Professional Documents
Culture Documents
FA in Latin America
FA in Latin America
Received 10 November 1999; received in revised form 22 November 1999; accepted 22 November 1999
Abstract
Forensic anthropology has been one of the fastest growing medicolegal disciplines both in its
contribution to the practical needs of the legal system and research accomplishments. New
anthropological standards were developed to apply to a specific population of a region. The
purpose of this paper is to analyze a large sample of anthropological forensic cases and to review
pertinent literature that deals with anthropological standards developed for the population of the
continent of Central and South America. Using Uruguay as an example, there was not a single
office or anthropologist assigned to analyze human skeletal remains in Uruguay. In 1991 the
Forense at the Morgue Judicial of Montevideo was created. A total of
Laboratorio de Antropologa
189 forensic anthropological cases (276 individuals) were analyzed since this date. Twenty six
percent of cases involving human remains were positively identified. The majority came from the
Departamento de Montevideo, the largest population district of the country. Most of the cases fell
into the 60 to 69 years old age range (35%). Females represented 32% of the total. Since the
establishment of the laboratory, the number of forensic cases increased considerably from 20 in
1991 to 40 in 1997. The case studies were accompanied with skull-photo superimposition and
facial reconstruction when no other evidence for positive identification was available. This service
provided by the laboratory was quickly known to coroners, law enforcement agencies, and other
legal authorities and thus utilized not only in Uruguay but also in several other countries in the
continent. Because of the obvious need for an anthropologist, there are now university programs to
provide forensic anthropological education. Yet, research has lagged behind considerably.
Deficiencies are obvious in basic osteological standards of estimating age, calculating stature,
determining sex and assessing race that can be applied to populations of the continent. Regional
standards are also needed to estimate postmortem interval, to identify culture specific causes of
trauma and other forensic phenomena. Some of these can be remedied if there is a database where
16
the available literature is stored and osteometric information is shared. 2000 Elsevier Science
Ireland Ltd. All rights reserved.
Keywords: Forensic sciences; Forensic anthropology laboratory; Human identification; Uruguay; South
America; Central America; Forensic cases studies
1. Introduction
Forensic anthropology has been one of the fastest growing disciplines of forensic
sciences and its scope has been recently described [1,2]. Its growth in the US has been
attributed to scholars such as Wilton M. Krogman and J. Lawrence Angel [3,4]. T. Dale
Stewart [5] carried out much of the pioneering research and Krogman defined the field
[6]. Importance of research and practical needs has also been appreciated globally by
other forensic anthropologists [7,8]. Growth of the field has been chronicled for many
countries, including China, Hong Kong; Hungary, Japan, South Africa, Turkey, and the
US [5,915].
Such regional development has been extremely important especially for those cases
where population variation may have created serious problems in identifying a native
individual with standards developed for other, distant populations. In the continent of
Central and South America (Latin America, collectively), the progress in forensic
anthropology and archaeology has been described in several brief reviews [1623].
Perhaps the most comprehensive and the only book on this subject has been written by
Rodriguez [24]. This book defines the scope of the discipline and shows that the field is
new in research in the continent.
In the practical application of forensic anthropology, not many case studies have
appeared in the literature [25,26]. In Uruguay, the medicolegal examination of human
17
2. Cases studies
One way to judge the contribution of a field is to quantify its practical application.
Before 1991 forensic anthropological studies were not given serious consideration in
Uruguay. When human remains were discovered they were analyzed by coroners with
little training in anthropology. Most examinations were limited to the determination of
sex and possible cause of death. Generally these remains could not be positively
identified and thus buried as unknown. As a solution to this problem, the Laboratorio de
Forense was created at the Morgue Judicial of Montevideo City in 1991.
Antropologa
Since its establishment as a section of the Morgue Judicial, the number of anthropological cases analyzed have increased from 20 in 1991 to 40 in 1997 (Table 1). A total of
189 forensic anthropology cases totaling 276 individuals have been analyzed during the
period from 1991 to 1997. This number excluded 9 fetal remains. The remains came
from 10 judicial departments including Montevideo. All reports were examined to
estimate age at death, determine sex, geographic location of the recovery site and stage
of decomposition (i.e. decomposed, skeletonized and burned), as well as, whether or not
a positive identification was made. Of the 189 cases, not surprisingly, the majority (60%
or 114 individuals) originated from the Departamento of Montevideo (largest district of
the 19 departments), concentrating 48% (1.6 million) of Uruguays total population
(Table 1) [28]. In other Departamentos, the total number of anthropological cases also
increased considerably. Of all cases, 13 (7%) involved domestic and wild animal
skeletal remains belonging to dogs, cats, cows, pigs and deer (Table 1). This percentage
Table 1
Distribution of forensic anthropological cases in Uruguay by its preservation, location and positive
identification rate in Uruguay
Cases
1991
N
Skeletonized
Burned
Decomposed
Fresh
Non-human
12
2
5
0
1
1992
%
60
10
25
0
5
N
8
4
0
1
1
1993
%
57
29
0
7
7
N
16
2
7
0
2
1994
%
59
7
26
0
7
N
16
1
2
1
2
1995
%
73
5
9
5
9
N
18
0
2
0
0
1996
%
90
0
10
0
0
N
24
4
11
4
3
1997
%
52
9
24
9
7
N
28
1
5
2
4
Total
%
70
3
13
5
10
N
122
14
32
8
13
%
65
7
17
4
7
Total human
19
95
13
93
25
93
20
91
20
100
43
93
36
90
176
93
Total cases
20
100
14
100
27
100
22
100
20
100
46
100
40
100
189
100
Montevideo
Other depts
13
7
65
35
9
5
64
36
18
9
67
33
13
9
59
41
10
10
50
50
28
18
61
39
23
17
58
43
114
75
60
40
Total cases
20
100
14
100
27
100
22
100
20
100
46
100
40
100
189
100
Positive ID
26
31
16
15
35
12
28
11
31
46
26
Location of cases
18
was less than those reported in the State of Tennessee of USA [29,30]. Most of the
human remains were found in woods, fields, parks, along rivers and lakes by the police
or civilians. There were others recovered from locations like burned cars, septic tanks,
highways, construction sites and abandoned houses. The percentage of skeletal,
decomposed, fresh and burned remains per year is shown in Table 1. Of the human
remains (N5176), 122 or 67% were skeletonized cases. Only a very few (8 cases or 4%)
of the remains without advanced decomposition were brought to the attention of the
resident forensic anthropologist.
The age and sex distributions are presented in Table 2. Decade peak was between 60
and 69 years old representing 97 individuals or 35% of all cases. A similar percentage
was also given for the Uruguays demographic composition [28]. Although historically
many physical anthropologists have taken a very cautious view of the accuracy of age
determination using cranial suture closure pattern (e.g., [3135], it must be noted that
Solla [36] obtained very good results to estimate age using his own method on the
ectocranial suture closure supplemented by other techniques described and developed on
ribs, pubic symphysis, and auricular surface together [3741]. Although females make
up approximately half of Uruguays population, they are fewer (34%) in the forensic
sample (Table 2). As anticipated, males have always outnumbered females. This number
was twofold or more in later years. Unfortunately, there is not any national crime
statistics to compare the sex ratio of the victims.
None of the 176 cases involving human remains were known before they were
brought to the Morgue Judicial. Percentage of cases in which positive identifications
Table 2
Age and sex distribution of individuals in Uruguay
Age interval
1991
09
1019
2029
3039
4049
5059
6069
7079
8089
2
0
0
2
2
9
11
6
7
Total
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
Total
1
0
0
2
3
4
2
3
0
0
0
1
3
7
11
17
12
1
3
0
0
3
3
1
12
8
5
0
0
0
1
1
7
13
7
4
1
2
1
0
8
6
24
15
2
2
0
1
2
7
11
18
2
0
9
2
3
13
31
49
97
53
19
3
1
1
5
11
18
35
19
7
39
15
52
35
33
59
43
276
100
Male
%
Female
%
23
59
16
41
9
60
6
40
36
69
16
31
24
69
11
31
18
55
15
45
48
81
11
19
31
72
12
28
189
68
87
32
Total
39
15
52
35
33
59
43
276
100
Sex
19
were made is shown in Table 1. Positive identification was made in 26% (N546) during
these seven year duration. This figure is comparable to those provided by others [29,30].
Facial image analysis has been of interest for forensic anthropologists for some time
[6,42]. Reconstruction of the face from the skull and electronic superimposition of a
photograph on a skull have been attempted frequently, especially in Uruguay. Reconstruction was followed according to the method recommended by Krogman and ~Iscan
[6]. Tissue thicknesses were used from both European and American studies [6,43,44].
Identification was made for 3 out of 5 reconstructions from 1991 to 1995. Fig. 1 shows a
reconstruction case which lead to the identification of an 80-year-old victim. While this
reconstruction shows a good resemblance, problem areas include estimation of the
mouth width and lip thickness among others. Of course hair and eye color and form
remain still a guesstimate unless there is knowledge about whether the person is of a
northern or southern European, or black descent.
Skull-photo superimposition has been employed in a number of well known cases
such as the identification of Joseph Mengele [45] and its principles are described in the
literature [42,46]. In Latin America, the same technique has been used to identify
remains or to corroborate with other evidence. In Uruguay alone 30 cases have been
analyzed, 16 of which were positively identified in the last 7 years. The many technical
difficulties that forensic scientists [47] of the early 20th century faced are no longer a
major problem. In Uruguayan cases, the basic apparatus consists of a video camera,
video recorder, high resolution monitor, digital video mixer, character generator, tripod
for video camera and photo stand. Photographs can also be obtained by digital video
capture using commercially available graphic software. The whole procedure should not
take more than an hour. Fig. 1 also shows an example of a sequence of superimposition
process of a skull on a picture made by the senior author.
One of the aims of forensic casework is to establish positive identification of the
victim. The rate of identification mentioned above depends on a number of problems in
Uruguay. First, law enforcement agencies may not be knowledgeable about which data
are relevant to obtain a positive identification from skeletal remains. Second, positive
identification may be very difficult when no missing people are reported to the police.
Factors of individualization is the process whereby a set of unique skeletal characteristics is matched with those of a missing person [6]. Therefore, a positive identification
could not be established when there is no comparative individual. Third, as in many less
affluent countries dental and health records are rarely kept for a long period of time.
Dental records are particularly difficult to obtain in Uruguay as well as many other
countries in Latin America. Dental health is poor and minimally maintained for the
majority of the people because of its extreme expense. To this one can add that very few
dentists maintain odontological records of their patients.
One of the recent advocations in forensic anthropology is the crime scene investigation and recovery of remains. A well organized anthropological (archaeological)
technique is extremely important in this regard [6,4851]. An understanding of local
domestic and wild animals and their effects on human remains may provide important
clues about death and provides an opportunity to reconstruct the sequence of events
surrounding (perimortem) and following (postmortem) death [52]. Unfortunately these
techniques are rarely used in Uruguay.
20
Fig. 1. Top row: An example of facial reconstruction of a black female. It is the actual photograph of the
victim who was identified from the reconstruction. The victim was 80 years old at the time of death. Middle
and lower rows: An example of electronic superimposition used in establishing identification.
21
3. Research
The forensic anthropological contribution to the medicolegal system has increased
considerably in the last 78 years, at least, in Uruguay. The number of cases identified
increased to a level obtained in some other more technologically advanced countries.
There remains some concerns that must be addressed by anthropologists of the continent.
They mainly stem from the fact that research standards used in many of the
anthropological cases are based on other populations. As has been shown in anthropological literature for the last century or so, the human species is highly varied and
this variation effects identification. Human skeletal variation has not been properly
assessed for the population of this large region. Also, not known is whether osteological
standards developed for other populations can be applied to the skeletal remains of the
region. The survey of the literature shows deficiencies in basic osteological standards
including race, sex, age, and body size. To this can be added others such as the
assessment of antemortem and postmortem trauma, bone pathology, and antemortem
health signs. Finally, it is also difficult to know what has been published not only for
someone outside the continent but also the native scientist. Recent organizations and
de la Sociedad Espanola
Biologica
Asociacion
and Maguare are useful. Yet
the distribution of them is limited and they are difficult to find outside of that country.
Population mixture among American Indians, Europeans and Africans has been going
on for sometime in Latin America [5356]. In general it has been proposed that the
1930 [61]. This mass migration changed the initial racial mixture from a configuracion
historico
cultural of pueblo Nuevo to that of pueblo Transplantado [53]. Today,
22
are also different from others in their skeletal biological characteristics. There have
however been attempts in this area. Toribio [63] investigated dental size differences in
Cuban whites and blacks. Henke [64] analyzed craniometric race differences among
various populations including Peruvians.
[65,66] provides an excellent
Studies on sex differences are better known. Genoves
assessment of metric and morphological variation in the pelvis among Mexicans. His
accuracy was as high as 95% when metric dimensions were analyzed around the sciatic
notch, acetabulum and pubis as well as the notch shape and pubic crest. The scapula was
also analyzed using 11 dimensions and exhibited considerable sex difference [67]. A
study on sexual difference in Argentineans was assessed using the foramen magnum
breadth and length [68]. While it is not the most dimorphic part of the skull, the author
designed the project so that a medical examiner can make a preliminary judgement. As
the use of discriminant function analysis became more common in anthropology, its
application to skeletal remains was also carried out. Based on 25 dimensions, a sample
of Cuban European tali and calcanea provided a sex determination accuracy of 96%
when several dimensions from the two bones were combined [69]. Accuracy dropped
minimally to 92% when the bones are used individually. Morales and associates [70]
also attempted anthropometric sex differences in Colombians. Metric and morphological
aspects of sex differences in the skull have not been investigated in Latin America. It
also is not known if North American osteological standards can be applied to South
Americans. However it was shown in a study, South African whites and blacks differ
sexually from North Americans in their cranial dimensions [71]. Fig. 2 shows male and
female (facial and profile views) skulls. While the specimens are of forensic origin and
not selected to show any specific sexual dimorphism, differences between them are
clearly observable.
Estimation of stature is one of the few areas attempted by the Latin American
anthropologists. The pioneering work was on a mixed sample of Mexico [72,73] and
reprinted by Krogman and ~Iscan with the errata corrected [6]. This cadaver based study
used a sample of 176 males and 59 females of mixed origin [73]. Stature estimation is
one of the most difficult aspects of forensic anthropology because there are not many
skeletal collections with documented body height and other demographic information.
Techniques to estimate age from teeth and skeletons have been known for some time
[74]. However, population specific standards are few for Latin Americans. Dental
eruption age is well known around the world. Both deciduous and permanent dentition
have been reported for the children of, for example, Argentina, Brazil, Cuba, Peru
[7578]. Fig. 3 shows two forensic cases of 3 year and 5 year children from Uruguay.
Dental wear pattern (occlusal and interproximal attrition, dentine exposure, development
of helicoidal plane, crown height) was analyzed for a native population of Paraguay
[79]. Cranial suture closure which is one of the oldest techniques was carried out by a
number of researchers [32,33] and tested on forensic cases [36]. Cattaneo [32] was a
pioneer using the suture closure to estimate age from an Argentinean sample (N5100)
and gave the early indicator that it is only a rough estimator of age. A similar study was
carried out on Mexicans (N547 indigenas; 53 Mestizos). Both studies reached the
conclusion that the sutures do not show closure pattern that can give a precise age
estimation. The same conclusion was also reached by many later studies. In Uruguay,
23
Fig. 2. Full and profile views of Uruguayan male (left column) and female (right column) skulls. Male skulls
are from different individuals and females of the same individual.
Solla [36] studied 25 male and 11 female adult skulls to develop a new approach to
estimate age from the ectocranial suture closure pattern. Using the traditional 0 (open) to
5 (closed) scale, obliteration is ranked for coronal (3 parts, 2 sides), sagittal (4 parts),
lambdoid (3 parts, 2 sides), squamosal (1 part, 2 sides), and sphenooccipital
synchondrosis (1 part) which total to a maximum score of 95. Pearsons correlation
coefficient of 0.80 indicated there was a statistically significant relationship between the
suture closure pattern and age. A regression equation, Y 5 0.950468X 2 2.63467 is
developed where X refers to the total score which ranged from 25 to 95 in the sample.
He found no racial and sexual differences in the timing of closure. Using the
osteological collection of the Medicolegal Institute of Havana, Cuban investigators used
the medullary canal of 45 male and 49 female humeri [41]. They made a sagittal section
on the upper third of the bone to determine how much the medullary cavity was
advancing into the epiphyseal region. They found a high correlation (r50.78) with age.
A test of the medullary canal expansion and cranial suture closure time on Uruguay
24
Fig. 3. Top row: Maxillary dentition of a 3-year-old girl (left) and the skeleton of a 5-year-old boy (right).
Bottom left: A mummified head from a beach in the Rocha Departamento (Uruguay). Remains were
discovered 13 months after the disappearance of the victim. The victim disappeared in November (i.e. Spring)
and was found in December (Summer) of the following year. The victim was later identified by both the
skull-photo overlay and dental chart. The slowness of decomposition was due to the fact that the remains were
in a coffin. Bottom right: Fracture of the transverse process of the axis due to hanging.
cases seemed to prove a reliable estimate. Their estimation accuracy also parallels those
findings on Americans and Europeans [80].
Other more specialized studies may provide information about particular cases. These
include, for example, DNA from bony and desiccated soft tissues [81,82], sinus pattern
[83], and time since death [84,85]. Reports by Equipo Argentino de Antropologa
Forense also share experiences of dealing with the victims of an Argentinean dictatorial
regime [23]. Estimation of time since death is a highly complex matter and requires not
only technical development but also an understanding of the climate and terrain [86].
Latin America is particularly unique because a substantial part of its location is in a
primarily tropical environment. Fig. 3 exemplifies a case where facial skin is completely
25
mummified in 13 months. Yet other tissues remained more intact probably because the
remains were in a coffin even though the victim disappeared in November (Spring) and
was found in December (Summer) of the following year. This can be considered a slow
decomposition process even though a full year passed since death. If, however, other
factors such as scavenging animals were around, the remains could have been both
destroyed and thus quickly decomposed [52]. Another important aspect of forensic
research is determination of trauma and its cause. There are numerous studies dealing
with antemortem skeletal problems, cause of death and cultural factors [8789]. Fig. 3
also shows a fracture of the axis of a victim as a result of hanging.
Many internationally known case studies have involved events and persons of Latin
America. These include mass suicide in Jonestown, Guyana [90], identification of Joseph
Mengele [45,81,9194], and Francisco Pizarro of the 16th century [95]. Personal
identification of human remains who were victimized by human rights abuse are among
the most recognized service anthropologists have provided [9698]. The teams purpose
was to identify and determine the cause of death of individuals who were thought to
have been killed during the dictatorial regime in 19761983 [9698]. They utilized,
basically, the DNA fingerprints and dental records for identification. Although few, other
case studies covered local events. Basauri [25] identified burned remains of a young
female who was found in a corn field near Lima, Peru. He used the classic method of
photographic superimposition [47] together with dental records to identify the remains.
The skeletal remains of 14 victims in Ecuador [26] and of 70 females (1225 years)
murdered by serial murderer Camargo Barbosa in the cities of Quito and Guayaquil were
among the major concerns of the local community. The classic photographic superimposition together with the available dental records played an important role in the
identification of these cases.
As in many countries, pathologists obtain their basic osteological education in a
medical school or during their residency. Training and practice of forensic anthropology
have taken a different direction in recent years. For example, in many countries, forensic
anthropology is an integral part of the medical education and specialization. Therefore, it
grew within the framework of medical sciences, including anatomy [13,15,99]. In others,
it is through the field of anthropology [1]. Education in forensic anthropology has not
been formalized in Uruguay and in this regard it is similar to the US where only one or
two schools provide a graduate degree in this field. In Uruguay, for example, it is
basically a university degree in anthropology and followed by an M.A. specializing in
physical anthropology. It is at this stage that a student may choose forensic anthropology
as his / her specialty. Certainly increased specialization in osteology would open up new
research ideas and population specific techniques that can be applied to the skeletal
population of the region.
In Central and South America, the practice of forensic anthropology is still mostly in
the hands of pathologists. The exception is the foundation of Equipo Argentino de
Forense (EAAF) which grew out of anthropological fields. In a review of
Antropologa
biological anthropology in Colombia and Latin America, one can see that the forensic
branch is in its infancy [100]. Yet Colombian anthropologists have also been showing
considerable research activities in getting forensic anthropology to be an integral part of
the medical examining system [101,102].
26
4. Discussion
Forensic anthropology has become an integral part of the medicolegal disciplines
and its investigative branch all around the world. Some of its scientific contribution to
identify human remains and solve crime have been written up in the literature by many
scientists. It has been shown that participation of a trained forensic anthropologist can
contribute considerably to the speedy identification of unknown cases and resolution of
the crime. Forensic anthropological activity in Latin America is not well known and
limited to several studies. This paper shows that using Uruguay as an example, the
number of cases that have received expert evaluation have risen annually more than
twice in the last seven years. This is probably because of the establishment of a forensic
anthropology laboratory in the medical examiners complex. Without a doubt, this
increase in case studies can be attributed to the familiarity of the service this new field
can offer to law enforcement agencies and coroners. The location of the laboratory at the
Morgue Judicial of Montevideo gave an opportunity to medicolegal offices to have an
easy access to this service. The rate of positive identification has also improved
considerably and comparable to other statistics in the US, probably because the crime
scenes as well as records obtained from the field are better detailed for comparative
purpose.
While it is not an easy task to investigate thoroughly the literature of the entire region,
forensic anthropological research is rare in Central and South America. Much of the
research has been carried out in the last decade or so. While there are several papers on
the scope of anthropology, many of these use the old literature [103]. The turn of the
century French research has still considerable influence at least on Uruguayan forensic
scientists. Some pathologists use, for example, Rollets 1888 stature formula [104].
Nevertheless research in forensic anthropology is growing rapidly in almost all the
countries and its scope is well known to many medical examiners as well. Yet
osteological standards that can be applied to the diverse people of the region are very
few in number. So far, research standards based on North American and European
populations are being tested on the forensic cases of Latin America [23].
Another matter that complicates the issue is the difficulty of finding forensic scientific
journals and publications. It is understandable that it is an economic hardship to maintain
unsubsidized journals or to publish books. Many research papers are not widely
distributed and if so there is nothing more than the proceedings of a meeting or a
monograph of a university. There is an urgent need for a clearing house or an electronic
center to search and locate literature. Electronic resources in forensic sciences can be
seen on many web sites (e.g., http: / / www.up.ac.za / academic / medicine / resources /
forensics.htm; http: / / zeno.simplenet.com / forensic.html http: / / haven.ios.com / |nyrc /
homepage.html) and described in several papers [105,106].
Cooperation with other scientists is also essential. Anthropologists should attend
forensic meetings to present their research findings and organize workshops for
pathologists, dentists and even for law enforcement agents. Such a relationship increases
not only the research potential but also case studies. The inclusion of an anthropologist
in the medicolegal investigation team can provide an expert opinion about skeletonized
and burned remains. It is highly urgent that standards for Latin American populations
27
should be developed collectively so that the analysis of human remains can be more
reliable.
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