Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Tourism and Gender
Tourism and Gender
Edited by
Annette Pritchard
The Welsh Centre for Tourism Research
University of Wales Institute, Cardiff, UK
Nigel Morgan
The Welsh Centre for Tourism Research
University of Wales Institute, Cardiff, UK
Irena Ateljevic
Wageningen University
Wageningen, The Netherlands
and
Candice Harris
Auckland University of Technology
Auckland, New Zealand
CAB International 2007. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be
reproduced in any form or by any means, electronically, mechanically, by photocopying,
recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owners.
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library, London, UK.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Tourism and gender : embodiment, sensuality, and experience/edited by Annette
Pritchard . . . [et al.].
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-84593-271-8 (alk. paper)
1. Tourism -- Psychological aspects. 2. Tourists -- Sexual behavior. 3. Tourists -- Attitudes.
4. Gender identity. I. Pritchard, Annette. II. Title.
G155.A1T5893482 2007
306.4819--dc22
2007004442
ISBN-13: 978 1 84593 271 8
Contents
Contributors
vii
Foreword
Margaret Byrne Swain
xi
Acknowledgements
xiii
List of Tables
xv
List of Figures
xvii
1.
2.
13
3.
32
4.
47
5.
73
6.
92
vi
Contents
7.
107
126
138
158
11.
182
12.
207
13.
219
235
15.
251
16.
263
17.
273
18.
290
19.
302
Index
315
Contributors
viii
Contributors
Simone Fullagar is an interdisciplinary sociologist with a post-structuralist interest in questions about leisure, tourism and well-being. She has published widely
on narratives of travel and leisure, youth suicide prevention and womens recovery
from depression. She is a Senior Lecturer within the Department of Tourism,
Leisure, Hotel and Sport Management, in conjunction with the Centre for Work,
Leisure and Community Research, Griffith University, Australia.
Huimin Gu is Professor and Deputy Dean of the School of Tourism Management
at Beijing International Studies University and an Honoured Professor of the
Beijing Tourism Bureau. She has studied in Australia and was a Visiting Scholar
at the Hilton Conrad College, University of Houston, while she obtained her doctoral degree from the Renmin University of China Business School. In addition to
translations, she has published five books including Traces of Home: The Development
of Dragon Hotel (with Chen Guorao, 2002) and Tourism Marketing (2002). She is
currently working with Chris Ryan on a Chinese version of Researching Tourist
Satisfaction, initially published by Routledge in 1995.
Derek Hall is a partner of Seabank Associates and a Visiting Professor at HAMK
University of Applied Sciences, Finland. He lives in Scotland and has long-standing
research and publication interests in tourism and gender issues, tourism and regional
development in socialist and post-socialist societies, and in transport policy.
Kevin Hannam is Professor and Head of Tourism at the University of Sunderland,
UK. He has published widely on a range of tourism matters and is currently editing a book on backpacker tourism. He is the co-editor of the journal Mobilities.
Candice Harris is a Senior Lecturer in Management in the Faculty of Business
at Auckland University of Technology, Auckland, New Zealand. Her PhD obtained
from Victoria University focused on New Zealand women as business travellers. Her
research interests include gender and diversity issues in tourism and management,
human resource management, and qualitative and critical approaches to research.
Eleri Jones was Head of the Welsh School of Hospitality, Tourism and Leisure
Management, which is now part of Cardiff School of Management at the University
of Wales Institute, Cardiff. Her research interests focus on issues relating to sustainability and destination development with a focus on human resourcing issues,
especially management and leadership issues. She leads a portfolio of European
and other projects and is involved in the supervision of a number of international
MPhil and PhD research degree candidates.
Fiona Jordan is with the School of Geography and Environmental Management
at the University of the West of England, Bristol, UK. Her research centres on
the ways in which leisure and holiday spaces and places are represented and consumed. Her doctoral study focused on the experiences of women travelling alone
and this, together with explorations of the representation of tourism in popular
cultural forms such as womens and mens lifestyle magazines, has formed the basis
of her recent publications.
Dan Knox is a Senior Lecturer in Tourism at the University of Sunderland, UK.
He has research interests in critical tourism theory, embodiment and practice,
popular cultures, everyday lives and the relations between national heritage and
identity.
Contributors
ix
Contributors
interests relate to consumer studies, consumer culture, leisure studies and culture
theories and methodologies. She is a researcher at the Tourism as Work project.
Jeanne van Eeden is an Associate Professor in the Department of Visual Arts,
University of Pretoria, South Africa. She is particularly interested in the role of
the entertainment and leisure economy in postcolonial South African visual culture
and is the co-editor of the book South African Visual Culture (Van Schaik, 2005).
Soile Veijola is a sociologist and works at the University of Lapland, Rovaniemi,
Finland, as Professor of cultural studies of tourism. Her earlier publications include
feminist critiques of theorizing on tourism (mostly co-authored with Eeva Jokinen)
and analyses of mixed social orders in sports and society. She is currently leading
an interdisciplinary research project entitled Tourism as Work.
Erica Wilson is a Lecturer in the School of Tourism and Hospitality Management
at Southern Cross University in Lismore, Northern New South Wales. Her PhD
from Griffith University focused on the solo travel experiences of Australian women,
particularly the constraints they face and how these are negotiated. Her research
interests lie with gender and tourism, the tourist experience, leisure constraints and
negotiation, and qualitative research methodologies.
Foreword
The editors of this volume, Annette Pritchard, Nigel Morgan, Irena Ateljevic and Candice
Harris are on the forefront of a re-energized focus on gender emanating from the critical turn now shaking up tourisms various academies. This collection of essays presents
a dynamic project for Tourism Studies, continuing a challenge to us all to think within
and outside of our own bodies, be they corporal and/or institutional, about the critical
importance of gender equity in our daily world. As these essays demonstrate, gender does
indeed matter. For the past decade or so, global feminist scholarship has encouraged us to
approach our work in terms of intersectionality. This most cumbersome of words has at
its core a reminder that we are complex beings of many identities, limitations, resources,
influences, positions and perceptions, studying equally complex situations located in multiple truths. The parsing of these truths as we build knowledge in Tourism Studies takes
us back time and again to the diverse facts that shape our ontologies and methods of
research, as well as our motivations to challenge the injustices we find along the way.
Being an old second waver feminist myself who has believed in the primacy of gender
relative to many other loci of inequalities including race, class, ethnicity, age, nationality,
sexuality, ability, etc., the challenge of the third wave to think only through intersections of
these categories has caught me out in epistemological crisis, holding on to my ideas about
patriarchy. Postmodernisms denial of structural inequalities adds another layer of questions
we should address. A good map for negotiating these topographies can be found in reflexive
embodiment theory, as we see in both the Editors Introduction and many of the ensuing
chapters. The volumes authors represent a range of nationalities from academies more or
less like the ones in the UK and the USA discussed in the Introduction. Their locations are
yet another difference we should be sensitive to while we build a truly cosmopolitan scholarship. As the next generation of tourism scholars moves into the Critical Studies arena of
feminist analysis we are beginning to see their full-scale ethnographies and complex research
projects. What are the concrete or glass ceilings and walls that they will encounter in their
scholarship and how will they challenge them? This book leads the way.
Margaret Byrne Swain
xi
Acknowledgements
No book is ever the result of four peoples efforts and this book is certainly no
exception. We would like to thank all our contributing authors for agreeing to be
part of this project and then for cheerfully meeting our deadlines and for graciously
allowing us to edit their hard work. We would also like to express our gratitude to
our editorial and support team at CABI for their patience and guidance throughout the project. We are particularly grateful to Marlies van Hal whose hard work
on the manuscript helped to make this book a reality: we could not have done it
without you Marlies. We also owe a special debt of gratitude to two pioneers of
gender research in tourism studies who have offered tremendous encouragement
to our efforts: Margaret Swain (who also generously agreed to write a foreword
to the collection) and Derek Hall (who as one of our original proposal reviewers
and as a contributor has supported us throughout). Finally, the four of us owe so
much to so many wonderful and supportive people our families, our friends and
our colleagues and students (past and present) - that to attempt to name you here
would be an invidious task. Please forgive us and accept our simple thank you for
inspiring and supporting us in this and all our efforts.
Annette Pritchard
Cardiff, Wales
Nigel Morgan
Cardiff, Wales
Irena Ateljevic
Wageningen, The Netherlands
Candice Harris
Auckland, New Zealand
20 December 2006
xiii
List of Tables
74
210
296
xv
List of Figures
Fig.
130
183
184
188
193
195
197
198
199
200
201
Fig. 11.11. The plaque at the wishing well at The Lost City
202
220
221
xvii
xviii
List of Figures
226
227
229
230
Introduction
Why do issues of gender, sexuality and embodiment matter in tourism? Before
addressing this question and turning our attention to the implications of gender
and embodiment for the tourism industry and its stakeholders, we first need to consider todays gendered world and our own gendered academic collectives so that
we may better understand the power dynamics and discourses which shape tourism
theory and practice. For some contemporary commentators, academic and activist
discussions about gender are so last century, a debate out of place in todays postmodern world where relativity, fluidity and imagination have replaced universality,
fixidity and objectivity, where identities are conceived as performances mutable,
represented, relative and constructed. In such a world the structural inequalities
suggested by gender carry little weight, and concerns about the existence and
consequences of social differences based on genders are seen to be politically old
fashioned (as well as clearly detrimental to ones career, both inside and outside
academia) (Oakley, 2006, p. 19). Neither is gender sexy for the woman on the
street, and feminism is now so stereotyped and questioned (Chesler, 1997) that
almost three-quarters of British women say that they are not feminists (available at:
www.womankind.org.uk). It seems as though before we have really begun to unpick
the complexities and implications of gender (and certainly before many research
fields including tourism have engaged with the nuances of masculinities),
Western societies have already become bored by issues of femininities, masculinities
and genders. Yet, quite clearly, whatever our social or geographic location, whilst
our experiences of (dis)empowerment and (in)equalities may vary, none of us live
in equal societies and it is a worrying reality that not one country has yet managed
to eliminate the gender gap (World Economic Forum, 2005).
In fact, some 40 years after the emergence of the western feminist movement,
women everywhere remain severely disadvantaged compared to men across all
social criteria and classifications. The statistics are truly shocking: the leading cause
CAB International 2007. Tourism and Gender: Embodiment, Sensuality and Experience
(eds A. Pritchard et al.)
A. Pritchard et al.
of injury and death for women worldwide is domestic violence; one in every three
women is beaten, coerced into sex or abused in some other way (available at: www.
amnesty.org.uk), and almost twice as many women as men are without adequate
food, water, sanitation, health care or education (0.7 billion). In fact, global poverty
has a womans face: whilst 1.2 billion people live in poverty, three-quarters of the
worlds poorest people those living in extreme poverty on less than US$1 a day
are women (Booth-Blair, 2005). Two-thirds of all illiterate adults are women and
worldwide almost twice as many girls (85 million) as boys are denied schooling;
in Chad fewer than 5% of girls go to school, whilst in Afghanistan the reinvigorated Taliban has burnt schools and beheaded teachers offering education to girls
(Sengupta, 2006). Without comparable education provision, women continue to be
denied access to well-paid formal-sector jobs and advanced opportunities, so that
todays figure of almost two-thirds of unpaid family workers being female is unlikely
to improve in the near future.
At the beginning of the 21st century then, female workers are still ghettoized across
all countries, cultures and occupations; in the UK part-time female employees earn 42%
less than their male counterparts, whilst in Japan full-time female workers earn just 51%
of their male counterparts wages (World Economic Forum, 2005). Moreover, in the EU
women make up only 3% of major company chief executives, and in Australia only 12%
of executive managers in the ASX 200 (Australian Stock Exchange) are women, whilst
just six ASX 200 companies (3%) have female CEOs (World Economic Forum, 2005;
Australian Government, 2006). For every ten men in executive suites in the world, there
is one woman, a ratio that has changed little since the term glass ceiling was first coined
two decades ago so much for its disappearance (The Economist, 2005). Women who are
in managerial positions often need to make a painful choice between a successful career
and family (World Economic Forum, 2005, p. 4), and a recent study in the USA found
that almost half of high-earning women had no children compared to less than a fifth of
men (Hewlett, 2002). In 2005 women held 15% of all Fortune 500 board seats, which at
the current pace of change means that it could take 70 years for women to reach parity
with men on corporate boards (Catalyst, 2006a). For women of colour, the figures are even
more deplorable and for them, a concrete ceiling means that of the corporate officers in
the Fortune 500 only 0.9% are African-American women, 0.4% Asian women and 0.3%
Latinas (Catalyst, 2006b).
Such gender inequality is found not only in the business but also the political world, where 85% of the worlds parliamentary seats are held by men (InterParliamentary Union, May 2004) and women lead only 12 of the UNs 191 member
countries. Indeed, women are under-represented in every sovereign legislature: in
Arab countries only 8% of MPs are female and in the USA the picture is only marginally better as 14% of seats in the Congress are held by women. Shockingly, if
womens representation in the US Congress continues to grow at its present rate, it
will take a further 250 years to achieve a gender balance (Liswood, 2005). It is not
surprising that, in this context, the UN has warned that millions of women across
the globe are being denied effective representation because of the low numbers of
female politicians, judges and employers (The Independent, 2006). Yet, in spite of such
statistics, gender studies consistently fail to excite the imagination of the media, the
general public or the wider social science academy. Indeed, in a recent exploration
of the changing face of gender studies, Oakley (2006, p. 19) comments: Theorising
patriarchy is a minority interest, regarded with mistrust as tainted with the politics
of feminism, while the biases in our knowledge due to the politics of masculinism go
largely unnoticed.
A. Pritchard et al.
less likely to cite work by their female colleagues in their own research papers. The
study was conducted in the gender-balanced field of library and information sciences,
yet it found that in papers authored by male academics 70% of citations related to
the work of other men whereas, by comparison, female academics cited men and
women in equal numbers. Similarly, Aitchisons study (2001) of tourism and leisure
journals found that those journals with editorial boards dominated by men published a
higher proportion of papers with male authors. Such scholarship highlights the wider
phenomenon of gender discrimination in academic research, something which as yet
has received very little attention from the academy. It seems opportune then, in our
introduction to this collection of essays on gender and tourism, to briefly shine a light
into the gloomy corners of the tourism academy and enter its dark Foucauldian world
of discourse and power.
Our field of tourism research remains dominated by such technically useful imperatives and by the scientific-positivistic paradigm (Xiao and Smith, 2006, p. 503).
Worryingly, studies suggest that tourism doctoral theses produced in the UK and
Ireland display little evidence of critical thinking (Botterill et al., 2003), whilst quite
recently a survey of 377 North American tourism doctoral dissertations was able
to classify only one as womens studies (Meyer-Arendt and Justice, 2002). Although
there has recently been a mini-burst of activity in the USA (see Brennan, 2004;
Ghodsee, 2005), in such a climate, it is not surprising that issues of gender are seen
to be contentious and therefore avoided in favour of easier, more academically
accepted topics that can be more comfortably accommodated within the business
schools where many tourism collectives are located (Ateljevic et al., 2005).
Yet, in spite of the hostile environment encountered by academics interested
in gender issues, researchers are responding to calls for tourism scholars to adopt
a more critical lens and to confront issues of political representation, cultural
commodification, hegemony and globalization. Arguably, the extent to which any
social science field engages with gender-oriented research can be a measure of its
ontological and epistemological maturity, and a number of scholars have described
five key points or moments in the development of gender research (e.g. Eagly and
Wood, 1991; Norris and Wall, 1994; Swain, 1995; Stewart and McDermott, 2004):
women are invisible and subsumed into a male norm; women are recognized as
other; differences between men and women are mapped; women-oriented and/or
feminist research approaches emerge; and researchers recognize that gender is one
of a number of human status characteristics which affects individuals experiences
and social identities (others include age, class, ethnicity, race and dis/ability).
The development of gender research in tourism enquiry is a complex tale and
the key protagonists in the story have been largely (but not exclusively) women
(see, e.g. Kinnaird and Hall, 1996). Although two seminal collections of work foregrounding gender appeared over a decade ago (Kinnaird and Hall, 1994; Swain,
1995), it remains true that feminist tourism research does not exist in the same
way as its sister field, feminist leisure studies (see Aitchison, 2001 and Pritchard,
2004 for reviews of extant leisure and tourism gender research). However, a sizeable body of work does exist encompassing feminist empiricism (such as tourism
employment research); standpoint feminism (exploring tourism, capital and globalization); and post-structural feminism (exploring the role of language and imagery
in creating, maintaining and reproducing power) (see Aitchison, 2005 for a more
detailed review). Such scholarship has highlighted that although women dominate
tourism employment, their situation mirrors that in other sectors, with significant horizontal and vertical gender segregation. Horizontally, women and men
typically have different occupations and most women are employed in jobs which
reflect their traditional domestic roles; they are typically employed as receptionists,
waitresses, cleaners, maids, babysitters and travel agency sales people. Vertically,
women are squeezed out of directorships and senior posts, particularly in larger
organizations and remain concentrated in lower-level occupations with few opportunities for upward mobility (although recent occupational statistics indicate that
womens presence in middle and upper management is growing in some developed
countries) (Pritchard, 2005).
A. Pritchard et al.
scholarship we have begun to see a shift and work has foregrounded and conceptualized sensuousness and embodiment (e.g. Veijola and Jokinen, 1994; Johnston,
2000; Franklin, 2003; Cartier and Lew, 2005), performativity (e.g. Edensor, 1998;
Desmond, 1999), the senses (e.g. Dann and Jacobsen, 2002) and materialities and
mobilities (e.g. Hannam et al., 2006). Indeed, it could be said that one of the central pillars of the new tourism research (Tribe, 2005) exemplified by these (and
other) scholars is that of embodiment. As Osborne (2002, p. 51) has written: Like
subjectivity, the body is the real, the immediate, the experienced, and in a sense
one has to stand outside it to understand it, which makes theoretical thinking difficult. As a result, he continues, the term embodiment is used to describe the
way in which the bodily bases of individuals actions and interactions are socially
structured: that is embodiment as a social as well as natural process.
Irena Ateljevic and Derek Hall (Chapter 9, this volume) map the main theoretical concerns of this embodiment turn in tourism as the acknowledgement of
our sensuous awareness in the experience of place and the performance of tourism;
recognition of a context of representation in which culture is inscribed and with it
power and ideology given spatial reference: identification of the body as our means
of encountering the world as discursive experience; foregrounding of subjectivities
and identities; and emphasis on a reflexive situating of critical perspectives. Such
recognition of the body and embodiment in tourism enquiry is long overdue as
both have been the subject of much recent theoretical debate about the personal
and the physical precipitated by feminism, Foucault and queer theory. Today, the
body is no longer seen as an unproblematic natural, biological entity external to
the mind but rather as a complexly constructed object of social discourses. Thus,
it is no longer seen as a particularly sexual or sexed body; instead it is seen as an
indeterminate potentiality (Osborne, 2002, p. 51) inscribed with gender-specific
meanings that reflect the social, cultural, economic and political milieu of its experience (Wearing, 1996, p. 80).
Together with this reconceptualization of the body and rethinking of the fluidity of genders and sexualities has come a concerted challenge to the apparent
neutrality of disembodied constructions of social scientific knowledge (Denzin and
Lincoln, 2005). Whilst many social science fields now embrace the embodied and
voiced researcher, this is a battle which has only recently been joined in tourism
studies following a seminal article by Veijola and Jokinen (1994). Despite the work
of these (and other) scholars, our field remains in the thrall of gatekeepers who
privilege the scientific realist style (see Phillimore and Goodson, 2004). This style
holds that it is necessary to distance the researcher physically, psychologically and
ideologically from his or her subject, and minimize the self, viewing it as a contaminant, transcending it, denying it, protecting its vulnerability (Kreiger, 1991,
p. 29). By contrast, those of us who would champion the project of embodiment
acknowledge the impossibility of separating ourselves from the context that informs
our (value-laden) analysis and privileges us with our social position of authoring
and the concomitant authority to be able to speak (see Westwood et al., 2006).
Such calls for a place for powerful, personal authorship (Holliday, 2002, p. 128)
have clear feminist influences (Swain, 2004) and emanate from the fracturing of the
naturalist, post-positivist tradition, recognizing a researchers positionality (in terms
of race, gender, age, class and sexuality) as a resource rather than a problem.
A. Pritchard et al.
The bodyspaces explored in this volume investigate how we and society construct
narratives of the self and others as tourists, travellers and employees (Veijola and
Valtonen, Chapter 2; Fullagar, Chapter 3; Ateljevic and Hall, Chapter 9; Ringer,
Chapter 13; Elmas, Chapter 19); how discourses of desire, sensuality and sexuality
permeate the tourism experience and its marketing ( Jordan, Chapter 6); how tourism maps sensual topographies of land and skin shaped by colonial imaginaries
(Pritchard and Morgan, Chapter 10; van Eeden, Chapter 11); how bodies are sites
of psychical corporeality (Grosz, 1994, p. 22, original italics) through which narratives of
femininity and masculinity and sensual materiality are inscribed and experienced (Noy,
Chapter 4; Small, Chapter 5; Abramovici, Chapter 7; Desmarais, Chapter 12; Knox
and Hannam, Chapter 16); and finally how travel and tourism offers opportunities
for empowerment, resistance and the carnivalesque (Harris and Wilson, Chapter 14;
Ibrahim et al., Chapter 18; Pritchard et al., Chapter 17; Poria, Chapter 15; Ryan and
Gu, Chapter 8). At this point it is important to note that whilst we had initially considered using themes to compartmentalize these chapters, as the essays evolved it became
increasingly clear that such editorially imposed categories were having the unintended
consequence of undermining the inter/cross/transdisciplinary nature of the project
and were creating artificial intellectual boundaries. Although the above descriptions of
the individual essays are one way of outlining their contributions, we could equally say
that they discuss masculinities, femininities, sexualities, or positionalities, embodiments,
sensualities and experiences. Thus, the volume is presented as a set of essays and we
leave it to the reader to make his or her own connections across the chapters.
These contributions reflect the revival of interest amongst some groups of tourism
scholars in issues of gender (see Hall et al., 2003) (although it has to be said that the
overwhelming majority of mainstream tourism researchers still equate gender with
studies of womens experiences and studies of masculinities are few and far between).
Yet, there is still much that needs to be done both to gain credibility (and quality
funding) for gender-focused studies of tourism and to challenge the glass ceilings, glass
walls and glass borders which continue to structure societies. Those of us interested
in gender have so far evolved into a critical mass by sticking together on the margins of tourism scholarship. Indeed, this volume could be described as a collection
which foregrounds marginal voices and experiences since its contributors are drawn
from diverse cultures and locations (which include Australia, China, Croatia, Egypt,
Finland, Israel, Italy, New Zealand, South Africa, Turkey, the UK and the USA) and
range from doctoral candidates to established professors. We hope that this collection
will further galvanize our own and others efforts to build a coherent sub-discipline
and a recognized role for gender tourism studies in the wider tourism academy and
move us from the margins to the centre of tourism investigations. In gaining such
recognition, we hope that a heightened awareness of gender issues will also throw light
on the lives of the millions of adults and children who experience the darker sides of
tourism and who pay a heavy price to support the worlds largest industry (see
tourismconcern.org.uk and the World Tourism Organizations Global Code of Ethics).
Thus we have returned to the opening question of our introduction: why do issues
of gender, sexuality and embodiment matter in tourism? Globally the tourism industry is one of the most important arenas for both women and men and its economic
significance cannot be underestimated. But, whilst it employs over 200 million people
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