ee MIGRATION, WAR,” AND AGRARIAN REFORM: Peasant Settlements it n Nicaragua Jon Ande Bilbag ey Goiaboraters: Antonio Beti- Eduardo vas D. Cleneros, Hemisphoric Migration Project ‘Center for Immigration Policy and Refugee Assistance Georgetown University,Wo JUN=62013 ee scm ‘NS -copyeisié r988 B55 Besse ceaniversiey (dad tasbunatans bse. Eboer me opinions expressed are solely Those of the authors and do not fecesserily reflect those of the sponcoring ineeitution. Foreword. Acknowledgnents. 1 IIT. case studies, W. TABLE OF coNTENTS Introduction... Historical Background........+. “6 Development of the Peasant Settlement: peeseees 6 Government objectives. 8 Tapact on the Population... 8 Region I: Lae Segovias. a. Case Blancas... b. ED Esoasbray, ©. Ia Praternidad: Special Zone It: san Juan River...30 2. Wever oporta. b. lauren Galan ©. los chiles... s.1 Conclusions and Recommendations......+.49Foreword The Henispheric Migration Project (HMP) , sponsored by Georgetown University's center for Thmigration policy and Refugee Assista) (IPs), Zunde research on refugees and labor migrants in Latin Anerica and the caribbean. The project's support of Latin American and Caribbean scholars has a twofold objectiv encourage the development of research on refugees and nigration in countries of origin and to bring the results of this research £0 the attention of policy-makers in the sending, as well as Feceiving, countries. Since 1983, the HIKE haa commissioned and provided technical support for over 30 studies on the causes and consequences of population noverents in the Western Henisphere. on topics ranging fron the Fepatriation process in Guatenala to skilled manpower loss. in Jamaica, the HAP has provided Information to policy-makers in the United States and throughout the heaisphere on a wide range of immigration and refugee-related problexs. On the basis of this information, canbe tailored to encourage the of international migration and Gininien its costs. to ‘the Wenispheric Migration Project has been made possible by grants fron the Bureau for Refugee Prograns ot the Department of state. Nesdiess to say, we thank the Bureau and our colleagues, the scholars throughout Latin America and the Carinbean who have collaborated with Us and without whom none of this work would be possible. Harold Bradley, 8.3. Director, CIPRA Patricia 2. Pessar, Ph.D. Research Directora ACKNOWLEDGMENTS fe are most thankful for the assistance we received and the information made available to Us in the two regions in which we carried out. ‘the Fesearen for thie project. in partjoular we would Like to acknowledge the caga de Gobierno (local offices of the national government) in Region I for its bibliography, and the Ministry of agricultural Development and Agrarian Reform (MZDINRA) for facilitating our contact with the settienents and making its reports available, as well as for ita adeistance in selecting the case studies. We would like to thank the office of MIDINRA’in Region I for its assistance in choosing one of the settlenents. We aleo wish to acknovledge the casa de Gobierno in special zone 111 for its advice, and the regional MIDINRA office for sts bibliography, case studies, and assistance in Selecting the settienents; likewise the office Of MIDINEA in San Kiguelito for making its Yeporte available and for helping ue make contacts. Due to the grievous situation ‘in Nicaragua and particularly the settlenents--which suffer fron a very serious and special forn of oppression--we omit the bibliography and. Roneion ony the Institutions that extended their assistance. We vould also Like to thank the hundreds of resettied nen end women who offered Us their hospitality and told us of their lives and experiences.mewn eee eee eee ee ee ee 1. UYTRODUCTION Nicaragua's rural population is caught in the cross fire.” On the one hand, it ie eaught in the feal cross fire between counterrevelu- tlonagy forces and the governzent, and on the other, tho"idedlogical .eross fire between traditional peasant life and sandinicta pressures for communal organization. The Fesult fe the displaceneht of thousands of Persons throughout the country. In its attoupt to dekl simuitancodsly with! the security threat and rural developntnt, the Sandinista government eetabliched the Peasant Sattienent Program. In tie study ve have cet out to identify the factors which contribute to the: stability of the dettlenents established undef "the progzan. fearch is based-on six case studide {nan area near the Honduran border gion ) and another {Special Zone 11) near the Gésta Rican border. At the tina thie stacy was conceived, these regions were the only ones Fo have received natiénal endersenant of their settlenent prograns. (See Map 3), ‘the inretus for the Peasant settlement Program cane as counterrevolueionary forces (contras) became nore abtive in 1982 In the orth near Honduras and the southeast near Costa Rica. The decision was ade to reloca : peasants in these areas within settlenehts that Could offer a range of social services that Would be Incossibie to provide to a widely Gispersed populace, At the same tine the government had to deprive the counterrevolu- Elonary forces of the rural social base, which through acquiescence or support, allowed the contras to establish camps in the area. ‘Thus, some of the inhabitants were forced to relocate, whereas others did so "willingly, happy as they vere, to receive new lands that offered greater opportunity than previously available. Landiess peasants stood to gain the most Fron the Settienent Program, but with fe eeexceptions a1 the participants vere settled on better farmlana than they had before. Xt mist bo recalled that. the Wicaraguan peasantry was never before offered a viable alternative to rural isolation and unde dovelopnent--cther than flight te the cities. Thus, the settlenente represent a middie ground between the rural and urban environaents, “and means by which gocial services can be proviceg outside the cities. Ae euch, the Peasant Settienent Program can serve’ as e damper for Nicaragua’ population sovenent fron-fural to urban areas. In studying the viability of Wicaraqua's Peasant Sottienent Progran we focused on {ta objectives as conceived by the government) the achievenents, hopes, and frustrationg of the Peasants theiiselves) and the factors that increase the stability of the settlements. Those factors ve found that contribute to the, stability of rural resettlenent prograns in Kicaragua are summarized below, We zeconnend that these factors be considered when planning tuture settionente not only in Nicaragua, but elseynere in Central America, 1,1, Rural settienents ehould encourage diversitiea employment opportunities, Such diversification promotes community development which entices inhabitants to 1,2, Due to 1abor-saving technological, advances, settlenonts that are based solely, of agriculture will not have the absorptive capacity to help ste large scale migration to cities and neighboring countries. 1.3 Enploynent diversification also enables. cettienents to incorporate women nore, fully into the comunityip economy,2. Settlements tend to thrive.vhen populations ave relocated from isolated breas to areas with good soil and socia Services (housing, education, and health care). This ig the case even in those {netances in hich populations have been £01 ly resettled. 2. Cooperative structures, based on Collective ownership of land, prove most. Successful when the resettled population $s forser farn vorkers.. Thoge structures prove most unsuitable when the majority. Eevgorner peasant farmers. In he latter ence, collgctivization proves incompatible with’ traditional peasant social organiza Elon in which extended families both own ana work the land. Settlements prove more Stable when there is guaranteed ovnerehip of houses and land, and when residents enjoy the freedom to deterine the organization of production end their own production methods 4. When the government's original Dionises concerning resettled populations! Secess to social services and to diver~ Sified employment opportunitites are not fulsilled, seetlenents experience conflict, and dislocation. 5.1 The social organization of community Zite should not be determined by the Gopperative. In settlements in which Shere 1s a cooperative organization of production, ie is preferapie that other Eomunity institutions be created to attend t the social needs of the Eettlenent, such ag education, child care, and health. 5.2. The separation of the productive and so¢lal organization of the settlenents also encourages the greater participation Of wonen in the leadership of the Community, ae vonen are often not menbers of the cooperatives.We have organized our presentation of the study in the following manner. In Section Iz Wo oxarine the historical context in whieh the gettleronts were established, the objectives the Settlonent Program was designed to fu\fill, and its impact on the riral population. Section ITI offers a detailea description of the six settionents we studied, providing the reader an overview of conditions in each and of the goveriaant's role in tha settLenenta' develepment.. The final section elmmarizes the findings derived from the six case studies, and drave the conclusions on witich we baeg’ our recoumendations. " IE, HPSTORECAL BACKGROUND Development of the Peisant Settlenenté ‘the Peasant Settionont Program in Nicaragua arose in response to two phenomena: Gexographic restructuring stemming fron the Agrarian Refora Program, and removal of the civilian population from war Zone Ih Region I spontanéous flight of peasants caused by: the counterrevolutionary military aggression began in 1982, In response, Jovernrent representatives created Prergency Connittees ana Defense Committees that would algo be useful to orgaiiize the displaced into Work brigades. within thé Agrarian Refora Program the @isplaced vere given priority in the distribu tion of land, and in the formation and strengthening of Sandinista agricultural Cooperatives where all lands are held in common, They alco received sociel service and hoising, which, as Part of their priority attention, enabled then to relocate on a permanent basi. In the North the progran began ae an exergency response to contra attacks. Collective lands in the region's fertile valleys were allotted with an eye to 6 territorial defense and agrarian developnent. Since 1983, the Regional Agrarian Reform Progran has inciudea relocation of the population as a necessary measure, transforaing the region's structure of production and land tenures as a result, such enphasis has been placed on tho Agrarian Reform Peasant Settle ents. The linites reéources of the Fund for Agricultural Lands hoa made it nécessary to relocate to fortile areas landless peasants and those fron poor lands. in i984, in order to. renove the contras' social base, the govern- nent, began to renove peasant communities from | areas viore the counterrevolutionary forces found support. Under the Peasant Settlement Program these peasants were moved to coopera tives where they establiched or expanded sottiozants And had their first exposure to the ganeresity of the Revolutionary Government. In southern Wicaragua, the countetrevelu- tionary forces of the DenoGratic Revolutionary Alliance (ARDE) undertook a political campaign Of religiously oriented anticommunist propagan~ Ga keginning in 1982. ‘the peasantry allowed ARDE to establish guerrilja based for its attacks against the government, which in Fesponse developed "Zhe strategic’ Framework for Rogional Development," e plan for territorial defence that proposed a reorganization of the Fural population in ecosystene suited for agricultural production. ARDE bogan to carry out military attacke in May 1963-, By that tine, the government had Snplenented "the Plan fpr Agricultural Settienonts near the Southern Border." This Plan establianed five strategic economic/niii~ tary Zones. The rest of the region was considered uncafe, and the governnent relocated Almost all of the peasants and farmers who lived outside the Five strategic zones,” By late 1983, 70 percent of the 2,000 fazilies in the affected area had been relocated. ‘The Peasant Sattlexent Program in the south vas carried out ina sudden and drastic fashion; it was 2 traumatic fora in wnich t6promote the logic. of development and defense in Ehinly populated territory. Government objectives ‘the government established the peasant settienents in order to pursue several short— and long-term objectives. It had to arrest the Grist tovard political and military aieintegra~ ‘ion among the rural populace by organizing Faral territory for self-defense and agricul- faral production. It needed to organize @ peasant population scattered througnout the fountains and to accelerate structural changés in tural areas under the policies of rural Gevelopnent and agrarian refora. Thus, it Sttenpted to integrate the peasantry into ‘economic developaent projects Tt needed to integrate margingl sectors into the social fabric of the nation by providing the opportunity to engage in Production, distribution, and consumption and by making available, often for the first time, social services sich as education, health care, and housing. At the same tine, the government Gntended to Limit individual production in order to, promote the developzent of national Civic commitment and community consciousness. 1o_tmpact on the ation ‘The Peasant Settlenent Program epurred profound political, social, and economic Ezansformations in’ the Lives of the peasants whe were involved. Specivicaily, the eradi~ Honal ganily-based preduction and consumption patterns were collectivized, allowing tne Peasants to gain access to nore efficient, Eechnologically complex means. of production. The extended fanily gave way to a nore complex System of social relations under governnent Guidelines, And the peasantry was deprived of fhe poosibinity of political neutrality or inditeerence as the most basic everyday activities became politicized. ‘he displaced had, two distinct perceptions of thig impact, generally deriving fron Whether they had been peasant landholders or fural wage workers. on the one hand, the Groups of peasants that originally had oméd Tands were less receptive to collectivization. onthe other hand, agricultural workers, who were used to receiving instructione. for’ their Work and needed greater support, were more Feceptive to the government's policies of Sollectivization.. As we shall see shortly; Several setclenents have suffered due to the fact that government representatives, un~ faniliar with the rural milieu, flied to @istinguish between the peasantry and the rural working class when cooperatives were designed gna support for then was being enlisted. IIE. CASE STUDIES our six case etudies were conducted in tuo regions, Region I (Iae Segovias) and special Zone T2f (fhe an Juan River). We begin with a General overview of each region before Presenting thd cage study naterial. Region T: tas Segovias ‘There are 60 inhabitants per square nile in las Segovias; 68 percent of the. population ig rural. The land was occupied from at least the tine of the Spanish colonization; some tous and villages date back to the 17&n century. (S62 Nap 2) There are two distinct agro-ecological zones, ‘The south 1g dry and arid, while the north’ is molst and fertile. farming consists Primarily of cattle-raising and the cultivation 9f basic grains; since 1950, coffee and tobacco have also been planted. Due to a rugged topography the population ie aiepersed on lands that are at best Barginally sulted for agriculture. As a Fesult, poverty is widespread and aggravated by‘the inhabitants! lack of access to roads and to focal services. “only 12 percent of the land is suitable for intensive agriculture, and it is on these, lands that the government has + Eocjeed its development program. There hae been a denand for agricultural, workere incattle, coffee, tobacco, and icy farming. Agricultural workers now account. for 26 percent-of the regional work force. Poor Peasants constitute another one-third of the working population. casa Blanca ‘The Casa Blanca settlenent was established in a fertile valley near Pueblo Nuevo, at an average altitude of 700 asters above sea level, alongside the road that runs from Pueblo Muevo’to San Juan de Linay. The settlement is developed around the "Manuel Diaz y Sotelo" cooperative. The Manuel Diaz y Soteloscooperative was eotablisned on April 10, 1990. Te'was started by catechists in training who led a group of poor peasants fron the area to produce on large farms abandoned by their ouners after the revolutionary victory. Figteen wage-earning and part-tine garners, acting at the behest of the Agrarian Workers Association (ATC), petitioned the Agrarian Reforn Institute’ (INRA) to give thon 32 manzanas (54.4 acres) of arable 1and.> This land was avarded to then st no cost. Agter a Successful harvest, another 50 arable nanzanas (65 acres) were requested, and avarded in isea: ‘The following year, acting with the assistance of certain ecate entities, the farners sought a legal writ of possession to the Casa Blanca state farm, with an area of Jone manzana is equivalent to 1.7 a& 225) Jesh epul WE rove pits @ vectors cereat tar tome Ap serttenente Seadtad FE468 manzanas (795.6 acres}, fro the Ministry of Agriculture and Agrarian Rafora (MIDINRA) By Novenber 1982, the Diaz y Sbteio Cooperative had $50 Banzanag (935 acres) and 17 male onbers fron tno area The cooperative's production plan was twofold: “to raise livestock for dairy and neat products; and to produce corn, beans, and forghim. The cooperative was pot yet ready for tobacco farming, which had previously been a - staple of Casa Blanca. ha seventeen nesbers found thonselves with mich land bat few hands to work it since Vonen and ainore were alloved to work as Eenporary laborers, but not to join as cooperative nenbers. There was no leadorship, even though one Reber vas sent to a training™ course sbroad at the initiative of the Sandinista Front (FSLN). But things vera not fe they appeared. Even though the official Gist of mombera indicates an increase from 25 in 1980 to 17 in 1982, there was actually core of seven who alvays sought out labor and uenbers. Seven years later, these same seven Continue running the cooperative. The - Leadership se not of @ creative mind; it has simply reached its position as a result of the longevity ‘of essociation anong the seven ors ‘These embers, al} of yhou are formes farm Workers, took vera large part of the land and Raost ail che labor of the Casa Blanca state farm. these actions led to a confrontation ighboring farmers ho still thought of p Renbers as the vage-earning laborers they had been and could not accept their ‘sformation into agrarian political leaders. the first group of displaced persons was q settied at casa Blanca due to.a shortage of ] Inborers during the 1993 rainy season. They were six poor peasant fanilies from @ nearby Conmunity:to whom the governsent assigned 50 Ranzanag (85 acres) to establish a separate Cooperative. “Te vas thought that they vould Join thei iand to casa Bianca once, their Political consciousness had natured. The planee ia not work out. All of the six fanilies returned to their previous hones, except fer a woman who stayed behing. In April and May 1983, nine: fanilies trom Madriz arrived. ‘They were driven fron their hones by fhe contras, who persecuted then suse they Worked directly with ‘the govern In March and July of 1964, the group that would cone to have a najor. impact on the Diat y Sotelo cooperative arrived from El Nojon and Tos Mogotes de Cusmapa, a village bordering Honduras. Most of the inhabitants of th! shall village of 34 families had to be persuaded to move. had only 2 few poorly fone grain, anda nourished heads of cattle, fey enall orchards with fruit ané coffee trees. They had engaged in subsistence faring and so worked part-time on nearby Taras and plantations.” They also engaged in anall-tine Sonneree and barter-trade with nearby con munities in Wicaragua and Honduras. ‘the community had been a seedbed of” National Giardsnen under Somoza, and as a result, many men had taken refuge in Honduras or had’ joined the contras while still maintain- ing sporadic contact with their families. This Lead £6 a dangerous, unstable eitudtion, Bobial organization was prinitive-sbased on exténdéd families as is the node in sndigenus Communities. The connuntity was headed by a ‘yho ‘also commanded spiritual authority. ‘The governaént convinced this leader to undertake tha move, and he beoughe most of nis people’ with hin to casa Blanca. The group Supplied the labor needed for working the extensive #s¥eite lands of the cooperative. once in casa Blanca, the large group from cusnaba resided temporarily in an old pbuilding previously used: for drying tobaccs. Fanitics, individuals, and domestic animals lived eide- by-silley separated only by plastic shests. The new arrivals were treated as peons by the 6 cooperative's leaders. Many members of the Group decided to return to their lands by Enrisemss Day, 1984, 1f conditions did not improve: Governuent representatives, concerned: about thie situation a Well ae other probiéns, decided to subsidize the group's food for one year. At the sane tino, in order to- strengthen Zoilective bends, resources were provided to Ghable the community weaberé to build housing ' for theneelves. + a professional brigade of four laborers from the Appropriate Technology Research Center (eta) of the Hinistry of Riral Development and Agearian Reform (WIDINRR) trained two mencand fifteen wonen’ from the: displaced population. Thie was a positive perio’, during vhich many fensions subsided. fn addition, the community Behefited from the presence of visiting Zuropean and North Anerican Yoluntoers who Lived with the people and shared their aieticuities.. The volunteers helped in the Construction of community works, euch as the School, the day care center, thé rural» children's cafeteria, and electrical. facili~ fies. The assistance will. continue for future works now Being planned. . the improvenants in the situation of the displaced group provoked jealousy among many of the founding nenbers, and ten‘ef then abandoned the Cooperative, leaving behing the seven nenberg who now constitute the board of directors. Tt was then suggested that the new group be incorporated ae nenbers, and thet the new leadership of the copperative-settlesent accept the leader of the resettled population fron Cusnapa as its vice-president. ‘noe the permanent” housing tinits vere finished and oecupied, MIDINRA awarded moré lands. The new lands were suitable for Profitable tobacco farming. Howaver, the Fesettled population lacked the Aeceseary technical training. g as iIn mid-1985 the settlenent was officially incorporated. The suecess in production, the quality of the housing, access to the main Foad, and an absence of contra attacks attracted a flow of new migrante to the settlenen By October 1987, there vere 20 more families consisting of relatives of the Aisplaced, nainly fron Cuemapa, and new marriages had taken place. According to the 1987 census, Casa Blanca had 394 inhabitants, 195 men and 499 women. We found that in 1986 and 1987 two faniiies--13 people in all--had left; ana 20 fanilies, fotaling 100 people, arrived, resuiting ina 22 percent population growth in’ 1586. Population distribution by ages and gender as of June 26, 1987 breaks down as follows There are 103’ children (60 boys and 43 girls) in the under-5 age group. In three years 43 children vere born, and. died, which ie Indicative of the quality ef the medical cara land the vork of the community's three trained aidvives, Another positive step vas the opening in October 1997 of a day care center, ehabling wonen to participate in work as members. There are 130 children (69 boys and 62 girls) in the 6-15 age group. students make up one-third the settienent's population and nave complete accass to education, In au, the 0-15 age group includes a total of 233 children, whe Becount for 59 percent of the population. ‘the childbearing group, which includes 211 mon aged 21-60, and all vonen aged 16-40, has 53 nen and a2 wonen. This difference 8 froz the fact that the men who were Nationai ‘Cuardonan under Sonoze Joined the There are 64 males in the economically active population (over 18 years). ‘this includes 45 enbers and 19 Others; the latter group consists of ten paid nonmenber workers Who live in the settlenent, six drattees, two persons mained in the war, and one who joined the contras. ‘there: are 72 females in the econdmially active population (aged 18-60). This -repre~ Bente’ the’ 5¢ fenale membors and 19 others: three wage workers, aix students aria 10 vonen ' whose husbands do not permit ‘them to be Renbece or to vork in agriculture. ‘The settlenent-cooperative's population de eufflelently large to work the land and Garry out other tasks. Problem areas include poor work attendance and the anbiguous status Berths nonnenbers living in the settlexent who Gan only participate ae bald laborers. ‘The increace in popalation has permitted series of nonagricultural activities: the Production of construction materials, provision bEaay care services, midwifery, baking, and Staffing the general store. this range ‘of actititios and the sound infrastructure give fhe settienent the statue of a true community. The Ministries of Rural Development -and Agrarian Reforn, Baueation, Health and Welfare ‘gach have from one to four representatives at fhe settionent. Zhe involvenent of some” Government authorities ‘who dominate the board Gf dizectors, and take advantage of the Glrectora’ Lack of education, merits criticien, Another problem ie lack of training oppor~ tunities for the community in agricultural, — construction, and anagement. This training is Teperative for the community to continue to hanaie ite transformation from a cooperative inte s eettlenent and to. continue to integrate the flow of new arrivals. ro summarize, Casa Blanca has passed through an unstable early phase which tor- ninated with the departure of a disaffected group of settlers, The comsunity now consists Se a basically homogenous poyulation satisfied With the soll quality, dwellings, and social Services. They view the community as the Generel focus of their ives, which has loa to Giversicieation of their productive activities. There ere still certain problens to overcone: arthe submissiveness of vonen, ané the subordina~ tion of community priorities to the denands of Production. the security of the zone and the guaralites of improved Aiving conditions have made Casa Blanca a stable community despite the inconsistent attention, from the governaent and the organizational rigidity of having a eingle cooperative. b. El Eacambray ‘The El Escanbray settlement is nade up of ‘two agrarian cooperatives, "Heroes and Martyrs of £1 Escanbray" and Manén Raudales," both of whose. nenbers have undergone radically Gitrerent experiences. ‘The formér was established in 1982 by a group Whose history goes back to the 19508 and 19608, ‘The original meubers of the group cane to the area of the £1 Escanbrey fron Murra, north of Talapa, and from the city of Bsteit. ‘They had been pushed off their lands by the coffee plantations and tobacco farms. Yon losing their lands, these snall farmers becae paid agricultural faborers, although over tine, sone were able to purchase’ snall plots of land on whiien they raised grains. ‘There vere other Beasants in the area who worked as tenant farmers or paid laborers on the lerge hacia in the valley, and who were also able to ostain small houses and grain cropa, the large landowner vas guaranteed @ permanent Lew-wage work force from the peasante who remained to perpetual debt to hin and perceived hin as thelr benefactor. in thig context of abuse and exploitation, Delegates of the Word began to proselytize in 1966, and yoars later key Sandiniseas operated in the same area. As a result, the poopie there became receptive to revolutionary cnange. The peasants from the first group had Livea in four dispersed hamlets, located in Rountains nore than 3,250 fect above sea level near the Bl Escanbray’ farm. Their propert: ranged in size from 1 to « manzanas’ (107 to ae In early 1982, oxcnational Guardsmen with the contras persuaded nore than, 30 familios to ove to Hondurae.. ‘Those renaiding had to abandon their plote’ and hones ‘to earn Livings as laborers. ‘hoy set up an Energency Comittee, a Defense Comsitese, ani, to bring tn the crops fe behind on the abandoned farmlands, Rarvest brigade. Altogether, thofe wero 57 people at tie cooperative, including nonmen- Bere tn November’ 1982, they occupied the Installations of the foraer hackenda of EL Escanbray, taking what they wanted from the fara. once the harvest vas over, many, individuals departed, leaving only the ‘cooperative menbere. ‘the FSIN Zonal Comnittes, the Parish of Jalapa, MIDINRA, the Evangelical Conaiteee for Development Ald, the Army, and the National Unios' of Faraere and Ranchers (UNAG) all offered moral and material anaistance to these families, whd were hungry and in need. Under the auspices of these agencies, BL Becambray with its 260 nanzanae (442 acres) becane an agrarian cooperative for the foracr harvest brigade on April 30,1983. ‘Thus, the member vere transformed from temporary Workers into landholders. The Heroes and Martyrs of EL Escanbray cooperative was launched with 42 sabers, constituting approximately 15 fanilles Fron Novenber 17, 1982 to May 1983, the cooperative wae subjected to sinost daily harrassment from contra forces. ‘This ex= Perience forced then to become militianen. Using old axns, they defended themselves against sophisticated veaponry. ‘The 41 menbors of the militia (40 men, 1 woman) at \ maintained high morale, and this experience strengthened the cohesion of the group. At the sane tine, the Ministry of Housing and Hunan Settiononts’ built housing units that Were turned over to the population in July 3983. in addition, a children's cafeteria, a day care center, anda school, as well as. @rinking water installations and community Yaundry basins, shovers, and latrines were constricted. paring this first stage the sottlonont wcesved a great deal of material and financial assistance fron the government and from International organizations. As of October 1987 the cooperative had 114 menbers, anda total population of 409. (216 males, and 199 fenales) anong 62 fanilies. the distyibution of the population breaks doyn by sex and age as follows. There are 103 Children in the under-5 age group: 58 boys and G5 girls, accounting for more than one-fourth of the total population. The heazth post, Sageteria, day cave center, and the group. of Sidvives have all contributed to the children's health, groven, and education: and have also jade possible greater participation of wonen in the workplace. For example, 46 wonen are enployed at the school, the’ day care center, the cafeteria and the health center; they algo share responsibility for the work teans, Community sanitation, the seving workshop, and the community council board. OF those 46 wonen, 40 are embers of the cooperative. Of the eix wno aze.not, four had just arrived from Talapa. There are 131 school-aged chiléren--68, boys and 66 gizis--between the ages 6-15. The great human Fesolrce potential they represent. Berits careful consideration. Secondary, and Vocational education should be institutgay it Ye not possible to continue relying on the scholarships provides by the government or the Cooperative for the children's education. At Present, 12 young people are studying technical 20 vocations with government support: five are Seing so with the Gooperative's support. ‘There are 99 men and 79 vonen in the ae-6o age group. THe greater number of nen than women ia tnigud anong Nicaraguan settle nents, and frankly, ve are at a loss to explain Ten “tne supply of labor 4s plentiful, coving to the participation of wonen in the work force. At present thore is a housing shortage and nore than one family mist share the same hone. This probien is aggravated by the arrival of new groupe, as vill be explained Below. ‘The Ranén Raudales cooperative has‘ a very ferent history and evolution. Tt consists Of 5b fauilies “trom Murra who were forced to Felocate to BL Escanbray in mid-1905 fron three | large area where finily-) % Prevailes. Generally the father and his oldér Zone would work together, with the head of the famiay deteraining the division of lana and Nork. The family plots averaged fron 60 to: 80 manzines (102 t0136 acres). ‘These suall- and nediuz-scaie peasant tarnere were clodely tied to the land they ones. ‘They raised many crops for both their own consumption and for sale, including: grains, Gofeee, sugarcane, bananas, and cardanon. They fiso had livestock for their own meat and dairy needs. Their forced relocation, resulting from accusations that the Murra communiti Supperted the contraa, wae made to neutralize the contra presence there and defend Jalapa which had come under attack. Many familios from the communities want to Honduras, where they had commercial and family Telstions. At the tine of the relocation to #1 Escansray ‘the government promised the people fron Maire wany things: land, education, health care, nousing, furniture, and household) Supplies to eaee their exodus. In reality, these false promises were part of a covert plan \ :OY to reinforce the El Escambray settlenent, and this fact led to a series of confrontations. The promises were made on March in Murra.” When the displaced poparaticn arrived at £1 Escanbray, it fotind that only education and health cave ware to be proviged. They were not given tana, nor were they ever given furniture and housahola supplies There Were only nine pilot housing units and en open air shelter for protection from the rain: 1985, The people tron Murra refused to Join the Heroes and Martyrs cooperative. They retused to accept the, promiscuity and overcrowding in the housing where the families of the coopera tive lived. “Furthorsore, they had lose hel Livelihood since the government did not, follow through on its prosise of land and hous These factors lea to the desertion fron fi Egcambray of 23 of the 50 Murra familias. The first year vas tense. the peopie fro Murra worked for either the other Sseanbray cooperative or the Ministry. of Housing and Human Settiesents (HINVAH)s which only gave then the nine pilot houses’ and the openvate shelter. Moreover, they did not receive their share of the profits from the “communal” work fon the coffee harvest, but only a day-laborer's wage. Given the sane of family property this group brought with it, its membe: erwould not Scoept lands confiscated fron other ‘faraers> Thus, MEDINRA had to buy a farm in order te’ aot up the Ranon Raudales cooperative. However, they-werp not allowed £0 Leave thelr housing Settionent at #1 Socanbray. ‘This group's lack of participation in military defense vas another problem. Also, they sought to organize in their own way, ahd fo take charge of their own situation rather’ than depénd on others, as they attespted to work their own lanis with traditional produe= ‘tion techniques. At present the Ranén Raudales cooperative has 203 nanzanas (345 acres), 63 mesbers, anda 22 Lo population of 179 people (90 miles, and 09 Females) The under-s age group includes 45 children (24 boys and 21 girls), accounting for just over 25 percent of the cooperativets in Babitance. serious problen that needs. to be adareseed ss the lack of wonen's. participation in this cooperative, Hachiano contrinutes not ony to the notion that wonen showld not work the 1ana, but also So the feijure to noke any use of the day care centex and no nore. than Linited use of the children's cafeteria: “Tt the fondling vere to sake uso of these, two jovernmant. institutions, the women of the Settlement would be able to interact moze, with one another as well ea with the wosen of the ather cooperative, There are 63 children (35 boys and 2 girls) in the 6-15 age group. Only a email Percentage of this group attends school, posing a risk to the ability of thie coopera Live to develop in the future. ffhere are 29 mon and 40 women in the over-16 age group, which to, gone extent. Teflects the conscious qr unconscious political Position of the people of Murra. This marked difference between the ‘number of males and fenalo suggests that the men have tended to reject the settlenent, except aa a temporary way station. Tt is unlikely that the situation there, will stabfiize before the children grow up. The high birth rate, in turn, te cresting fhe need for diversification and an increase in the technical level of production, given that There is no, possibility’ for expanding the Landheidinge. ‘Thera are 36 wonen of childbearing age (aged 16-45), and 37 men in the corresponding age bracket (aged 16-60). Since many nen have opted to join the contras or ep eleavhere, many wonen vill be forced to enigrata, to continue leading a double life, or pezhapa to establish relationships with others at the cooperative, There are now nine "single" 2mothers at Ranén Raudales, of whom seven have Husbands with the contres, These vonen suffer political and economic consequences. They are hot trusted, yet they and their children are Supported by the cooperative. This arrangement should not be allowed to continue. As of October 1987,. the EL Fecambray settlenent was made up of the two coopers tives. Just ac they were established in Sizferent ways, so their respective outlooks and current situations contrast sharply. As they are now constituted, the two cooperatives can be conpared along the following lines. ‘The’ nénber¥ of the Meroes and Martyrs cooperative, initially agricultural wage Workers, becase Collective landholders and Sbtained credit, technical assistance, and jervices offered by the government. Thi Renbers of the Rangn Raudates cooperati their family lands and all their belongings. They were prouised mich and given very lite! the enbers of the first cooperative openty and willingly organized thenselves in the codperativé model ae a result of their political and military experience, ‘The menbers bf the second cooperative accepted it because they had no other choice. ‘They do not reject! the cooperative’ production aysten, so much as they do thé collective land tenure’ systen. ‘he members of the first cooperative have a sense of community that has stemmed fron the experience ‘of common defense and community Services, The nenbers of the second coopers five wane to reproduce the type of working and Living conditions they enjoyed in Murra; that ie, establish their nousing on their farmland in’ order to oversee their crope, ‘Their fanily- baced cooperative is made up of four extended families. ‘The menbere of El Escanbray moved volun~ tarily and benefited fron perfect political and EGeological work within thesr envirorment and allitary eituation. In contrast, the people 26 fron Yurra were forced to nove. | The political and ideological work was jcynicaf and harmful) the promises made were not kept, greatly, Compounding problems arising fron the group's Yongeetanding ties to its land. the contacts between these tyo coopera~ tives necessary for the aott]oment to becone a unified conmunity afe lacking. Ag the governnent's initiative, a community Council was established to promote Greater communication in January 1987. The Souncii previously functioned as a Sandinista Defense Comaittes, and now coordinates the aetivitige of hoth cooperatives, which consequently cannot function independently. ‘he Community Council needs to forge a consensus, and not £0 ispose a one-sided Yeraion of unity, The Council's decisions on ost problens are practically identical to those’ of the iret cooperative. community Services of education, the children's cafete~ Eis; and dey care should be unified by the Council. “currently these services prosote Gigrerences. Sone menbero of the first Cooperative believe these services are exclusively theira; whereas some members of the Second cooperative view services, delivered by others, ae alms, ‘They thus refuse to use Shen. 21 Escambray is not so much one settle nent, ae tvo separate cooperatives, coexisting warily amidst contradictions, not unity. za Fraternidad ‘the settlenent of Ja Fraternidad is located 21 miles north of Esteli along the road to Lizay, 22 niles away. This road, with its hiile and bushes, has been mich used by the Contras in thelr attacks arguid the city of Esteli. La Praternidad ie located in a xountainous gone of natural pastures and rugged terrain at 28ap altitude of 3,000 feet above cea level. Ite Sixenonth rainy Season makes the land suitable for coffee, caréanon, grains, and fruit, as Well as for livestock. tho settienent's origins go back to the esteblisnment in July 1983 of the "Ricardo Ranos Villarreyna" Sandinista Agricultural, Cooperative. The governnent avarded thie Sooperative the haciendas of Esparta, América, Ta Beperanza, La Bolsa, and La Praternidad, Where coftee, grains, and cattle were raised on fan area totaling 904 panzanas (1,536.8 acres) ‘The displaced who established the settienent cane from the communities of San Antonio de Linay, Jess Maria, San José de Pire, and Ia Naranjita, which, except for San Antonie de Tinay, which is near the municipal Seat of Limay, ave all near the Pire River and the municipality of Condega. Most éf these ieplaced pertons vere agricultural laborers who worked on cotton and coffee harvests in Region IT and the coffee harvest in'Reyion I, ‘These vorke¥s also farmed spall plots of poor lands with the help of their Immediate or extended fanilies. Due to their poor Living conditions, the ukkere decided to ask the government for land, Bnd they were granted some Bilis tvo miles from Where they lived. The male family nembers * Eizet decided to nove in July 1933 into the old Eanchacle plantation houses of La Fraternidad and Eeparta. During the coffes harvest of wovenber and Decenber 1383, more displaced persons cane, and the number of cooperative nembers rose to 60 zen, After the harvest, they divided up the Profits, and host neubers abandoned the Soeperative, leaving behind only 25 members. In August 1994 housing coristruction began. ‘he plan Was to build 48 housing units at La Fraternidad ‘The governsant built the foundations, frenes, and roofs. It provided training in oarpentty 0 these who haa settled at ta Praternidad so they could finish the 26 eS * interiors of their nev houses, ‘Those vho lived at Beparta continued to live in the plantation house, and did not receive ttaining or material Support. for building theiz future housing: Unite. jinen the construction ended in Dacenbor 1985, ‘only 18 of the originally planned 46 housing units were completed In February 1987, the government decided to move those residing in the plantation house at Ia Bopares to La Fraternfdka because of the Rlomile distancé betwden the two farms. However, the reasons given wete not accepted by those 1iving-at the house. There were 47 enbers, 43 men and tvo wonen--the women came fo the sattlenent to work as cooks.” Right atter the coffee harvest, in Mey 1987, the Goordinator of the cooperative's Board of Directors, who had ated as the Liaison tothe lovernnent agehcies, resigned and left the Eettlozent. Five nore desertions occurred before this study was done. In 1986 eight members left, Yeaving 20; and, due to the labor shortage, five vonen alresdy Living at the settlenent Becahe nonbeve.” Not ali the ababers had brought their wives and families. initial expectations of a better standard of Living have flagged anong the members of La Fraternidad. Nonetheless, "thé incentives to stay are Daded on the: impossibility of Inproving conditions where they previously Lived, end the hope, however scant, that production can be better developed in La Fraternidad. At present the settlement. fenporary, half-finished appearance, as ir its members were ready to leave after their short stay. coffee production has declined because the cooperative ‘nenbers only did the work of Picking the coffee beans during the harvest Eeseon, whereas the coffee trees require year-round care. ‘The number of cattle has increased, but milk prosustion declined (2 liters per Cov) due to neglect and'poor pastures. arCommendable efforts vere made in vegetable gardening, buts lack of transportation tea to Zonet loss in 1903. The folloving year, however, there vas a good crop. in stbsequent. Years thie york vas abandoned vhen the vonen ho led the project becane a menber of the Cooperative, and the other wonen involved returned to’ housework. Technical and material support arg lacking at La Fraternidad. “The population 1s not. Convinced that the lend is theirs and that they Should work it. Shere ia a lack of follow-up and commitment Social services too are lacking. There are not enough buildings for then and the, Unfinished houses at the settlenent have come to syabolize the gonerai nature of the Settlenent. The health center closed down becsuse the settlenent was too far from areas where health personnel worked. There is no children's cafeteria or day care center. A Single, teacher is in charge of ali education, and she ie only able to attend to the firet few grades and for only part of the week. Thus, Zenilies nave haa to separate as many parents had to send their children to their former village in the Pire area. ‘tho road running from the settienent to the highway is in poor condition, There 1a no electricity, general store, or sanitary Services in’the community, ‘contributing to the Serious health situation. Moreover, employment diversification hag not taken place. Developzent into a viable Community will never occur until other economic activities are fostered. The total population as of october 1987 was 157°(78 nales and 62 fenales). ‘There are 45 chilaren in the under-5 age group. There are 35 children aged 6-15 (13 boys and 22 girls), in need of a school. In July 1986 a German’ volunteer brigade want to tne gettlenent to build a echool. But, due to Lack of government cooperation and’ preparation, 28 they became discouraged and left within days. Since thia census vas taken, many of the 6-15 year olda have left the settlement to return Yo their original hones to attend school. ‘The working-age population (11-65 years) totals 76 people (40 neh, 36 women), of whom 35 are mexbers. (30 men and five wonen), with another eeven Renbers vho are on active nilitery duty. Sone laborers anong the resettled population continue to act as if La Fraternidad Mere a plantation. They carry on ad before in Their old hones, jess than a day's jéurney fron the farm, ‘There is a need for greater Untegrations many "members" only participate in the coffee harvest at La Fraterniaad, "coming £0 take advantage of the profits, the surplus," £0 quote the current President of the sattle- nent. “faprovenents in production are only part of the problem, The cooperative monbers were, averced lands, but they lacked the experience, Eraining, organization, social services, and Raterial and technical support they would have heeded to build a community, As a consequence, the cooperative nenbers digplay 1ittie Gedication or confidence in their abilities to fee tasks through to their conclusion. ‘In aun, La Fraternidad was established as a result of the willingness of its nehbers to Felocate so as to obtain land and seek new Opportunities. ‘The government avarded tho Pesidents coffee groves, and organized then into a single cooperative. cohflict resulted from the merger of several groupe with different origins into a Single group. The eottlenent also suffered fron the innabitants' lack of knowledge about coffe cultivation, and thelr unsrticulated Gesire for individbel ovnership of property. La Fraternidad continues to exist by virtue of the profits earned fron coffee production. But nany people have left or become apathetic and frustrated.