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ArthurLewisandIndustrialDevelopment

intheCaribbean:AnAssessment*

By

AndrewSDownes
ProfessorofEconomicsandUniversityDirector
SirArthurLewisInstituteofSocialandEconomicStudies
UniversityoftheWestIndies,CaveHillCampus
POBox64,StMichael,BARBADOS
Telno:(246)4174476
Faxno:(246)4247291
Email:asdownes@uwichill.edu.bb

June2004

Presented at a conference on The Lewis Model after 50 years: Assessing Sir Arthur
LewisContributiontoDevelopmentEconomicsandPolicy,UniversityofManchester,
July67,2004.

CONTENTS

Page
1

Introduction

Lewis'StrategyofIndustrialDevelopment

TheIndustrialisationExperienceintheCaribbean

12

TheFutureofIndustrialDevelopmentintheCaribbean

18

Tables

23

References

30

Arthur Lewis and Industrial Development in the


*

Caribbean:AnAssessment**
1

Introduction

The economic history of several developed or advanced countries indicates that industrial
development (namely, the expansion of manufacturing activities) has been an important
elementintheachievementofahighstandardofliving.Severallessdevelopedcountrieshave
soughttoemulatetheexperienceofthesedevelopedcountriesbyfosteringthedevelopmentof
manufacturing operations. Governments have provided the necessary infrastructure (roads,
water and electrical systems, ports, etc) and the policy framework to expand industrial
operationswhich wouldwiden therangeofavailablegoodsandservicesandprovideforeign
exchangeearningsandemploymentopportunities.

Countries within the Commonwealth Caribbean have not been an exception to this
industrialisation drive. Although smallscale residential manufacturing activity took place
during the early decades of this century, industrial development in the Caribbean has been
largelyapostWorldWarIIphenomenon.CommonwealthCaribbeancountriesexperienceda
long period of British colonial rule which fashioned the nature of economic activity until
independence inthe1960sand1970s.ColonialeconomicpolicytowardstheCaribbeanwas
reflected in the neomercantilist ideology of comparative advantage (Best, 1980). Colonial
economic policy reinforced by a political system which supported the interests of the agro
commercial elitedidnotincorporate measures tofoster industrial development in theregion.
The crux of the argument against industrial development in the region was that Caribbean
countries lacked the raw materials (coal, iron, etc), the capital and the industrial skills to
undertake fullfledged industrial activity. Furthermore, the small and fragmented domestic
marketsexistingintheCaribbeanwouldhavebeenunabletosupportmanymediumandlarge
scale operations. Official economic policy supported the continuance of agricultural
production(thatis, sugar,bananas)under a preferential trading arrangementwiththeUnited
Kingdom.Earlypostwardevelopmentplansproducedbythecolonialauthoritiesemphasized
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agricultural development with a few `minor' residential industries processing local raw
materials.

Many local politicians and social commentators strongly advocated the need for industrial
developmentintheCaribbeaninanefforttocreateemploymentopportunitiesandtodiversify
domesticproductioninlightofthedepressionofthe1930s(seeBernal,1988Figueroa,1992
Downes, 1985 Farrell, 1980). Figueroa (1992), for example, traced the advent of
manufacturing in Jamaica back to the 1830s. He noted that while much of the early
manufacturingactivitywas linkedtotheagriculturalsector(thatis,thesugarindustry),there
was a growing manufacturingsector intheearly1900s producingprimarilyfor thedomestic
market(matches,bakingproducts,aerateddrinks,bricks).Figueroa(1992)furthernotedthat
pioneerlawstopromoteindustrialdevelopmentinJamaicawereenactedinthefirstdecadeof
the20th century.ItwasSirArthurLewis,however,whofirstformulatedacoherentstrategy
for industrial development in the Caribbean. In the aftermath of the uprisings in the 1930s,
Lewis(1938),writingonthebirthoftheworkers'movementintheCaribbean,advocatedthe
need for industrial development based on the utilisation of local raw materials (e.g., sugar
refining,chocolatemaking,copraanddairyproducts).Hispaperentitiled"Industrialisationof
the British West Indies", published in 1950, provided a fully articulated framework for
capitalistindustrialdevelopmentin the small statesof the Caribbean(Lewis,1950).Priorto
this seminal paper, Lewis had outlined aspects of a strategy for industrial development in
Jamaica inhiscritiqueof the Benhameconomic planforJamaicaandreviewedtheindustrial
development experience of Puerto Rico which provided important insights for the
Commonwealth Caribbean (Lewis, 1944, 1949). These works no doubt helped him to
formulateamoregeneral`model'ofeconomicdevelopmentasdiscussedinhiscelebrated1954
paperon"EconomicDevelopmentwithUnlimitedSuppliesofLabour"(Lewis, 1954).
ThepurposeofthispaperistoassessLewis'ideasonindustrialdevelopmentintheCaribbean
formulated over the period 1938 to 1950. In section two, Lewis' strategy of industrial
developmentinthesmallstatesoftheCaribbeanisoutlined.The industrialisationexperienceof
Caribbean countries since the 1950s is then reviewed in section three. The final section
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examinesthefutureofindustrialdevelopmentintheCaribbeaninlightofthechangingregional
andinternationalenvironments.

Lewis'StrategyofIndustrialDevelopment

Lewis'writingsonindustrialdevelopmentintheCaribbeanoverthe19381950periodsuggest
an`exportledlabourintensivestrategyofindustrialdevelopment'.Therearetwovariantsof
this general strategy(seeDownes, 1985,pp.6071). Thefirst variant is the outcome ofhis
critique of the Benham economic plan for Jamaica and is based on the use of local natural
resources that is, `exportled natural resourcebased industrialisation' (Lewis, 1944). The
secondvariantisbasedontheexperienceofPuertoRicoandplacesgreatemphasisonforeign
investment and the grantingof fiscal incentives(Lewis, 1950). Thisvarianthasbeencoined
`exportledindustrialisationbyinvitation'(Best,1976).

Lewis'strategyisbasedonasetofpremises:
(i)

surpluslabour

(ii)

marketsize

(iii)

labourcost

(iv)

financialinvestment

(v)

riskaversion

Thesurpluslabourpremiseisprobablythemostimportantone.Lewisarguedthatthecasefor
industrial development in the Caribbean restedon the overpopulationexisting in the region.
Thepopulationtolandratiowastoohighforagriculturetosupportthegrowthinthelabour
force.Giventhehighlevelsofunemploymentandunderemployment,especiallyinBarbados,
Jamaica andtheWindward andLeewardislands,therewasanurgentneedtocreatejobsoff
the land.Hesawindustrialdevelopmentcomplementingagriculturaldevelopmentinraising
thestandardoflivingandprovidingproductiveemployment.

Withregardstothemarketsizepremise,itwasarguedthatthedomesticandregionalmarkets
*

were too small in terms of population size and per capita income to support the level of
industrial development needed to achieve `full employment'. Although regional economic
integrationisregardedasasinequanonforalargescaleindustrialprogrammeintheregion,
Caribbeancountriesneedtotargetmanufacturedproductsforextraregionalmarkets.

The relatively low labour costs in Caribbean labour markets (occasioned by high levels of
unemployment and low productivity in the agricultural sector) would be one incentive to
industrialistsseekingtominimizethecostsofproduction.Thisrelativepriceadvantagewould
encouragetheuseoflabour intensivemethodsofproduction.

The establishment of an industrial complex is an expensive undertaking requiring marketing


skills, capital and technical expertise. With a low level of per capita income, the level of
savings would be insufficient to meet the level of industrialisation needed to resolve the
unemployment problem. Foreigninvestmentwould berequired to provide accessto foreign
marketsandtofillthe`resourcegap'.AlthoughLewislaterarguedthat"theWestIndiescan
supplyallthecapitalthatisrequired" forindustrialdevelopment(forexample,viataxation),the
marketingandlabourcostissueswerestillcrucial.

Finally, Caribbean capitalists were regarded as `risk averse', expressing a preference for the
distributivetradesandprotectedagricultural productionratherthanmanufacturingproduction,
especially for export. In order to develop the industrial sector, there was a need to invite
foreignindustrialiststoestablishoperationssothatlocalcapitalistscouldbetaughtthe`tricks
of thetrade'(i.e.,industrialisationbyinvitation).Havinglearntthe`tricks',localindustrialists
wouldbeabletotakeoverthedriveforgreaterindustrialisationintheregion.

TherearethreemainelementsinLewis'approachtoindustrialdevelopmentintheCaribbean:
markets,resourceavailabilityandeconomypolicyformulation.Withrespecttothemarketfor
manufactured goods, Lewis argued that the extraregional market provided the greatest
potential for utilizing the surplus labour of the Caribbean. The primary reason for this
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conclusionwas thatdomesticdemand formanufactured goodswould be too lowto support


domestic production on an economic scale. The low level of per capita income and the
diversity of demand would not permit largescale economic production for the domestic or
regional markets. Lewis was aware of the potential difficulties which `small, newly
industrializing' countries would face in their attempt to compete in established markets for
manufactured goods. Nevertheless, by applying the theory of monopolistic competition to
international trade, he indicated that product differentiation would allow small states to be
successful atexporting a range ofproducts. This is theessenceof`nichemarketing'being
suggestedfortoday's manufacturersattemptingtobreakintointernationalmarkets.

With respect to resource availability, Lewis indicated that the secret of successful industrial
developmentrestedonacountryspecialisinginthosegoods"towhichitsresourcesaremost
appropriate" and the avoidance of others (Lewis, 1950, p. 18). In his strategy for natural
resourcebasedindustrialdevelopmentinJamaica(variantone),Lewis(1944)suggestedthree
criteria to govern the selection of industries. First, there was need to encourage those
industrieswhichprocesslocallyavailablerawmaterials.Second,thoseindustrieswhichrequire
relatively small quantities of power, capital equipment and specialized skills should be given
priority.Third,industrieswhicharenotassociatedwithmarked`internaleconomiesofscale',
thatis,thosewhichdonothavealarge`minimumefficientscaleofplant'orhighcostpenalty,
should be developed. In addition, those industries offering a great scope for female
employmentshould also behighlyconsideredsincethehighestrateofunemploymentexisted
(andstillexists)amongyoungfemales.Lewisfurtherelaboratedonthechoiceofindustriesin
his seminal paper on industrial development in the British West Indies (Lewis, 1950). His
choice of industries was based on eight indices reflecting four aspects of his industrial
development programme for the Caribbean: the labour intensity of production resource and
energyrequirements,theextentofscaleeconomiesandthedegreeofagglomerationeconomies
(which reflects his regional approach to industrial development). Using available census
information,Lewisidentifiedthe`mostfavourable'industriesforestablishmentintheCaribbean
as:garments, footwear,leather andhosiery, textiles,chinaandglass,buildingmaterials(non
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metallic mineral products), paper products and food canning. In addition, plastics, rubber
goods, electrical switches, toys and electrical lamps could be produced along with light
engineeringindustries.Lewis alsonotedthatindustrialdevelopmentcouldthrive"byimporting
rawmaterials,processingthemandexportingthefinishedproduct"(Lewis,1950,p.35).

The promotion of labourintensive export industrialisation requires appropriate economic


policiesandinstitutionsinordertobesuccessfulinsmalldevelopingcountries.Intheareaof
economicpolicymaking,Lewis(1944,1950,1958,1972)emphasizedseveralmeasureswhich
wereneededtopromoteindustrialdevelopmentintheregion.

First,themarketingofproductsisimportantforasmalldevelopingcountryembarkingonan
exportled path. Since the domestic market would be too small to support any meaningful
industrialisation, both traditional and nontraditional trading partnerships would have to be
forged(i.e.,strategicmarketingandalliances).WithinthewiderCaribbeancontext,therewere
(are)afew industries whichtheregional market couldsupportonaneconomicscale.Ifthe
planning of regional industrial projects can be carefully undertaken, then intraregional trade
canberealised.Theregionalmarketwouldhoweverbeabletosupportasmallpercentageof
theindustriesrequiredtoachieve`fullemployment'.ThecountriesoftheCaribbeantherefore
hadtolookoutsideoftheregionformarkets.

Two possibilities were identified by way of `SouthSouth' trade and ` NorthSouth' trade.
SincethesmallCaribbeanstatesarenotremotefromeitherLatinorNorthAmerica,thesetwo
areas offered the bestprospectsasextraregionalmarkets.AsLewishopefullynoted,if"the
West Indies could capture half of its own domestic market, plus 2% of the manufactured
imports of Latin America and of the USA, the islands' employment problems would be
completelysolved"(Lewis,1950,p.32).However,theinfluenceofthe`structuralist'schoolin
LatinAmericawouldhavemadeitdifficulttoexporttothatmarket.Prebisch(1949)wasat
thesametimemakingacaseforimportsubstitutingindustrialisationinLatinAmerica.Unless
special arrangements could be made, the tariff and other import restrictions associated with
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importsubstitutionwouldhavemadeentryintotheLatinAmericanmarketdifficult.Itisnot
clear if Lewis was aware of the Latin American approach to industrial development in his
identificationofLatinAmericaasapossibletargetmarketforCaribbeanexports.

Therealitiesoftheinternationaleconomyinthe1950smeantthattheUSAwouldbethemain
market for West Indian manufactured goods. He felt that American industrialists could be
encouragedtoestablishoperationsintheCaribbean.Thesecompanieswouldbeabletoexport
theirmanufacturedgoodsthroughwellestablishedintrabranchtradingarrangements.Healso
felt that the workforce was flexible and adaptable to industrial tasks which were needed by
exporters. The Caribbeanwouldbe the centreof Americanoffshoremanufacturing activity
and`full'employmentwouldbeachieved.

Lewis considered four possible ways of achieving `full' employment through industrial
development (Lewis, 1944, pp. 1601, 1958, 1972). First, exchange rate policy, namely, a
devaluationofthecurrencywhichwouldreducethecostsofexportsintermsofworldprices.
Such a policy measure would enhance international price competitiveness thus expanding
foreign demand and through the foreign trade multiplier, increasing domestic income and
employment. The income and employment effects of this policy measure depend on the
relative price elasticities of demand for imports and exports (that is, the MarshallLerner
condition).Thesecondmeasureinvolvestheuseofanincomespolicy,wherebythepricelevel
wouldbereducedby"cuttingwages,salaries,profit,rentsandotherincomes.Thiswouldhave
thesameultimateeffectsasdevaluationproductionwouldexpand,importsbecut,payments
balanceandemploymentbecreated",whilemaintaininganominalexchangeratepolicyanchor
(Lewis,1944,p.160).Thethirdmeasure,whichisconsideredthebesttheoreticalandlong
termsolution,isincreasingproductivity.Thisrequiresamultidimensionalpolicyframework
since increases in productivity depend on health and nutritional facilities, education and
training, incentives, capital allocation and use and the social and political philosophy of the
peopleofthecountry.Byincreasingproductivity,especiallyintheagriculturalsector,incomes
would increase and consequently, the proportion spent on manufactured goods would rise.
*

The fourth measure relates to the direct promotion of manufacturing activities and is
consideredastheonlypracticalalternativetodeveluation.A"deliberaterestrictionofimports
and concentration on an attempt to increase production for home consumption" could be
adopted(Lewis,1944,p.161).Lewisthereforesuggestedan`importsubstitution'strategyof
industrial development as an alternative. Nevertheless,he regarded thisapproachas`second
best' visvis `export expansion' via devaluation. Thefour measures must not beviewedas
being mutuallyexclusivesincethepracticalitiesofeconomicpolicymakingmakeitinevitable
toconsiderthefourmeasuressimultaneously.Thefirstthreemeasures(devaluation,incomes
policy and productivity) reflect the measures needed to increase international price
competitivenessbyreducingacountry'srelativerealunitcostsofproduction.

Anotheraspect ofeconomic policymakingin Lewis'strategy is the granting ofincentivesto


overcomethehandicapsofsettingupanindustrialplant.Insuchpioneeringactivities,Lewis
usedthe`infantindustryargument'thatpioneersneedtohave"considerableincentives,suchas
temporarymonopolyrights,orsubsidies,orataxholidayortariffprotection"since"theinitial
cost may be very high (Lewis, 1950, p. 37). These incentives along with the relatively low
wagecostswereviewedascrucialtoattractingforeigninvestorstotheregion.Sincedomestic
resources were not forthcoming from the local capitalist class to meet the required level of
industrial development, foreign investment wasneededto bridgethegap and hencegenerate
employmentin the `mediumrun'. AsLewis notes,thelocalcapitalistclasswas"notfamiliar
withnewmanufacturingindustries,inthesenseboththattheydonotknowthetechniquesand
alsothattheydonotknowhowmuchrisktoattachtonewventures"(Lewis,1955,p.349).

In Lewis' industrial development strategy a prominent role is played by the government. In


additiontothedesignandimplementationofpolicymeasures,thegovernmentisexpectedto
establishtheappropriateinstitutionstofacilitatetheindustrialisationprocess.Lewisenvisaged
the industrial development process in the Caribbean with an integrated regional framework
(similar to a CARICOM single market and economy now being advocated by regional
politiciansandtechnocrats).AnessentialelementoftheLewisianstrategywastheformation
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of acustoms union. The firststep aftertheestablishmentofacustomsunionwouldbethe


settingup of aRegional Industrial DevelopmentCorporationwhich wouldundertakethe
promotionofindustrialdevelopment.Byestablishingofficesinmoreindustrialisedcountries,
the Corporation would be able to encourage foreign industrialists to establish plants in the
regionduring a tenyearperiodof "wooingand fawning". ARegionalDevelopmentBank
wouldsupplementthefinancialrequirementsoftheprogrammesinceforeigninvestorswould
be the main financiers. The Bank would be a `lender of last resort'as wellas supportlocal
capitalistsinjointventuresandseparateundertakingssincetheseindustrialistswouldformthe
backbone of long term and sustainable industrialisation in the region. Both the Bank and
Corporationwould beinvolvedintheestablishmentofindustrialestateswhichwouldservice
the foreign and local industrialists. The government would also be responsible for the
preparation of industrial plans, finance industrial feasibility studies, estimate manpower and
energyrequirements,initiatetrainingschemesandprovidethenecessaryfacilitiesandservices
inmodernindustrialestates.
Lewis' strategy of industrial development was conceived in the socioeconomic and political
environments of the 1940s and 1950s. Although the domestic, regional and international
economicenvironmentshavechangedoverthepastfourtofivedecades,hisstrategyprovides
certain fundamental elements of industrial development in small developing states. These
are:
(i)

theneedtofocusontheinternationalexportmarket,withanemphasison
internationalnichemarketing.Whererelevant,regionalintegrationshould
supporttheexportdriveintheformofregionalindustries(i.e.,aformof
asinglemarketandeconomy)

(ii)

sincetheexportmarketisvitaltotheindustrialisationdrive,small
developingcountriesneedtopursuepolicymeasureswhichwouldmake
theirproductsinternationallycompetitive(e.g.,exchangeratepolicy,
incomespolicy,productivitymeasures)

(iii)

giventheirnarrowresourcebaseand limitedbargainingpower,small
developingcountrieshavetoestablishstrategicallianceswith

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international

(foreign)industrialists(e.g.,directforeigninvestment,joint
(iv)

ventures,franchising)

the State has an important role to play in the industrial development process via the
designandimplementationofappropriatepolicymeasuresandtheestablishmentofthe
institutional framework and social infrastructure needed to facilitate the
industrialisationprocess

(v)

wheretherearehigh levels ofunemployment, industrial policyshould be designedto


provide direct and indirect employment opportunities. These small developing
countriesshouldhoweverengageinhumanresourcedevelopmenttomatch

the

technologicalchangestakingplaceinthemanufacturingsector
(vi)

industrialenterprisesshouldseektoutilizelocalresourceswherepossible
andthuscreatebackwardandforwardlinkageswithothersectorsofthe
economy(agriculture,generalservices,tourism).

TheIndustrialisationExperienceintheCaribbean

Prior to the 1950s industrial activity in the Caribbean was limited to the processing of
agriculturalproductsforexport(e.g.,rum)andanumberofsmallscaleresidentialenterprises
geared towards local consumption (bread, biscuits, clothing, bricks, edible oils, cigarettes).
Someoftheseoperationswereencouragedbytheshortagescausedbythedisruptionsofthe
world wars. Sir Arthur Lewis' work on industrial development however helped to fashion
industrial policy making in the 1950s. Political leaders saw Lewis' strategy as a vehicle for
overcoming the unemployment problem facing their countries. Rather than adopt a unified
approachtoindustrialdevelopmentinthecontextofacustomsunionassuggestedbyLewis,
Caribbeangovernmentsdecidedtoapproachindustrialdevelopmentindividually.

A review oftheindustrialisation experiencein the Caribbeancanbepresentedintermsof(i)


theinstitutionalandpolicyframeworkadoptedand(ii)thecontributionof industrialexpansion
tooveralleconomicgrowth,employmentgenerationandforeignexchangeearnings.

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In terms of the institutional and policy framework, all the Caribbean countries enacted fiscal
incentives to encourage foreign and local capitalists to establish industrial plants. Pioneer
incentive legislation was introduced in most Caribbeancountriesin the early 1950s andlater
refined in the late 1950s and during the 1960s and 1970s. Industrial incentives legislation
includedsuchmeasuresas:
(i)

exemptionofprofitandgainsfromcorporateincometax(i.e.,thegranting
ofataxholidaywhichvariedfrom6to15yearsdependingonthedegree
of`localvalueadded'generatedbytheenterprise)

(ii)

theadjustmentofincomeandpropertytaxestoprovideacceleratedcapital
depreciationallowancestofirms.Thismeasurewouldallowcompanies
toquicklywriteoffcapitalequipmentandpurchasenewtechnologically
advancedequipmentandmachinery

(iii)

carryoverlossesmadeduringthetaxholidaytobesetagainstfuture

(iv)

exemptionfrompersonalincometaxforinterestincomeobtainedfrom

profits

debenturestockinanapprovedenterprise
(v)

relieffromtradetaxesandfees

(vi)

dutyfreeimportationofrawmaterials,machinery,equipmentandspare
parts

(vii)

theprovisionoflowrentalfactoryspaceestablishedmainlyinindustrial
parkssupportedbygoodroads,watersupply,seweragesystems,
electricity,etc

(viii)

specialtaxconcessionsforexportorientedcompanies.

EachCaribbeancountryofferedthesamebasicfiscalincentivestoindustrialists,sothatonthe
formationoftheCaribbeanCommunityandCommonMarket(CARICOM)in1972,therewas
aneedtoharmonizethoseincentivesinordertoavoidintercountryrivalry.Thisharmonizaton
wasachievedin1974.Thesefiscalincentiveshaveplayedanimportantroleinthelocationand
investment decisions of local and foreign industrialists, especially in the areas of textiles and
wearing apparel(garments),chemicals, assemblytype operations(electroniccomponents and
*

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othermiscellaneousmanufacturingactivity).

Ithasbeenarguedthattaxincentiveslegislationislargelyredundantsincesuchinitiativeshave
limited,ifany,impactinattractingforeigninvestment[see,forexample,ChenYoung,1967].
Recentresearchindicatesthatbotheconomicvariables(exchangerate,marketsize,wagerate
differentials and tax on foreign firms income) and structural/locational variables (human
capital,physicalinfrastructure)aresignificantfactorsinattractingUSdirectinvestmenttothe
Caribbean[Lall,NormanandFeatherstone,2003].

Governmentsintheregionalsoestablishedindustrialdevelopmentcorporations(and,insome
cases, development banks) to promote and finance industrial development. For example, in
Barbados,aDevelopmentBoard wasestablishedin1957tofacilitateindustrialdevelopment.
This Board was divided into two institutions in 1969 the Barbados Development Bank to
providefinancialassistanceandtheBarbadosIndustrialDevelopmentCorporationtopromote
and administer the incentives to industry. Today, the Bank has been closed and the
Corporation has been renamed the Barbados Investment and Development Corporation. St
Luciahasestablished aNationalDevelopmentCorporationtopromoteindustrialdevelopment.

Although Caribbean governments have actively sought to promote industrial development in


the region, the manufacturing sector accounts for a relatively small percentage of total
domestic production (see Table 1). The available data indicate that in 1980 the share of
manufacturingoutputintotaldomesticproductionvariedfrom3.3percentinGuyanato16.6
percent in Jamaica. The evidence also shows a decline inthecontribution ofmanufacturing
production to total production over the period 19802000 in Antigua/Barbuda, Barbados,
Belize,Jamaica,Montserrat,StKitts/Nevis,StLuciaandStVincent.Thisdeclinemaybedue
to the promotion of services sector along with factors which have adversely affected
manufacturingproductioninthesecountries.

An analysis of growth and structural change in the manufacturing sector would indicate the
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followingfeatures:
(i)

areductioninthenumberof`earlyindustries'cateringtolocaldemand
(handicraftindustries,bakeries,softdrinkfactories)

(ii)

afocusonlightmanufacturing(consumerorientedgoods)withlittleorno
capitalgoodsindustries(withtheexceptionofTrinidadandTobago)

(iii)

weakintersectoralandintrasectorallinkagesastheimportcontentof
manufacturedgoodsremainshigh

(iv)

thegrowthofexportprocessing(enclave)companiesinJamaica,StLucia,
Barbados.Thesecompaniesareengagedinoffshoredataprocessing

theassemblyandmanufactureof garments,footwear,electricaland
equipment,toysandothergoods(seeWillmore,1994,1995).
largelyforeignowned(especiallybyUSnationals)
tradeprovisions(e.g.,CaribbeanBasin
807A/9802AandtheJamaica

and in
electronic

These companies are


and take advantage of special

Initiative (CBI), Special Access Program


Export Industry Encouragement Act). They are also

very`footloose'.
(v)

althoughsmallestablishments(lessthan25employees)aredominantinthe
manufacturingsector,theyaccountforarelativelysmallproportionof
industrialoutput.Mediumandlargeestablishmentsaccountforarelatively
smallproportionofindustrialoutput.Mediumandlargeestablishments
accountformostoftheoutputandtendtobeexportoriented. Small
enterpriseshowevercontributetothediversityofproductioninthesector.

IntheCaribbean,therefore,threetypesofindustrieshavedevelopedsincethe1950s:
(i)

importsubstitutingindustrieswhichwerefirstestablishedinthe1960s.
Theseprovidesuchgoodsasbeverages,tobacco,textiles/garments,
furniture,paperproducts.Someoftheenterprisesintheseindustrieshave
beenabletoexportsomeoftheirgoodstootherCaribbeancountries

(ii)

exportprocessingindustrieswhich takeontwoforms:
(a)

thosewhichprocesslocalrawmaterials handicrafts,agro

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products(soap,juices,foodproducts),
(b)

thosewhichhaveenclavestatus garments,electronic

components,officemachinery,informationprocessing
(iii)

heavyprocessingindustriessuchasaluminaprocessinginJamaicaand

andpetrorefiningandenergybasedindustriesinTrinidadand

Guyana

Tobago.

Themainreasonbehindtheindustrialdevelopmentdriveintheregionhasbeentheprovisionof
employment opportunities both directly and indirectly. Data on employment in the
manufacturingsectorintheCaribbeanaredifficulttoobtain.TheavailabledataforBarbados
indicate that in 1980, the manufacturing sector accounted for 15 percent of the employed
labour force of 100,300 persons, whilein 2000, the contribution was 10 percent of125,500
persons.InJamaica,thecontributionswere11.1%and8%for1978and2000,respectively.
Willmore(1995)indicatedthatin1993,themanufacturingsectoraccountedfor12.2%oftotal
manufacturing employment (i.e., 6000 persons), with export processing firmsaccountingfor
approximately 47 percent of these employed persons. Trinidad and Tobago has however
witnessedanincreaseintheproportionofpersonsemployedinthemanufacturingsectorfrom
9.5percentin1987to12.3percentin2000.Despitetheindustrialisationdrive,unemployment
still remains a serious problem in the region (see Table 2). Data for selected Caribbean
countriesshowthatinthe1990s,officialunemploymentratesweregenerallyover10percent.
Unemployment is particularly acute among young females (also identified by Lewis in the
1940s). Export processing industries (garments, electronic assembly and informatics) have
beenabletoprovideemploymentforyoungfemales,butgreaterindustrialexpansionisneeded
inordertoovercometheproblem.

The manufacturing sector has contributed significantly to the domestic exports of Caribbean
countries. For example, manufactured exports accounted for 30 percent of total domestic
exportsinthe1990sinmostcountries(seeTable3).InBarbadosandJamaica,manufactured
exports accounted for 50 percent of domestic exports in the 1990s. Manufactured exports
have however suffered from recession in the world economy and economic difficulties in
CARICOMstates.
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The principal manufactured exports from the region include rum (Bahamas, Barbados,
Guyana), chemicals (Bahamas, Barbados), clothing (Belize, St Kitts), alumina (Jamaica),
petroleumproducts(TrinidadandTobago), agroproducts(Barbados,Belize,Jamaica).The
USAisthemainexportmarketforCaribbeanproducts[seeTable4].Althoughtheproportion
ofCARICOMexportstotheUSAdeclinedfrom48.7percentin1980to35.2percentin1998,
exportsofthemanufacturingsectorhavebenefitedfromspecialtradingagreementssuchasthe
CaribbeanBasinInitiative(CBI)andthepresenceofAmericanforeigninvestorsinthesector.
There has been some notablegrowthin intraCARICOM trade from 8.9 percentin1980to
22.5percentin1998.

Thomas(1988)hasidentifiedseveralweaknessesintheindustrialisationdriveintheCaribbean
over the past three decades which have affected the realisation of the potential which was
envisaged.Theseweaknessesinclude:
(i)

afocusinthedomesticmarketthroughimportsubstitution.Therehas

antiexportbiasinthedesignandimplementationofindustrial

been an

policy (e.g., high tariff

walls),
(ii)

highcapitalintensityofproductionwhichhasbeenanoutcomeofthefiscal
incentivesgrantedtoforeigninvestors(e.g.,accelerateddepreciation
allowanceanddutyfreeimportationofcapitalandequipment),

(iii)

underutilisationofplantasaresultof(i)and(ii)above,

(iv)

fewbackwardandforwardlinkages,especiallyinexportprocessing
industries,

(v)

ahighdegreeofindustrialconcentration,thatis,oneortwofirms
dominateinthemarket,

(vi)

theabsenceofregionalindustrialprogrammingtopromoteregional
industriesasenvisagedbyLewis.Thereareveryfew(56)companies
operatingonaregionalbasisinthemanufacturingsector.TheCARICOM
Enterprise Regime, designed to promote regional firms, has not taken root in the

16

region,
(vii)

industrialdevelopmenthasbeenassociatedwithincreasingurbanisation
especiallyinJamaica,BarbadosandTrinidadandTobago,

(viii)

anunderdevelopedindigenousindustrialclasswhichcandevelopstrategic
allianceswithforeigncapitalists.Theemphasisonexportprocessingzones
has stymied the development ofthis classand therefore it has notlearntthetricksof

thetrade.

Although industrial development hasbeenpartlyinfluencedbytheideasofSirArthurLewis,


theexperienceshowsthatsomeimportantelementsofhisstrategyhavenotbeenpursued(for
example, the pursuit of exportled industrialisation within a regional integration framework).
Aninsularornationalisticapproachhasbeentakentoindustrialdevelopmentalthoughattempts
havebeenmadeto harmonize fiscal incentives. Attempts atregionalindustrialprogramming
and a regional enterprise regime have not been successful. With the movement towards a
CARICOM single market and economy and a gradual reduction of the Common External
Tariff (CET), a greater effort may be made towards the establishment of regional industries
gearedtowardstheextraregionalmarket.

TheFutureofIndustrialDevelopmentintheCaribbean

Overthenextdecade,themanufacturingsectorintheregionwillfacemajorchallengeswhich
can affect its abilityto contributemeaningfully to domestic production, employmentcreation
and foreign exchange generation. First, the postUruguay Round world of trading
relationships,beingoverseenbytheWorldTradeOrganisation(WTO),wouldmean:
(i)

tariffreductionsforarangeofmanufacturedgoods(woodandwood
products,metals,textiles,clothing,etc)

(ii)

thephasingoutofthebilaterallynegotiatedimportquotasontextilesand
clothingundertheMultifiberArrangement(MFA)whichcameinto
existencein1974.DuringthephasingoutoftheMFA,goodssubjectto

17

MFAquotaswillgraduallybeintegratedintoGATT(theGeneral
AgreementonTariffsandTrade)
(iii)

theeliminationofsuchnontariffbarriersasvoluntaryexportrestraints

(VERs)

agreementbetweenanimportingandanexportingcountry

whereby

agreesvoluntarilytorestrictexportstotheformer and

orderly

arrangements(OMAs) whicharesimilartoVERswith

theprovisionthatifthe

agreedlimitisexceededanexplicitimportquota

the

latter

marketing

can be imposed automatically

bytheimportingcountry
(iv)

prohibitionofexportsubsidies

(v)

new arrangements for traderelated investment measures (TRIMs) and traderelated


intellectualpropertyrights(TRIPs)

(vi)

ageneralagreementontradeinservices(GATS)whichcanimpactonindustrialpolicy
[seeBora,LloydandPangestu,2000].

These measures would intensify the degree of trade liberalisation within the world economy
andhastentheneedfornewindustrialpolicies.

Second, the formation of the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) between USA,
Canada and Mexico and its possible extension to the Free Trade of the Americas (FTAA)
incorporatingotherLatinAmericanandCaribbeancountrieswouldmeangreatercompetition
in the NorthAmerican market for Caribbeanproducts. Inasmallscalequalitativesurveyof
manufacturing firms in selected Eastern Caribbean countries, Marshall and Williams (2002)
foundthatonlyafewfirmshadthecapabilitytocompetewithinaFTAAarrangementandto
achieve world class manufacturing standards. The main areas in which firms had a strong
potentialtobeworldclasswerefoodandbeverage(thatis,abrewery),electronicsandpaper
products.Thesefirmshavelinkswithforeigninvestors.

18

Third,thegradualreductionoftheCommonExternalTariff(CET)withinCARICOMwould
enhanceinternationalcompetitivenessandforcerationalisationofproductionstructures.

Fourth, the movementtowardsaCARICOMSingleMarketandEconomy(CSME)withthe


free movement of capital and labour, the removal of nontariff barriers, the creation of a
common currency and the harmonization of economic policies would also lead to a
rationalisationofregionalproductionandenhanceinternationalcompetitiveness.Itisexpected
that the CSME would form the platform on which Caribbean enterprises would be able to
achieveeconomiesofscaleandscopeandthereforereachtheminimumefficientsizeneededto
lower the unitcostsof production. The revised TreatyofChaguaramas,whichgovernsthat
CSMEhasprovisionsforthepromotionofindustrialdevelopmentintheregion.

Fifth, the globalisation of production and new developments in technology (computer,


information and materials) would bring greater flexibility in the production process as
computeraidmanufacturing(CAM)andjustintime(JIT)systemsbecomemoreprominent.

These changesin the regionaland internationalenvironments emphasizetheneedtoincrease


productivity and improve international competitiveness. Caribbean countries must adjust to
meet the challenges and opportunities created by the new economic environment. Many
commentatorshave looked toEastAsia toidentifythefactorsforsuccessfulindustrialisation
and economic growth. For example, a World Bank study of the socalled `East Asian
Miracle' "maintains that East Asian economies thrived because governments used a
combinationoffundamentalandinterventionistpoliciesto(1) accumulatephysicalandhuman
capital(2)allocatethiscapitaltohighlyproductiveinvestmentsand(3)acquireandmaster
technologyandachieverapidproductivitygrowth"(Page,1994,p.3).Manyofthemeasures
usedinthesecountriescanbefoundintheworkofSirArthurLewis,namely,thebuildingof
humancapital,theneedtoincreasesavingsanddomesticinvestment,governmentintervention,
the use of foreign technology, the encouragement of export and the promotion of domestic
entrepreneurship(seeTable6).
*

19

Recentstudiesonproductivity and competitivenessof theJamaicanmanufacturingsectorre


emphasisedthemainelementsneededtofacetheneweconomicenvironment[seeHarris1995,
Downes,2003].Harrisstudycalledforapolicymatrixwhichcontainsmeasuresto:promote
specificinfrastructuralinvestmentswhichreducethecostsofproduction,developinformation
technology asakeystrategy sectoralactivity, reorienttechnologyas a keystrategy sectoral
activityreorientthesystemofincentivestoboostexportvalueandoverallproductionandto
target specific investment projects in such areas as agroprocessing, industrial minerals,
mineralsandservices.AsMarshallandWilliams(2002)haveargued,thereisneedtoanchor
the servicessector oriented development strategy adopted by several Caribbean countries to
the manufacturingsector.ThismeansthatCaribbeancountriesmustseektodevelopanew
manufacturing strategy which would include the use of modern technology, skilled persons
and a focus on world class standards and greater sectoral linkages. Downes (2003) has
argued that in the case of Jamaica, greater emphasis should be placed on human resources
development, (education and training), productivity management, social dialogue and public
sector reform (to reduce the bureaucratic red tape) in order to boost productivity and
competitivenessintheeconomy[seealsoWint,2003].

There is evidence of an evolving new industrial thrust in the region [see Farrell, 2003
CARICOM, 2000]. Several Caribbean enterprises are merging or amalgamating inorderto
achieve the critical size required for the extraregional market. These are becoming Pan
Caribbean firms, very much along the lines suggested by Arthur Lewis: Grace Kennedy
(Jamaica), Neal and Massy, Bermudez, TCL (Trinidad and Tobago). These regional
companies are diversifying into servicesoriented activities as part of their market extension
diversification strategies. Furthermore, several of these companies are crosslisted in the
regionsstockexchangesthusgainingaccesstoaregionalcapitalmarket.

Althoughtheeconomicenvironmenthaschangedsincethe1950s,severalofthefundamental
elements of the industrial development strategy for small developing countries suggested by
*

20

Lewisarestillrelevant.Inmanyrespects,thedrivetowardsaCSMEandtheformationofthe
FTAAwillhighlightseveraloftheelementsofthestrategywhichhavenotbeenimplemented
byCaribbeangovernmentsoverthepastfiftyyears.

There isnodoubtthatSirArthurLewis'workhashadapowerfuleffectoneconomicpolicy
makingintheCaribbean.Areassessmentofhisworkonindustrialstrategyandpolicywould
indicatethatmanyofthefundamentalsarestillrelevantintoday'seconomicenvironmentand
thattheframeworkshowsakeenunderstandingoftheanalyticalissuesfacingsmalldeveloping
countries.Theseelementsarecriticaltothediscussionintheinternationalarenaontheneed
forspecialanddifferentialtreatmentforsmalldevelopingcountries.

**AnearlierversionofthispaperwaspresentedattheinauguralSirArthurLewislectureheld
attheSirArthurLewisCommunityCollege,Castries,StLuciain1996.Iwouldliketothank
MichaelHoward,DelisleWorrellandMarkFigueroafortheirusefulcommentsontheearlier
version.Iamfullyresponsibleforthecontentsofthispaper.

Table1
*

21

TheContributionofManufacturingtoGrossDomesticProduct
1980,1985,1990,1995,2000
(%)
Country

1980

1985

1990

1995

2000

Anguilla
Antigua/Barbuda
Bahamas
Barbados
Belize
Dominica
Grenada
Guyana
Jamaica
Montserrat
StKitts/Nevis
StLucia
StVincent
Trinidad/Tobago

n.a.
5.3
n.a.
12.5
16.1
4.8
3.9
3.3
16.6
6.0
15.2
8.4
10.7
6.9

1.1
4.3
n.a.
10.6
16.7
6.4
5.1
9.8
20.0
6.0
12.1
8.5
11.6
7.3

0.7
3.4
3.2
8.0
15.7
7.1
6.5
5.2
19.5
1.0
12.8
8.1
8.5
8.6

0.8
2.3
3.2
6.7
13.7
7.2
7.4
3.8
17.5
3.2
10.7
6.9
8.4
8.1

1.4
2.3
n.a.
6.2
13.2
8.7
7.6
2.6
13.7
0.8
10.4
5.1
6.0
8.0

Source:CaribbeanDevelopmentBank: SocialandEconomic Indicators,variousissues


ECCB
BankofGuyana,StatisticalBulletin,StatisticalBureau
CentralStatisticalOfficeandCentralBankofTrinidadandTobago

Table2
*

22

EstimatesofUnemploymentintheCaribbean19902002
(%)
Country
Anguilla
Antigua/Barbuda
Bahamas
Barbados
Belize
Dominica
Grenada
Guyana
Jamaica
Montserrat
StKitts/Nevis
StLucia
StVincent
Trinidad/Tobago

1990
n.a.
6.8
n.a.
15.0
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
15.3
1.0
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.

1992
7.2
7.8
14.8
23.0
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
11.7
15.7
9.0
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
19.6

1994
n.a.
6.7
13.3
21.9
11.1
n.a.
29.1
n.a.
15.3
8.3
4.5
n.a.
n.a.
18.4

1996
n.a.
7.0
n.a.
15.6
13.8
n.a.
17.5
n.a.
16.0
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
16.2

19981
n.a.
7.8
n.a.
11.8
14.3
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
14.2

faauto20.0
Source:CDB,SocialandEconomicIndicators,1996
CDB,AnnualReport2001
CaribbeanCommunitySecretariat,TradeandInvestmentReport,2000

Table3
ManufacturingExportsasaPercentageofMerchandisingExports,
*

23

2000
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
9.2
11.5
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
15.5
n.a.
n.a.
16.5
n.a.
12.8

19702000
Country
Anguilla
Antigua/Barbuda
Bahamas
Barbados
Belize
Dominica
Grenada
Guyana
Jamaica
Montserrat
StKitts/Nevis
StLucia
StVincent
Trinidad/Tobago

1970

1975

1980

1985

1990

1995

2000

n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
3
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
13

n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
18
n.a.
n.a.
3
54
n.a.
n.a.
23
n.a.
6

n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
18
54
8
n.a.
63
n.a.
n.a.
42
14
5

n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
25
35
5
n.a.
53
n.a.
n.a.
26
n.a.
18

n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
43
15
32
20
n.a.
69
n.a.
n.a.
28
n.a.
27

n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
59
12
47
15
n.a.
71
n.a.
41
32
14
26

n.a.
n.a.
43
52
11
56
65
16
73
n.a.
73
20
13
29

Source:WorldDevelopmentIndicatorsDatabase

Table4
DistributionofCARICOMsTotalExportsbyPrincipalDestinations
*

24

19801998
(%)
Destinationof
Exports

1980

1985

1990

1995

1996

1997

1998

USA
EuropeanUnion
CARICOM
LAIA1
SelectedAsian
Countries
RestoftheWorld

48.7
16.5
8.9
1.9
0.4

47.2
17.8
12.8
2.1
1.3

40.7
20.6
12.1
2.8
1.2

34.1
20.9
16.5
5.4
1.5

38.5
18.0
18.3
5.2
0.9

35.3
18.1
19
4.6
1

35.2
16.9
22.5
3.7
0.6

23.6

18.8

22.5

21.6

19.1

22

21.1

Source:CARICOMSecretariat.2000.CaribbeanTradeandInvestmentReportandaQuickReferenceto
someSurveyData,19801996
Notes: 1IAIA:LatinAmericanIntegrationAssociation

Table5
TrendsinAverageTariffRatesforCaribbeanCountries,
19801999
*

25

Economy

1980

Antigua/Barbuda
Bahamas
Barbados
Belize
Dominica
Grenada
Guyana
Jamaica
Montserrat
StKitts/Nevis
StLucia
StVincent
TrinidadandTobago

n.a.
29.8
n.a
n.a
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
16.0(82)
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.

1985
12.0(86)
32.3(87)
17.3(86)
17.3(86)
31.9(87)
22.8(87)
17.4
17.0
n.a.
12.9(87)
12.0(87)
17.3(86)
n.a.

1990

1995

15.0(89)
n.a.
22.0
20.0
28.0
16.0(89)
20.0(89)
20.3(91)
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
18.6(91)

12.0
32.0(96)
17.0
17.0
15.0
10.8
17.0
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
n.a.
18.7

Source:TheWorldBank2002:Development,TradeandtheWTO:AHandbook

Table 6
Policy Measures Contributing to the Success of East Asian Economies
1

ACCUMULATING CAPITAL
a.

Building Human Capital:


public spending on basic education (primary and secondary)
limited public funding for postsecondary education in science and

technology

b.

Creating Effective and Secure Financial Systems:


(i)
Increasing Savings
positive real interest rates to increase savings

26

1999
9.0(98)
n.a.
13.6
9.2(98)
n.a.
7.6
n.a.
8.7
n.a.
92(98)
9.7(98)
9.2(98)
9.2(98)

strong prudential regulation, good supervision and institutional


reforms
stiff taxes on luxury consumption
(ii)

Increasing Investments
create the social infrastructure to complement private investment
low price of capital goods by maintaining low tariffs on imported
capital goods
(iii)
use mild financial repression (deposits and lending rates kept
below marketclearing levels)

ALLOCATING CAPITAL
a.
flexible labour markets (little minimum wage legislation; productivity
driven wage increases)

b.
government intervention to control interest rates and to direct credit to
priority activities (e.g., shipbuilding, chemicals, automobile industries in
Japan
and Korea)

PROMOTING PRODUCTIVITY
a.

Absorbing Foreign Technology


welcoming technology transfer in the form of licences, capital goods
imports and foreign training
b.

Promoting Specific Industries


pursuit of sector specific industrial policies (including import protection
and subsidies for capital and other imported inputs)

c.

Encouraging Export Strategies


halting of import substitution/liberalisation and heavy promotion of

exports
institutional support for exporters
liberalized exchange rates and currency devaluations to support export
growth
manufactured export growth encouraged
*

27

technological upgrading

OTHER INNOVATIVE FEATURES


a.
political leadership adopted principle of `shared economic growth' (i.e.,
growth with equity) land reforms, housing programmes, cooperatives, etc
b.
private investment was the main engine of growth responsible
macroeconomic management, legal and regulatory structure hospitable to
private investment; business government deliberation councils' stable and
competitive policies.

Source : Page (1995)

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31

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