the fact that they had
to obtain by force, their right to freedom and use of space, in the sense
of their mobility, education, work and leisure time, they still they still
feel exposed, excluded or endangered when certain urban spaces are
concerned. Much earlier than the profession became interested in issue
of urban safety, feminist studies were the ones who pointed the issue
out and initiated certain actions that have later on been accepted and
supported on a wider scale. Public spaces safety and minimizing threats
to the public order are of the utmost significance for the communities
aspiring to deserve the epithet of sustainability, and the failure to provide this leads to urban dysfunction, devaluates their value, leads to
minimized or improper use. Preventive measures implemented within
the sphere of urban planning and design can contribute to the quality
of urban spaces and to the comfort of their users. Feminist movements,
which have made a significant move in the research of this topic, started
with the criticism of city as an environment which was not fully adapted
to the needs of women, and further through studies, conferences
organized and concrete actions in space, succeeded in getting the
profession and the officials interested in it. Nowadays, urban safety is
403
3/2012.
considered a strategic goal of urban environments, multidisciplinary

teams and specially trained professionals have been dealing with it.
The engagement of womens groups could be interpreted as effort for
safer places not just for women, but for all users, concerning vulnerable
groups.
404

Reviews
Nils Havemann,
Fuball unterm Hakenkreutz. Der DFB zwischen Sport,
Politik und Kommerz,
Campus Verlag GmbH, Frankfurt/Main, 2005, 473 str.
Sport i politika su oduvek bili usko povezani, ta veza see jo od

antikih vremena. Jo u periodu kada je sport tek nastajao i postepeno
poeo da se razvija u drutveni fenomen koji nadilazi samu ljudsku
potrebu da se bavi fizikom aktivnou i igrom, politiari, vojskovoe i
dravnici su pokuavali da ga iskoriste za svoje potrebe. Era ideologije
nacionalsocijalizma u Nemakoj i Evropi nije bila izuzetak. Olimpijske
igre odrane u Berlinu i Garmi-Partenkirhtenu 1936. godine pokazale
su da je fizika kultura u nacistikoj Nemakoj bila u funkciji politike i
propagande. To navodi na pitanje u kojoj meri su predstavnici samog
sporta, sportisti i sportski funkcioneri podravali nacistiki reim i
mogu li se smatrati delimino odgovornim za sve zloine koje je taj
reim poinio.
Tema odnosa izmeu totalitarnih ideologija i sporta privlai
veliku panju istraivaa u poslednje vreme, posebno u Nemakoj,
gde postoji i veoma jak pritisak javnosti, kako naune tako i ire drutvene, da se objektivno istrae sve okolnosti nastanka, delovanja i
uticaja monstruozne ideologije nacionalsocijalizma na drutvene strukture. Podrku istoriarima, sociolozima i antropolozima u njihovim
istraivanjima daju i dravne institucije Nemake, a u sluaju kada
se prouavaju veze sporta i politike u Treem rajhu, veliku podrku
pruaju i sportske institucije i savezi. Tako je i Nemaki fudbalski savez
(Deutscher Fuball-Bund) 2001. angaovao istoriara Nilsa Havemana
da napie jednu sveobuhvatnu istoriju nemakog fudbala i Nemakog
fudbalskog saveza u periodu izmeu 1929. i 1945. godine, stavljajui
mu na raspolaganje sve svoje resurse i kompletnu sauvanu arhivsku
grau. Rezultat istraivanja je monografija: Nils Havemann, Fuball
unterm Hakenkreutz. Der DFB zwischen Sport, Politik und Kommerz
(Fudbal pod kukastim krstom. Uticaj sporta, politike i komercijalizacije
na Nemaki fudbalski savez), koja je objavljena u Frankfurtu na Majni
2005. godine.
Nils Haveman roen je 1966. godine. Studirao je politike
nauke, romanistiku i istoriju u Bonu, Parizu i Salamanki. Doktorirao
je 1996. godine na Univerzitetu u Bonu a disertacija se odnosila na
*
. 1/2012. , ,
.
(. ).
407
3/2012.
planove nemake spoljne politike prema paniji. Radio je u Nemakom

istorijskom muzeju u Berlinu (Deutsches Historisches Museum) i kao
predava na Univerzitetu u Majncu (Johannes Gutenberg-Universitt
Mainz). Danas radi kao predava na Odseku za savremenu istoriju
Univerziteta u tutgartu (Universitt Stuttgart).
Knjiga je podeljena na osam velikih poglavlja koja su hronoloki
koncipirana. Kritiki aparat se nalazi na kraju svakog poglavlja a ne
na dnu strane, to u odreenoj meri oteava samo praenje teksta.
U uvodnom poglavlju (930) Haveman daje obrazoenje povoda i
ciljeva svog istraivanja, posebno zbog toga to je u nemakoj javnosti pokrenuto pitanje odgovornosti odreenih institucija, pa i samog Nemakog fudbalskog saveza za irenje i poularizaciju ideja
nacionalsocijalizma. Kontroverze po tom pitanju nisu istraivane ve
problemi gurani pod tepih i zbog takvog stava Haveman otro kritikuje
Nemaki fudbalski savez. U tom kontekstu, on takoe naglaava koliki
je bio znaaj fudbalskog sporta u Nemakoj 30-ih godina 20. veka.
Autor navodi podatke da je Nemaki fudbalski savez 1932. imao vie
od milion lanova, koji su bili organizovani u priblino 8.600 fudbalskih
klubova, da je broj registrovanih fudbalera godinje proseno rastao
za oko 40.000 i da se svake godine igralo oko 700.000 fudbalskih
utakmica.
U prvom poglavlju (Der Grndungsgeist des DBF: Grsse, Einheit, Macht und Prosperitt im Namen der Nation, 3063) autor pie o
razvoju sporta i kulture fizikog vebanja i obrazovanja u Nemakoj u
prvoj polovini 20. veka. Takoe veoma detaljno prati razvoj Nemakog
fudbalskog saveza od osnivanja do 1929. godine, sa posebnim osvrtom
na militarizaciju Saveza u periodu Prvog svetskog rata i kasniju,
transformisanu ulogu u periodu Vajmarske republike.
Drugo poglavlje (Der DBF und der Aufstieg des Nationalsozialismus (19291933), 63102) u najveoj meri je posveeno delovanju
najuticajnijih ljudi Nemakog fudbalskog saveza Feliksa Linemana (Felix
Linnemann) i Georga Ksandrija (Georg Xandry) i njihovim vezama
sa politikim i ekonomskim strukturama Vajmarske republike, ali i
sa politiarima pripadnicima Nacionalsocijalistike nemake radnike
partije (NSDAP) koja je tada bila u velikom usponu. Poseban osvrt u
ovom poglavlju Haveman daje na udarac koji je svetska ekonomska
kriza zadala nemakom sportu, podrivajui materijalnu osnovu fudbalskih klubova i samog Nemakog fudbalskog saveza. Loa ekonomska
situacija je produbila krizu u odnosima izmeu igraa i klubova, koji
su se sporili oko stare odluke vladajuih struktura po kojoj se fudbal
u Nemakoj smatrao iskljuivo amaterskim sportom. Po tim pravilima,
fudbaleri nisu smeli da primaju platu kao naknadu za utakmice koje
su igrali. Ekonomski krah i nemogunost velikog broja fudbalera da
se izdravaju su naterali igrae da se otvoreno pobune i zahtevaju
408
uvoenje profesionalizma. Oslabljen unutranjim sukobima, Nemaki

fudbalski savez je doekao dolazak nacista na vlast 1933. godine.
Period konsolidacije i privikavanja na novo stanje opisan je u
treem poglavlju monografije (Die Konsolidierung des DFB im Nationalsozialistischen Staat (19331935), 102173). Autor navodi kako
je uspon nacista prekinuo sukobe u okviru sportskih saveza i kako
je predsednik Nemakog fudbalskog saveza Lineman uspeo da izdejstvuje kod novih vlasti zamrzavanje amaterskog statusa za fudbalere.
Uopteno gledano, odnosi izmeu nacistike vlasti i sportskih udruenja
su bili izuzetno dobri, u najveoj meri zbog toga to je sam Hitler
hteo da iskoristi sport u propagandne svrhe, to se najbolje videlo
na Olimpijadi odranoj 1936. godine. ovek zaduen za komunikaciju
izmeu dravnog i nacistikog vrha, sa jedne, i sportskih organizacija,
sa druge strane, bio je Hans fon amer und Osten (Hans von Tschammer
und Osten), dravni komesar za sport (Reichssportkommissar). On je
uspeo da istovremeno vee sportska drutva za nacistiku vlast, ali i da
ih zatiti od radikalnih nacista koji su smatrali da buroaski sport treba
ukinuti ili ga potpuno prikljuiti nacistikim paravojnim formacijama.
Privikavanje na nacistiki poredak, takozvano glajhaltovanje, kroz
koje je prolo celokupno nemako drutvo pa tako i sportska udruenja,
dovelo je i do usvajanja principa liderstva (Fhrerprinzip) u organizaciji
sportskih struktura. Predsednik Nemakog fudbalskog saveza Feliks
Lineman je 1933. godine ukinuo sva pravila i procedure koji su do
tada vaili i proglasio sebe za vou nemakog fudbala. Investiranje
u fudbalsku infrastrukturu i blagonaklon stav vlasti prema samom
konceptu fizikog vebanja doveli su do poboljanja uslova za trening
i igru, to je dovelo i do boljih fudbalskih rezultata. Istovremeno, iz
sportskih drutava su izbaeni Jevreji, koji su bili oznaeni kao nosioci kapitalistikih tendencija i krivci za pokuaje da se sport profesionalizuje.
U etvrtom poglavlju (Der DFB im Fahrwasser der Kriegsvorbereintungen (19351939), 173237) Nils Haveman pie o periodu koji
je trajao do poetka ratnih operacija, posebno o prvim sukobima koji
su nastali u odnosima izmeu fudbalskih vlasti i nacistikih, odnosno
dravnih struktura. Prva ozbiljnija konfrontacija je nastala kada su
dravne vlasti 1934. odluile da sva omladinska sportska drutva, to je
ukljuivalo i podmlatke fudbalskih klubova, budu organizaciono vezana
za Hitlerovu omladinu (Hitler-Jugend). Sukob sa Hitlerovom omladinom
je bio samo naznaka onoga to e doi. Fudbal je sve vie postajao
rtva unutranjih obrauna zavaenih frakcija u okviru nacistike partije. Izvesna samostalnost u delovanju fudbalskih rukovodilaca i privatna inicijativa, koja je jo uvek bila pokreta fudbalskog sporta,
ograniene su do 1940. godine, kada je Nemaki fudbalski savez postao samo odeljenje (Reichsfachamt Fuball) podreeno direktno voi
409
3/2012.
nemakog sporta ameru und Ostenu, a imovina Saveza i klubova

postala dravna. Fudbalski klubovi, bez obzira na to kakvu su podrku
imali u populaciji i bez obzira na to koliko su bili ukorenjeni u lokalne
sredine, bili deo buroaske ili radnike svakodnevice, nisu mogli da
prue ozbiljniji otpor politizaciji i etatizaciji. ak je i jedan Bajern iz
Minhena (Bayern Mnchen), moan i bogat klub, usko povezan sa
minhenskom jevrejskom zajednicom, morao da poklekne i da prihvati
nacistiku politiku.
Peto poglavlje (Im Dienste der nationalsozialistischen Ausspolitik
das Reichfachamt Fuball in der ersten Kriegshlfte (19391942),
237273) u najveoj meri je posveeno opisu delovanja nemakih
sportskih vlasti u novonastalim ratnim okolnostima i pokuajima da
se utie na meunarodne sportske institucije. Posle okupacije Belgije
u maju 1940. nacisti su pokuali da ucene predsednika Meunarodnog
olimpijskog komiteta Anrija de Baje-Latura (Henry de Baillet-Latour)
da prepusti vosto u MOK-u predstavniku Nemake. Uprkos pritiscima,
Baje-Latur je doneo hrabru odluku da suspenduje sve aktivnosti MOK-a
dok traje rat i tako efektivno onemoguio naciste da olimpijski pokret zloupotrebe u propagandne svrhe. Nacisti su slian scenario
predviali i za krovnu instituciju svetskog fudbala FIFA (Fdration
Internationale de Football Association). Vren je otar pritisak da se
Peko Bojvens (Peco Bauwens), nemaki predstavnik u asocijaciji, izabere za predsednika. Postoje indicije da su SS oficiri bili spremni i da
organizuju atentate na lanove FIFA za koje su smatrali da su izrazito frankofilski ili anglofilski nastrojeni, ukljuujui tu i predsednika
ila Rimea (Jules Rimet). Uprkos velikoj elji nemakih i italijanskih
sportskih foruma da silom preuzmu vlast u meunarodnim sportskim
organima, to im nije polo za rukom. FIFA se spasila jer je sedite
organizacije bilo u neutralnoj vajcarskoj. Jo jedan, izuzetno bitan,
aspekt nemakog fudbala u periodu koji je zakljuen 1942. godine je
bio organizovanje fudbalskih utakmica sa saveznikim zemljama, koje
su imale za cilj da budu manifestacija prijateljske politike, ali i svojevrsna demonstracija nemake moi i organizovanosti. este su bile fudbalske utakmice izmeu reprezentacije nemakog Rajha i reprezentacija Italije, Rumunije, Maarske, Bugarske a od 1940. i 1941. Slovake
i Hrvatske.
Poslednje poglavlje glavnog dela monografije (Der Untergang
des deutschen Fuballsports im Dritten Reich (19421945), 273
331) Nils Haveman je posvetio poslednjoj fazi, opadanju sportskih
i fudbalskih aktivnosti i konanom slomu 1945. godine. Kako je rat
odmicao, a posebno posle napada Nemake na Sovjetski Savez 1941,
bilo je sve tee okupiti jedan fudbalski tim i sprovoditi adekvatan trening i pripremu utakmica. Razlog je bio taj to su skoro svi aktivni sportisti bili regrutovani i poslati na front. Sep Herbeger (Sepp Herberger),
selektor nemakog nacionalnog fudbalskog tima, uspeo je da izdejstvu-
410
je od vojnih vlasti da omogue vojnicima-fudbalerima da se okupe dvadesetak dana pred meunarodnu utakimcu kako bi se uigravali. Prema
svedoenju preivelih fudbalera, ti igrai su na treninzima davali sve
od sebe kako bi ostali u sastavu reprezentacije i kako ne bi bili poslati
natrag na front. Ipak, 1942. godine vie nije bilo mogue sprovoditi
takvu politiku pa je nemaka fudbalska reprezentacija svoju poslednju
utakmicu odigrala u novembru u Bratislavi protiv Slovake. Haveman
je dao i osvrt na sistematski progon Jevreja fudbalera, koji je otpoeo
1936. odmah po okonanju Olimpijskih igara u Berlinu a svoj vrhunac
doiveo 1939. godine. Detaljno je preneto puno potresnih pria, kako o
onima koji su uspeli da preive holokaust tako i onima, naalost velikoj
veini, koji su postradali.
U zakljuku (331344) Nils Haveman se osvre na dve glavne
teze koje je pokuao da dokae: prvo, kako, suprotno dotadanjim
zakljuima javnosti, Nemaki fudbalski savez nije bio perjanica nacionalsocijalizma i jedan od nosilaca antidemokratskih tendencija u Vajmarskoj republici, ve institucija koja je prema tom anticivilizacijskom
pokretu zauzela konformistiki stav, kao uostalom i veina nemakih
institucija i pojedinaca; i drugo, kako nemaki fudbalski zvaninici
nisu uinili skoro nita kako bi zatitili i spasili svoje kolege, fudbalere,
trenere i sportske funkcionere jevrejske narodnosti, iako su mnogi
posle rata tvrdili kako ili nisu znali ta se zapravo deava ili su ak i
pokuavali da uine neto ali bezuspeno.
U Dodatku koji se nalazi na kraju knjige, autor daje veoma korisne tabele, pregledne liste, spiskove funkcionera Nemakog fudbalskog saveza, tabele sa rezultatima utakmica i takmienja i mnoge
druge stvari koje znaajno doprinose lakem praenju i razumevanju
teksta. Takoe, na kraju se nalazi i iscrpan spisak korienih izvora i
literature, kao i veoma pregledan registar linih imena i pojmova.
Istorija nemakog fudbala i i istorija Nemakog fudbalskog saveza u periodu Treeg rajha predstavljaju odlian primer sada ve prihvaene injenice da je tokom celog 20. veka sport demonstrirao veliku
podlonost uticajima totalitarnih reima, pre svega zbog neodgovornog
uverenja kako je sport svet za sebe i kako moe funkcionisati izvan sveta politike. Diktature, koje vide sport kao izvanrednu priliku da ulepaju
svoju uasnu spoljanjost, imaju i interes i mogunosti da direktno utiu
na njega i da efektivno iz njega odstrane njegove prirodne uzdanice
i temelje: takmiarski i sportski duh, elju za nadmetanjem, ponos
i radost igre i uspeha. Monografija Nilsa Havemana Fuball unterm
Hakenkreutz. Der DFB zwischen Sport, Politik und Kommerz predstavlja
odlian primer kako pristupiti istraivanju fenomena proimanja sporta
i politike i polazite za dalja prouavanja ideologije nacizma i kulta
telesnosti koji je toj ideologiji bio svojstven.
Dejan ZEC
411
3/2012.
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M. Bjelajac, Generl Drgi Pndurovi, ivot i svedoenj, INISAlter, Beogrd,
2007, 514 str.; Isti, Izmeu vojske i politike. Biogrfij generl Dun Trifunovi
18801942, INIS Nrodni muzej Kruevc, BeogrdKruevc, 1997, 339 str.
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2012
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2012,
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Dejan ZEC
International Conference: Archives, History and Politics

in XIXXXI Centuries Romania (Arhive, istorie i politic
n Romnia secolelor XIXXXI), Bucharest,
September 2122 2012
The National Archives of Romania (Arhivele Naionale ale Romniei) and the General Association of Romanian Archivists (Asociaia
General a Arhivitilor din Romnia) made a tremendous effort and
organized an international scientific conference whose goal was to
better examine the relationship between archives, history and politics
in Romania during the nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first centuries. The conference was held at the National Archives of Romania and
besides the Romanian experts who elaborated their papers on various
topics such as archival theory, access to archives, digitalization and
information process, history of Romanian archival institutions and
various archival funds, usage of documents, the profession of an
archivist etc. there were also guest speakers from other countries who
mostly presented papers on significant archival funds in their countries
which are important for a better understanding of Romanian history.
The opening ceremony of the conference was held in the new
building of the Romanian National Library on 21st of September 2012.
The participants were greeted by Dr. Ioan Drgan, the Director of the
National Archives of Romania, Dr. Mihai Viorel Fifor, the State Secretary
at the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Prof. dr. Zoe Petre from the Faculty of
History at the University of Bucharest, Prof. acad. erban Papacostea
from the Romanian Academy and Dr. Costin Fenean, the former Director
of the National Archives of Romania. The first day of the conference
was divided into two sessions and each session into different panels.
The morning session was held at the National Library building and the
panels were: 1) Archival Theory and Access to the Archives moderated
437
3/2012.
by Claudiu Turcitu; 2) The Use of the Archival Document moderated

by erban Marin; 3) Digitalization and Informational Technologies
moderated by Bogdan-Florin Popovici. In the first panel the speakers
were: Peter Moldovan (National Archives of Romania, Mure County) Archival Appraisal Debates in the West and the Romanian Evolution;
Bogdan-Florin Popovici (National Archives of Romania, Braov County)
- About the Quality of the Archival Sources and the Places Taken by the
Document Author-Originator-Keeper; Mariana Momciu (Babe-Bolyai
University, Cluj) - Registers of the Holy Sepulcher Guardianship
Documents Difficult Way from Edition to Issue and Liliana Corobca - The
Institution of Censorship and the Access to the Documents Regarding
the State Secret. The second panel speakers and papers: Harieta Mareci
Sabol (tefan cel Mare University, Suceava) - Considerations Regarding the Documentary-Historical Sources Concerning Bucovina in the
State Archives in Vienna; Liviu Neagoe (G. Bariiu Institute of History,
Cluj) - Romanian Constitutionalism Traditions and Particularities in
Defining the Idea of Citizenship in the First Half of the 19th Century;
Nicolae Mihai (C. S. Nicolescu-Plopor Institute of Social-Humanistic
Research, Craiova) - The Revolution and Its Documents: Is Possible
a Cultural History of the Politics at 1848?; Raluca Tomi (N. Iorga
Institute of History, Bucharest) - Personal Archives as Sources for the
Study of Social History in the Romanian Principalities. Case Study: Paul
Bataillard; Ioana Beldiman (National University of Arts, Bucharest) Landscape Painter Edouard-Jules Redont (18621942) and His Order
for Filaret Park in Bucharest; Alexandrina Cuui (Bucovina Museum) The Orthodox Church in Bucovina During the First World War; Dejan
Zec (Institute for Recent History of Serbia, Belgrade) - Diplomatic
Missions of Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/Yugoslavia in the
Kingdom of Romania 19181941: Documents from the Archives of
Yugoslavia in Belgrade and Sorin Boean (Media City Hall) - International Relations in Southeastern Europe in 19371938. In the third
panel the speakers were: Adina Berciu-Drghicescu (Bucharest University, Faculty of Letters) and Silvia-Adriana Tomescu (University
Central Library, Bucharest) - The Place Taken by the New Informational
Technologies in the Teaching of Archival Studies and of the Related
Branches of Science; Tiffany Chao and Claudia erbnu (University
of Illinois, Information Science) - Digital Documents, Histories, and
Archives in the 21st Century; Vlatka Lemi (Croatian State Archives)
- Digitalization Issues from Archives Perspective: Experiences, Trends
and Prospects and Drago Ungureanu (National Institute of Inheritance)
- Aspects of the Digitalization of the Documents Records Keeping.
The afternoon session organized in the building of the National
Archives of Romania consisted of two panels: Institutional History of
the Romanian Archives, moderated by Marius Diaconescu and Pro-
438
fession of Archivist, moderated by Ioan Drgan. The participants in

the first session were Octavian Dascl (National Archives of Romania)
- The Beginnings of the Archival Studies in the Territory Between Prut
and Dniester Rivers: the Scientific Governmental Commission of the
Bessarbaian Archives (18981923); Lucian Petra (National Archives
of Romania, Arad County) - Arad Airport Records Keeping; MdlinaDiana Ruanu-Radu (National Archives of Romania, Teleorman County)
- The Situation of the School Archives in the Region of Bucharest,
According to a Study Published in the Second World War and Paula
Ivan (National Archives of Romania, Cluj County) - The Foundation of
the Special Archives Records Keeping at the Archives in Cluj. Premises
and Consequences. The participants in the second sessions were Teodora Ligia Drghici (National Archives of Romania, Timi County) - The
Contribution of Ioachim Miloia Polyvalent Personality of the Cultural Life in Banat To the Foundation of a Department of the State
Archives in Timioara; Loredana Dascl (National Archives of Romania)
- Dumitru Limona (19121974): Documentary in the Archives; Alina
Pavelescu (National Archives of Romania) - The Collecting of the Private Archives For a Pro-active Approach of the Profession of Archivist
in Romania and Anemari Monica Negru (National Archives of Romania)
- Aspects Regarding the Situation of the Archivist at the State Archives
in Bucharest in the 20th Century. Also, an exhibition of selected documents and photos referring to the establishment and functioning of
the archives in Romania was part of the program on first day of the
conference.
On the second day of the conference the sessions were held
at the National Archives of Romania and it was divided into three
panels: 1) Destructions and Evacuations of the Archives moderated by
Cristian Ania; 2) Archives and Communism moderated by Radu Stancu
and Alina Pavelescu and 3) Archives Beyond the National Archives
moderated by Cristian Ania. The participants in the first panel were:
Marius Diaconescu (University of Bucharest, Faculty of History) - The
Fate of the Transylvanian Archives in Hungary After 1918; Ionela Felicia
Moscovici (Babe-Bolyai University, Cluj - Universit de Strasbourg)
- The Documentary Heritage of Banat Victim of the Tensions After
the First World War; Virgil Coman (National Archives of Romania,
Constana County) - The Evacuation of the Records Keeping in Southern Dobroudja as a Result of the Putting into Practice the Stipulations
in the Treaty of Craiova on September 7, 1940; Ctlin Botoineanu
(National Archives of Romania, Iai County) - The Refuge of the Archives of Iai During the Second World War and Carmen Albert (Museum of
Montan Banat, Reia) - Massacres of the Archives in Post-war Banat:
Some Examples. In the second panel presentations were given by
Florin Abraham (National Institute for the Study of Totalitarianism) -
439
3/2012.
The Documents of the Totalitarian State: Methodological Risks; tefan

Lemny (Bibliothque Nationale de France) - Introduction to a Historical
Study of the Denunciation in Communist Romania: Method and Conception; Liviu ranu (National Council for the Study of the Securitates
Archives) - The Digitalization of the NCSSAs Archives: a Mirage?; Virgil
ru (National Council for the Study of the Securitates Archives) The Documentation of the Historians in the Securitates and Partys
Archives in the 70s and 80s; Dimitrie-Ovidiu Boldur (Iulian Antonescu
Museum Complex, Bacu) - Unedited Testimonies from the Activity of
the Securitates Offices at the Mid of the 20th Century; Leonte Ivanov
(Al. I. Cuza University, Iai) - Fiodor Melnikov Personal File; Andrei
Florin Sora (University of Bucharest, Faculty of Political Sciences) - Files
of Cadres of the Communist Nomenclature: the Prime-Secretaries of
the Regional/County Committees of the Romanian Communist Party;
Radu Stancu (National Archives of Romania) - The Death Penalty in
Communist Romania. Reconstructing Criminal Biographies Through
the Archives and Aleksandar V. Mileti (Institute for Recent History of
Serbia, Belgrade) - Relations Between the League of Communists of
Yugoslavia and the Romanian Communist Party. The review of Archives
507- League of Communists of Yugoslavia, Commission for International
Affairs and Communications (107-Romania), Archives of Yugoslavia. In
the third panel papers were presented by: Cosmin Mihailovici (National
Confederation of the Public Notaries in Romania) - History, Realities and
Tendencies in the Notary Archives Evolution in Romania; Rita-Magdolna
Bernd (Archdiocesan Archive at Alba Iulia) - The Roman-Catholic
Archdiocesan Archive of Alba Iulia. The Records Keepings Structure
and Ordering; Claudiu Clin (Roman-Catholic Diocesan Archive in
Timioara) - The Roman-Catholic Diocesan Archive of Timioara; Marius
Oan (Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Business) - The Roman-Catholic
Archbishopric Archive in Bucharest, as a Place of the Morory of the
Catholic Communities in Bulgaria and Wallachia. Important Episodes:
Salvation, Inventory, Disintegration, Reintegration and Sergiu Soica (G.
Bariiu Institute of History, Cluj) - Particular Ecclesiastic Archives, the
Archives of the Greek-Catholic Church in Romania. Case Study: Archive
of the Greek-Catholic Bishopric in Lugoj.
The conference itself was a great success. A great number of
prominent researchers had the opportunity to exchange their findings
and ideas and also to learn more about Romanian history and the
history of the National Archives of Romania. Foreign participants were
assigned interpreters who not only helped the participants to better
understand the expositions, but also provided them with very helpful
tips and information about the archives, Bucharest and life in Romania
in general. The organizers planned to publish the collection of selected
papers from the conference in 2013.
440

Sapienza, Universita di Roma
Facolta di Scienze
Politiche, Sociologia, Comunicazione

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3/2012.

Dr Massimo BUCARELLI, Ph. D.

Sran CVETKOVI, Ph. D.

Momilo Isi, S narodom, za narod, o narodu.

A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF

Massimo BUCARELLI, Ph. D.

A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN

1. Italy and Yugoslavia after World War II: Between

A. Varsori, Il trattato di pace italiano. Le iniziative politiche e diplomatiche dellItalia,

dalla prima guerra mondiale ai trattati di Osimo (19141945), in F. Botta, I. Garzia

A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF

Central Intelligence Agency. The Trend of Soviet-Yugoslav Relations, November 18th,

A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF

2. The Rapprochement in the Late Sixties: Italy and

any threats to the revolutionary gains achieved by the peoples of

A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF

countries had gradually started renewing their dialogue in an attempt

A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF

favored Moros project to include the closure of the Trieste question

of a European Security Conference (19661969) in C. Meneguzzi Rostagni (editor),

renouncement of zone B, because it was not possible to renounce

3. Closure of the Trieste Question and Revival of

A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF

spring of 1974, in new polemics fueled by the decision of Yugoslav

V. korjanec, Osimska pogajanja, Koper 2007, p. 65 ff.; M. Bucarelli, La questione

A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF

the creation of the Working Community of the Lnder, Regions and

E. Vrsaj, La cooperazione economica Alpe-Adria, Trieste, 1975, p. 375; Id., Il nuovo

4. Italian Policy Facing the Disintegration of Yugoslavia

L. Poropat, Alpe-Adria, cit., p. 31 ff.

A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF

Hexagonal, until it was finally transformed during the nineties into

G. De Michelis, La lunga ombra di Yalta. La specificit della politica italiana, Venezia

A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF

Slovenia and Croatia, represented by their presidents Milan Kuan

G. De Michelis, Cos cercammo di impedire la guerra, cit., pp. 232-233; J. Pirjevec,

A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF

recognition, by January 15, 1992, not only of Slovenia and Croatia,

J. Major, The Autobiography, Londra 1999, p. 533; G. De Michelis, Cos cercammo di

and manners deemed most appropriate, their own political, economic

A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF

the Christian Democrats; that made the president of the Friuli-Venezia

S. Lusa, Italia-Slovenia, cit., p. 41.

J. Pirjevec, Le guerre jugoslave, cit., pp. 104105; C. de Montclos, Le Vatican, cit., p.

A LATE FRIENDSHIP: ITALIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS IN THE SECOND HALF

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