Special Report
Regulating Credit Default Derivatives
Introduction
Te ongoing global economic crisis has forced
governments and central banks around the
world to rethink the role of regulation to
prevent a crisis of this magnitude in future. The
G-20 summit in London this year probably provides
concrete evidence about the seriousness with which
nations plan to handle the current downturn
with stringent rules for the financial sector to
move forward. In particular, there seems to be a
growing consensus among, policymakers about the
role played by sophisticated financial instruments
and institutions in bringing about the downturn
and posing a systemic threat to the health of the
financial sector as a whole. The official communiqué
of the G-20 summit, not surprisingly then, calls
for greater regulation of hedge funds, tax havens,
and shadow banking systems to curb or prick any
future bubbles emanating out of the financial sector.
While bringing hedge funds and tax havens (and
other such institutions) under greater regulation
should be seen as a welcome move, the present
situation should also be viewed as an opportunity
to restructure and redesign financial markets in a
way in which innovation and the rate of innovation
in such markets pose more of an opportunity for
the real economy than being a threat, as has been
witnessed in the context of the present crisis. An
example of such a threat is the crash in the financial
sector in general, which many believe was brought
about by the rise and fall of credit derivatives (Credit
Default Swap-or CDS—type). Given this background,
this article looks at how innovation in the derivative
space has reshaped the role of banks and the role
regulation can play in preventing such crises in
the future,
74 | Commodity Vision | Volume 3 I sue 2 Sep-Oct 2008
Madhoo Pavaskar and Bhuvan Sethi
Though the whole financial sector came into
being to act as an intermediary or a conduit t0
channel money from investors to borrowers, @
peculiar characteristic of these markets, which we
ofien choose not to acknowledge, is that everyone
sees them as engines of wealth creation and nobody
likes markets to correct themselves. Investors are
increasingly seeing financial markets as a one-
way street leading to nothing but greater return
on inyestments. Regulation only plays its part
by ensuring that wealth creation is done through
Jawful means and that no player in such markets
uses inside information or unlawful means to attain
wealth at the cost of others. The buck stops here. The
whole concept of market share and outperforming
the markets has led the industry and the people who
run it to search for that magical yield (higher than
normal rate of return) by circumventing the existing,
regulatory structure. To tell the truth, the alleged
culprits (hedge funds and tax havens) actually were
Jjust mot there a few decades back, but have only
‘come up in response to certain regulatory loopholes
that allow investors to gain that extra bit of profit
The last decade or so has witnessed a similar kindof “regulatory circumvention’
n (as explained in
ch, it
in the form of credit
securitizat urse of this article),
anchecked
of banking
Securitization of Credit Default Risks
nile securitization of credit as a means to t
redit risk has been going on for long, easing credit
m now has le
edit to the sub-PLR? category of
ins in the Western economies! for little
anks to extend
than a decade
while all this was happening, nobody seemed to b
bothered about the default risk that was building
in the credit markets, Borrowers were using such
ets like housing,
loans to buy tangibl
‘conomy
boost to the real
aking credit for
were hap
B the! Competition among banks e
Bcd to undercutting each othe
to sub-prime borrowers and earning
nd more loans,
y since they were able to charge high
in disbursing loans
more profit
his is where
by extending more
securitization in handy
Generally speaking,
io of |
securitization allows banks
ns into a trust and then
ated by
bond
nand were
to transfer a portf
have that trust issue securities oF
fencies and purchased in
market. In this way, banks on the one
xtending credit to borrowers with poor cred
history, and on the other hand bundling up such
loans into complex structured products and selling
them in the market as asset backed securities (ABS)
Other financial institutions like pension fu
insurance companies, hedge funds, and invest
vity by actin
he benefit of
vehicles lend support to such an ac
as counterparties. However, with
hindsight, we can now say that banks primarily
used securitization strategy to raise funds more fo!
lending than for tra risks in the marke
Since most banks follow the Basel-I accord in
terms of minimum capital reserve requirements,
securitization allowed banks to lend more credit
without actually raising their reserve requirements.
a two-bank model
where Bank A has $900 loans outstanding and Bank
B has none. Both banks hold $1000 as deposits and
$100 as capital reserve
'o get a clear picture, consider
Special Report
Step-I: Bank A creates an ABS for $900 and
sells it to the depositor at Bank B,
a 1000/0 00
8 10/0 100 !
cumulative
‘ABS=$900
Step-Il: Bank A now has no outstanding loan
and can lend up to its limit determined by the capita
reserve. The amount gets deposited with Bank B.
Bank Capital reserve
* 100
wee 100
Cumulative
185=5900,
Step-III: Creating an ABS results in both the
banks getting back to their starting points with the
only difference being ABS worth $900, Now Bank A
can continue lending by creating ABS till the time
it is able to find buyers for its ABS and
Bank A again securitizes
and sells it to Bank B.
its portfol
Rank Deposits | lean Outstanding | Capital Reserve
A [000 [0 100
8 10/0 100
Cumulative T
/A85=51800
redit allowed banks to
Not only did
create an infinite loop of lending.
panks to play ni
ider sense it also diluted the
According to the theory of financial
n put forward by Diamond’ and
Leland and Pyle," banks primarily exist to address
information asymmetries in credit markets. While
n the one hand banks are supposed to perform the
screening function
from the bad, on the other hand they monitor
loan disbursements to curb any opportunistic
behaviour by the borrower
intermediati
On a more macro
level, the screening and monitoring functions of
banks ensure that the overall quality of borrowers
remains healthy by providing
incentives for goodSpecial Report
behaviour-something thought to be essential for
lowering individual and systemic eredit risk
However, these theoretical underpinnings were
also based on the notion that banks would like to
hold their assets (loans) till maturity and would,
thus, sereen and monitor borrowers. Subsequently,
any increase in bank lending would have to be
primarily? supported by growth in deposit base
and adjustments to capital reserve. The process of
securitization changed all this as banks could now
originate and distribute loans rather than warehouse
such risks till maturity (refer to the earlier example)
As such, this not only freed banks from screening
and monitoring borrowers, but also made perfect
business sense as banks saw securitization as an
alternative to the traditional way of funding their
lending business.
In fact, banks found It convenient and more cost
effective to securitize existing credit lines than incur
the cost of raising deposits (in terms of CRR and
SLR maintenance, operational costs, and provision
for non-performing assets among others). Plus,
the traditional way of raising money would have
also meant banks diluting their capital structure
further!”—which is both costly and subject to mindset
limitations. Overall, securitization had a threefold
impact on credit markets: first, securitization partly
worked as an alternative to the traditional deposit
taking exercise for raising funds; second, it allowed,
banks to transfer credit risks to other financial
institutions looking for risk diversification; and
third, on an aggregate level, the secondary market
for Credit Risk Transfer (CRT) also doubled up as an
indicator for prevailing credit conditions and pricing
of marginal credit.
Paradox of CDS Market
In practice however, the market failed to achieve
any of these benefits. On the matter of redistribution
of risk, the design and investment horizon of
financial institutions created a problem. Specifically,
while banks created the demand for protection
buying, the supply or protection selling came from
other non-bank intermediaries like pension funds,
insurance firms, hedge funds, and other smaller
banks, However, the investment horizon of such
intermediaries required them to either hold the asset
till maturity (like in the case of pension funds and
insurance companies) or to trade the instruments
Vision! Volume 3 Issue 21 Sep-Oct 2008
in the market (like hedge funds and mutual funds}
Also, since non-bank financial intermediaries were
primarily in the market for portfolio rebalancing and
risk diversification, none of the players was able to
perform the role of a market-maker. This proved to
be both a compulsion (to make the secondary market
more liquid) and an opportunity (Fee income from
intermediation) for banks to intermediate in the
market. Infact, a survey conducted by the European
Central Bank in May 2004! revealed just this. On
being asked about the motivation of European
banks to be involved in the market for credit risk
transfer, majority of them stated similar motivation
as given in this article. Highlights of the survey are
mentioned below
On the buy side, banks were motivated to
originate CRT instruments to play regulatory
arbitrage, improve acces to funding via collatcral
made available by securitization followed by need
to manage individual credit lines. In some countries,
securitization was driven by funding and liquidity
needs
‘On the sell sid, primary motivation for banks to
use CRT was to diversify risk and seck an alternative
profitable asset class. Some banks also viewed CRT
business to be more attractive than the orthodox
credit business as it provided higher margin income
On the intermediation front, banks were in the
market to ear fee income and broaden the services
offered to their customers. Moreover, bankers
saw the intermediation role growing in future as
corporations and governments were increasingly
looking at entering the market
Moreover, to squeeze maximum value out of
these credit derivatives, banks resorted to structuring
these derivatives into tranches and complex products,
(like collateralized debt obligations (DO) and
synthetic CDOs). In fact, at the time this surv
carried out, risk management through structured
products reached as high as 30% of the total asset
base. On an aggregate level therefore, banks with
wider and more heterogeneous customer base and
broader activity (lending, investment banking, and
asset management) experienced scale economies
in making two-way trade in this market, Credit
diversification by smaller banks was further
narrowed down by their inability to originate CRT
instruments owing to their balance sheet constraints
(like non-rated SME loans). Bigger banks also
estspitalized on their geographical advantage by
engaging in cross-country CRT instrument trading,
In effect, the CRT market progressively became
a bank-to-bank market or rather a market for big
universal banks only. Not only did this concentrate
risk in the hands of few big banks operating across
eographies, but the slicing and dicing of securitized
credit meant that banks were ultimately retaining
a part of such structured products (usually the
first equity tranche) on their balance sheet and
at the same time transferring the safer and thus
more attractive senior and super-senior tranches
to investors. This not only defeated the purpose
of risk diversification, but the structuring and
restructuring of products made it difficult for market
participants to account for the amount of aggregate
risk these banks and other institutions were holding.
Figure 1 shows the mark-to-market losses for
various financial institutions in the U.S. as in April
2008.
Figure 1. Mark-to-market losses for financial institutions
in the US. (billion $)
‘Source IMF Gabo Fnac! teity Rep, Octaber 2008
Second, the issue of credit derivatives acting
as an indicator of prevailing credit conditions also
went awry as most investors did not take positions
in the physical market (corporate bonds, etc.). In
other words, the provision of naked shorting resulted
im many viewing this segment of derivatives as an
asset class rather than as a platform for hedging
Moreover, the embedded risk in such contracts
created direct linkages with equity markets,
providing investors (mainly speculators) with the
option of using short-sell strategies, heightening
market abuse.
Finally, and most importantly, credit derivatives
also somewhat failed to convince the market of the
level of intrinsic risk that was building up during
the run up to the meltdown. Credit markets, as
early as in 2006, were showing signs of distress
with spreads in inter-bank funding going up, rising
defaults in U.S sub-prime, etc., yet the CDS spread’
was at a historically low level. While a part of this
risk ignorance can be attributed to the irrational
exuberance guiding the financial markets during
much of 2006-early 2007, the almost sudden
vertical jump in the CDS spread post-April 2007,
and especially the inverse relationship between the
composite time series of selected financial firms’
CDS" spread and the market capitalization index
Of selected banks" (Figure 2) was actually an early
warning for the Federal Reserve Authority (Fed)
to act. Had the Fed acted then to reduce interest
rates swiftly, the crash in the financial market
could have possibly been avoided. After all, almost
300% increase in the CDS spread between April
and August 2007 was significant enough to raise
an alarm on the growing risks in the CDS market
Unfortunately, for want of data perhaps, the Fed
appears to have ignored the distress signal. Quick
action was then needed to bolster up the banks with
appropriate bailouts and cheap supply of credit to
curb them from needlessly securitizing their sub-
prime assets, besides resorting to strict monitoring
and regulatory actions on them by the Fed. Be that
is it may, it appears from Figure 2" that it should
not be difficult for the authorities to gather fitting
data to devise an analytical mechanism that can
ring the alarm bell
Figure 2. Composite time series of select financial firms’
(CDS and share prices
Source: Turner Review:A Regulatory Response to Globo Franco Criss
Commodity Vision | Volume 3 sue 2| Sep-Oct 2009
Special ReportSpecial Report
Regulatory Recommendations
Credit securitization can perhaps easily pass off as
orld of tinance
as it provided an answer to the longstanding issue
of liquidity mismatch for banks and other financial
institutions. Yet, as with many other financial
instruments, most banks and financial institutions
have somehow cared little for their utility to meet
the unavoidable short-term exigencies and, instead,
used these instruments as a means to gain wealth
by creating greater risks and hazards. It is for sure
that banks used securitization primarily to raise
funds for lending to uncreditworthy borrowers on
sub-prime assets, without caring really about the
risk transfer aspect of CDS. In effect, the means
to transfer risk actually turned into a means to
accumulate further risks for not only the bank
creating such means in the first instance, but also
for the entire financial sector as well. Hence, such
innovation in the financial sector poses some tough
ators. Should securitization
one of the great innovations in the
questions for the r
be banned altogether, or should such instruments
be regulated severely?
Expectedly, a wide spectrum of views and
counterviews are doing the rounds, with some
going as far as to suggest an absolute ban on credit
derivatives, while others advise product regulation
However, any regulatory response to financial
market crises cannot be a single-point solution and
has to be a bouquet of solutions. Therefore, on the
regulatory front, regulators should not just focus
on how the markets need to function efficiently.
but also on how much wealth can be created by
lhe mathels on a sustainable basis. In other words,
regulators should also focus on how much leverage
generated by credit derivatives is too much. True
this is not an easy task. Yet, as stated earlier in the
article, the authorities should devise an analytical
tool that optimizes the CDS spread in relation to
the share prices of the CDS creating agencies or
institutions. This does not seem to be an impossible
task
Second—and probably another important thing
this meltdown has taught us—over-the-counter (OTC)
derivatives need solid disclosure norms. Contrary to
popular beliefs, it was not securitization alone that
brought down the markets, but opaque pricing of
structured products and lack of data on market deals
also helped markets on their way down, Moving
72 | Commodity Vision | Volume 3 Issue 2 Sep-Oct 2008
the OTC derivative to exchange traded derivatives
is one option, but it needs to be debated whether
product standardization would work for ot against
the industry. Nevertheless, moving OTC derivatives
to exchanges would bring four benefits to the table:
systemic risk, pricing transparency and counterparty
risk, authority to limit market abuse (naked shorts)
id investor protection. Again, it is
not as simple as it seems to standardize the OTC
credit derivative products. For one thin
the OTC products are customized and tailor-made
meet the market requirements, On the other hand, i
s difficult for the institutions creating such products
(0 submit themselves to clearing and mark-to-market
regulations voluntarily. Any attempt to enforce such
market regulations will simply drive such trade
underground, worsening the scenario further,
On the industry front, banks and other
institutions have burnt their fingers and can, no
doubt, be expected to learn from their past and
avoid such mistakes in the future. Yet, as the
history of business cycles has time and again shown,
lessons of histo as fast as they are
learnt. Small wonder, history repeats itself. Markets
undoubtedly create wealth most of the time. The
estructive power of the market~it rarely lashes out.
re forgot
though-is also quite fierce, however. Therefore, just
as flood control measures are necessary to harness
the benefits of river water, market regulation is
required to secure the market gains.
As the current crisis has shown, markets cannot
be relied upon to correct themselves. The authorities
should have adequate discretionary powers to
scrutinize the asset portfolio of banks as and when
they think desirable. Vesting such powers with the
authorities will more often than not prove to be
an adequate threat to the banks to avoid assuming
financial risks disproportionate to their capital
and normal liquidity norms in terms of cash
treasury securities
Incider
cchits, and even AAA ratings, to the securities ade
in the CDS market are as much responsible for the
global financial meltdown as the banks and othe
institutions that created such securities. Clearly,
ly. the rating agencies that gave clean
rating agencies are now under cloud in the sa
way as accounting and audit firms were after the
Enron crisis. It follows that the rating agencies need
to be regulated, too, by making them accountableSpecial Report
s with penal provisions for fraudulent critically the need for prescribing sound norms fi
for their ratin
Jigent actions on their part. Such regulatory di
n ferent types of assets in the portfolios of banks,
provisions would go a long way in ensuring better relative to both their equity capital and liquidity
Serutiny of rated securities, a also result in a much in terms of their cash reserves and investments in
more resilient derivatives marke certain designated liquid securities.
Yet, another regulatory step essential to aver
the CDS trap, in which banks and others found Conclusion
themselves, is for the Fed and other central banks of Nevertheless, when all's said and done, there is n
the world to raise considerably the capital adequacy _gainsaying that the regulatory recommendations
norms prescribed even under Basel Il, which have proposed in this article are in the nature of a
urned out to be inadequate in the wake of the priori suggestions that call for close and careful
collapse of major financial institutions in the U.S. ¢xamination by the authorities and other financial
and elsewhere, experts to assess their implications on the growth
This is not all. The Fed and other similar of banks in general, and the financial sector in
uuthorities the world over should also consider particular
\dhoo.pavaskar@taerindia.com, bhuvan.sethi@taerindia.com
Nor
part from expansio ste monetary expansion in the U.S, global popularity of U.S treasury bis and the status
Ch as the reserve currency helped create excessive liquidity in the US financial system, further incentivizing
Ass lea
Refers to people with poor credit history or repayment capacity
4. Adapted i let, “The Infinite Loan Machine: An Examination of the Effect of Loan Securitization on the Fractional
atory arbitrage refers to a regulated institution taking advantage of the difference between its real economic risks
and the rel sition. (Wikipedia)
D. Diamond, “Financial Intermediation and Delegated Monitorin nomic Studies, Vo. 51, 1984, pp. 393-414.
8 HE Leland and Dl. Pyle, “Informational Asymmetries, Financial Structure and Financial Intermediation,” Journal
ising money include inter-bank borrowing and Issuance of debt. However, commercial hanks ma
apital structure refers to how a corporation raises funds to finance its assets, Capital structure typically comprises a mix
feb, equite ne hybrid securities,
1. “The Influence of Credit Derivative and Structured Credit Markets on Financial Stability,” Global Financial Stability Report
IME 20
edit Risk Transfer by EU Banks: Activites, Risk and Risk Management” A Survey of EU Banks, ECB, 2004
3. The spread on CDS is the annual amount a protection buyer must pay the protection seller over the length of the contract,
4. cos ep contract where the buyer pays a periodical fee to the protec and receives a pay-off in the €
ne underlying fim. experiences a default, a restructuring, or even a rating downgrad
15, Firms include Ambac, Aviva, Banco Santander, Barclays, Berkshire Hathaway, Bradford& Bingley, Citigroup, Deutsche
an Stanley, National Australia Bank, Royal Bank of Scotlan
Bank, Forts, HBOS, Lehman Brothers, Merrill Lynch, M
Turner Review: A Regulatory Response to the Global Financial Crises” FSA, March 2009,