WORK: ONE TERM DIFFERENT MEANINGS

The term work has two meanings:

1. Indicates the activity itself, the tasks that we carry out in order to survive. This
mode can be described as substantial, it connects with the meaning of which we
do regardless of the formal framework in which it is included (contract,
registration, permission to exercise the activity)
2. is a product of the industrial revolution and complicated variables and
parameters of cultural, historical and social.
In scientific language and common work means doing a systematic and
specialized that has as its counterpart an income rather than the immediate
satisfaction of a need. Work understood as occupation is independent of the
substantive content of the activity and is defined by the formal framework in
which it appears.
Marx, referring to the workers speak of abstract labor. The work is made abstract
from granting wage that breaks the direct link between the activities of the sense
of their own needs. You work to earn money with which to satisfy their needs and
the content of the activity has no direct relevance to the modes of life of the
worker abstract.
MERCIFICAZIONE EXPERTISE AND WORK ABSTRACT
MERCIFICAZIONE: is a process that separates the worker's control and direct the
use of the product, which becomes part of a collective work and something that
is mixed on the market goods and not consumed directly from the producer.Are
two aspects of the process of industrialization:
1. the increase of labor productivity
2. The subordination of workers
released /liberty from the craft skills and control of the product and the
means of production, to be subjected to the discipline of the organization of work
in factories
The abstract work in the view of Robert Castel (2007) is wage system, that
have a set of rules, a employment contract for an indefinite period, that
characterizes the whole social system.
Marx: the two examples of the process of liberation:
1. the enclosures in England: the violent abolition of the right to cultivate plots of
land for the food consumption of the villagers forced many farmers to seek their
fortune in the city.
2. colonization is more violent.
DIVISION OF SOCIAL WORK
For Durckheim the social division of labor is specialization: industrial
development and technological encourages an increasing diversification of
working capacity of individuals,.si develop social ties that connect workers within
organizations that promote specialization, corporations, because professional
qualifications and defend the interests of its members by promoting their
participation in civic life.
Marx focuses on a different feature of the spread of abstract labor: the
subordination. What Durckheim called division of labor for him it is the technical
division of work, the integration of specialized tasks within complex organizations
of production.
Social division of labor for Marx is the gap between the workers and those who
control the production process. For Marx subordination lack of control over the
product on the production process are the necessary elements of exploitation,
the removal of surplus value.
ABSTRACT WORK AS A SOURCE OF SOCIAL IDENTITY

The division of labor is a process that produces individual identity in a social

conformation surprising. The identity of workers abstract is the fact of feeling like
their colleagues interests habits, vocational training and social origin, both in the
version of Durckheim and in that of Marx.
Durckheim insists on the development of institutions of socialization and social
control, interventionist state in the economy and professional associations,
enabling the spread of forms of organic solidarity conflict and uncertainty about
social rules, anomie, and economic growth may lead to turbulent and
discontinuous .
Adam Smith's theory on the division of labor
Adam Smith saw the division of labor as a positive source of growing
productiveness of industrial capitalist markets. In An Inquiry into the Nature and
Causes of the Wealth of Nations Smith ties the division of labor and the
differentiation of skills with increased productivity. Smith gives the example of a
pin, when a single worker capable of producing a lesser number of pins per day
on his own compared with a much greater number of a single task which is a part
of the process when taken apart to different components.
Karl Marx's theory on the division of labor
Karl Marx agrees with Adam Smith on the notion that the division of labor is a
central part of capitalism, but he disagrees on how favorable this process is in
social terms. Marx argues that the division of labor brings about alienation, with
the worker no longer feeling associated with the product of his own labor. In
addition, Marx held that the result of the growing division of labor is the workers
become less skilled, being able the perform only specific tasks which do not
amount to a whole products, thus making them less autonomous and more
dependent on their employer who gains leverage. On this ground Marx ties the
division of labor with social mechanism of control. For more see our summary
on Marx's Perception of History in The German Ideology: praxis, property and the
division of labor.
Emile Durkheim's theory on the division of labor.
In accordance with Smith, Durkheim also views the division of labor as
characteristic of industrial capitalist societies. Durkheim even saw the division of
labor as a natural law that also governs other organisms. But like Marx, Durkheim
pointed out, in his book Division of Labor in Society, to the negative aspect of the
process which turns people more interdependent yet increasingly different from
each other, resulting in a disability to share their view of the world and form
ontological solidarity.
Karl Marx
Karl Heinrich Marx was born on 5 May 1818 in Trier in western German, the son of
a successful Jewish lawyer. Marx studied law in Bonn and Berlin, but was also
introduced to the ideas of Hegel and Feuerbach. With Friedrich Engels 'The
Communist Manifesto' which was published in 1848 and asserted that all human
history had been based on class struggles, but that these would ultimately
disappear with the victory of the proletariat. The Communist Manifesto reflects an
attempt to explain the goals of Communism, as well as the theory underlying this
movement. It argues that class struggles, or the exploitation of one class by
another, are the motivating force behind all historical development. In Marxist
theory, human society consists of two parts: the base (or substructure)
and superstructure; the base comprises the forces and relations of
productionemployeremployee work conditions, the technical division of

labour, and property relationsinto which people enter to produce the

necessities and amenities of life. These relations determine societys other
relationships and ideas, which are described as its superstructure. The
superstructure of a society includes its culture,institutions, political power
structures, roles, rituals, and state. The base determines (conditions) the
superstructure, yet their relation is not strictly causal, because the superstructure
often influences the base; the influence of the base, however, predominates.
In Orthodox Marxism, the base determines the superstructure in a one-way
relationship. They argued that the "bourgeoisie," the minority in power, created
class conflict by exploiting the labor power of the "proletariat," the workers who
made the system of production run by selling their labor to the ruling class. By
charging far more for the goods produced than they paid the proletariats for their
labor, the owners of the means of production earned profit. This arrangement
was the basis of the capitalist economy at the time that Marx and Engels
wrote, and it remains the basis of it today. Because wealth and power are
unevenly distributed between these two classes, Marx and Engels argued that
society is in a perpetual state of conflict, wherein the ruling class work to
maintain the upper-hand over the majority working class, in order to retain
their wealth, power, and overall advantage. In capitalism the money

represent the value of all things, men and relationships with others: it
shows the "Reality" of social relations.
Material conditions of life of individuals: reproduction of material life and the
species: cooperation, division of labor, capital is a social relation: the exchange
hides relations between individuals, or rather between social classes.
The capital is a force that tends to be a world war: thesingle is more subdued and
isolated, but the conditions are created for the its relations with the rest of the
world. Capital is not a thing but a social relation among people, mediated by
things.
Inviduals and the society-how society produce the people, in the same time
people produce society, The production is not a natural proces it`s a social
process link with the cooperation between people.
Capitalism is a mode of production based on private ownership of the means of
production. Capitalists produce commodities for the exchange market and to stay
competitive must extract as much labor from the workers as possible at the
lowest possible cost. The economic interest of the capitalist is to pay the worker
as little as possible, in fact just enough to keep him alive and productive. The
workers, in turn, come to understand that their economic interest lies in
preventing the capitalist from exploiting them in this way. As this example shows,
the social relations of production are inherently antagonistic, giving rise to a class
struggle that Marx believes will lead to the overthrow of capitalism by the
proletariat. The proletariat will replace the capitalist mode of production with a
mode of production based on the collective ownership of the means of
production, which is called Communism.
Max Weber (1864-1920) grew up in Germany during the Bismarckian era.
Analysis of social structure
An early example of Webers approach to the analysis of social structure is his
investigation, in the 1890s, of farm labor conditions east of the Elbe. The study
was stimulated by a nationalist concern with the exodus of Germans and the
influx of Slavic migrant workers, but Webers inquiry centered on the growth of
individualism among farm laborers, who preferred the risks of urban
independence to the security of personal subservience on rural estates, even at

the cost of a loss in income. Weber saw in this individualism evidence for the
independent influence of ideas, a prominent theme throughout his work. He also
made this specific inquiry the occasion for a more general analysis of Imperial
Germany. According to Weber, the Junkerhad been effective landlords, local
administrators, and military men when they established the power of the
Prussian state, but during the nineteenth century they had become rural
capitalists who bolstered their declining economic position by political blackmail.
Moreover, the quasi-commercialization of the Junker was paralleled by a
quasiaristocratization of the middle-class industrialists who bought land in the
east for the sake of titles and of bureaucratic or military careers for their sons.
Weber thus broadened his study of the farm-labor problem into an analysis of
social structureof the interplay of material and ideal interests in the
interactions of classes and status groups in Imperial Germany. He later used this
approach in his comparative studies of religious ideas and economic conduct.
Max Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism is a study of the
relationship between the ethics of ascetic Protestantism and the emergence of
the spirit of modern capitalism. Weber argues that the religious ideas of groups
such as the Calvinists played a role in creating the capitalistic spirit. Weber first
observes a correlation between being Protestant and being involved in business,
and declares his intent to explore religion as a potential cause of the modern
economic conditions. He argues that the modern spirit of capitalism sees profit as
an end in itself, and pursuing profit as virtuous. Weber's goal is to understand the
source of this spirit. He turns to Protestantism for a potential explanation.
Protestantism offers a concept of the worldly "calling," and gives worldly activity
a religious character. While important, this alone cannot explain the need to
pursue profit. One branch of Protestantism, Calvinism, does provide this
explanation. Calvinists believe in predestination--that God has already
determined who is saved and damned. As Calvinism developed, a deep
psychological need for clues about whether one was actually saved arose, and
Calvinists looked to their success in worldly activity for those clues. Thus, they
came to value profit and material success as signs of God's favor. Other religious
groups, such as the Pietists, Methodists, and the Baptist sects had similar
attitudes to a lesser degree. Weber argues that this new attitude broke down the
traditional economic system, paving the way for modern capitalism. However,
once capitalism emerged, the Protestant values were no longer necessary, and
their ethic took on a life of its own. We are now locked into the spirit of capitalism
because it is so useful for modern economic activity.
Throughout his book, Weber emphasizes that his account is incomplete. He is not
arguing that Protestantism caused the capitalistic spirit, but rather that it was
one contributing factor. He also acknowledges that capitalism itself had an
impact on the development of the religious ideas. The full story is much more
complex than Weber's partial account, and Weber himself constantly reminds his
readers about his own limitations. The book itself has an introduction and five
chapters. The first three chapters make up what Weber calls "The Problem." The
first chapter addresses "Religious Affiliation and Social Stratification," the second
"The Spirit of Capitalism," and the third "Luther's Conception of the Calling and
the Task of the Investigation." The fourth and fifth chapters make up "The
Practical Ethics of the Ascetic Branches of Protestantism." The fourth chapter is
about "The Religious Foundations of Worldly Asceticism," and the fifth chapter is
about "Asceticism and the Spirit of Capitalism."
The Protestant ethic . Webers studies in the sociology of religion began with
the publication of his famous essay, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of
Capitalism (1904-1905). Two observations provided the initial impetus for the
essay: (1) that in many parts of the world great material achievements had

resulted from the work of monastic orders dedicated to a life of the spirit; and (2)
that ascetic Protestant sects were noted for their economic success, especially in
the early phase of modern capitalism. There appeared to exist a paradoxically
positive relationship between ascetic religious belief and economic enterprise, in
spite of the fact that the great Protestant reformers had anathematized the
pursuit of riches as dangerous to the soul and that the pursuit of riches had so
often been accompanied by a life of adventure and display, as well as by religious
indifference.
Weber began to resolve the challenging paradox by noting that both Puritan
religion and capitalist enterprise are characterized to an unusual degree by a
systematization of life; this suggested a source of affinities between the two. His
inquiry showed the interrelation of three processes: the incentives for action in
this world that are implicit in Calvinist theology, as contrasted with Roman
Catholic and Lutheran theology; the ways in which Puritan divines of the
seventeenth century interpreted Cal-vinist themes in their pastoral exhortations;
and the process by which theological doctrines and pastoral advice became
effective social controls.
Weber first analyzed the implications of the doctrine of predestination; this
analysis is a good example of his more general studies of religious doctrines. He
deduced that an unfathomable divine decision concerning the fate of men in the
hereafter would produce great anxiety among a people intensely concerned with
the salvation of their souls, and he assumed that this anxiety was at its height in
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Such religious anxiety could not be
allayed by Reformation leaders like Calvin and Zwingli, who creatively reoriented
the human situation and did not influence men directly. Only the pastoral
interpretations of the theological doctrines could allay this anxiety. Calvin taught
that everyone must face the ultimate uncertainty of his fate; nevertheless,
ministers encouraged their congregations to engage in a zealous and selfdenying round of daily activities, mindful that God had put the resources of his
created world at the disposal of men who on the day of judgment would be
responsible to him for the single-minded, workoriented use of all their powers in
his service. True believers responded with an inner-worldly asceticism, as
Weber called it, which enabled them to quiet their consciences by rationally
transforming the world in which God had placed them.
Pastoral admonition is, of course, an uncertain index of conduct; moreover, the
accumulation of wealth by ascetic Protestants appears paradoxical partly
because, historically, wealth has been associated with attenuated belief rather
than piety. Webers analysis helped to resolve this paradox. He showed that
Puritan wealth was an unintended consequence of the anxieties aroused by the
doctrine of predestination. Because members of the Calvinist congregation
accepted the interpretations of that doctrine offered by the Puritan divines, they
led frugal, active lives that resulted in the accumulation of wealth.
Weber acknowledged that further research on this relationship was needed,
especially documentary research on diaries and autobiographies of entrepreneurs
of the seventeenth century that might contain direct evidence concerning the
relationship between religious belief and economic activities. His essay The
Protestant Sects (1906) provides one such supplement by describing the
methods used to inculcate moral tenets upon members of Puritan sects. [
In fact, the summum bonum of his ethic, the earning of more and more money,
combined with the strict avoidance of all spontaneous enjoyment of life, is above
all completely devoid of any eudaemonistic, not to say hedonistic, admixture. It is
thought of so purely as an end in itself, that from the point of view of the
happiness of, or utility to, the single individual, it appears entirely transcendental

and absolutely irrational. Man is dominated by the making of money, by

acquisition as the ultimate purpose of his life.
African-American slavery
n his Capital, Marx gave a long quotation from Cairnes that the extreme
exhaustion of the slaves capacity for work would imply the necessity for a steady
supply of new labour forces by slave trade. [17] Marx mentioned the parallels of
slaves in ancient mines but stated that their case represented an exception in the
ancient world.[18]Nevertheless, he implied that the American example would
indicate that any slave economy would depend on continuous slave supply from
abroad. From Olmsted, or from Cairnes who had quoted Olmsted, Marx took over
the so-called theory of sabotage. [19] One could give only primitive tools to
slaves since they would destroy better equipment; one could only entrust mules
to them because mules, in contrast to horses, would survive mistreatment by the
slaves. This sabotage theory was to play an important role in later Marxist
writings on antiquity; it should, however, be stressed that Marx did not say that it
applied also to antiquity.
Marxs interest in American slavery was also motivated by the observation that
the employment of black slaves went hand in hand with the growth of a white
under-class that was not prepared to accept work normally done by slaves.
[20] Cairnes had stated that the existence of such a poor white trash was the
invariable outgrowth of negro slavery wherever it has raised its head in modern
times
A summary of Webers views on ancient slavery would read like this: Chattel
slavery is one of the inherent causes for the structural weakness of ancient
capitalism. It entailed economic disadvantages in comparison to free labour,
since slaves have to be fed continually and the owner had to take the risk of
mortality. The lack of a free labour force that could have been employed only
during the peak times of the agricultural year led to an overemployment of slaves
on the great landed estates. That meant in turn that slaves were also employed
to make manufactured products. Thus, the development towards market
economy was undermined. There were no inducements to technological progress.
Great variations of prices for slaves due to changing political circumstances made
it impossible to calculate the costs of labour. Full exploitation of the slaves labour
capacity implied that slaves had to be kept in slave barracks and could not be
allowed to have families. That in turn meant that the slave system depended on
steady supply of new slaves by the slave market. And this precondition was no
longer given when the expansion of the Roman Empire had come to an end.
Whatever the merits or shortcomings of this analysis, Weber was obviously
convinced that two factors applied to slavery in all epochs of history. Firstly, that
slave labour was necessarily less productive than contract labour, and, secondly,
that a slave population could not be reproduced by breeding. These assumptions
are especially revealed by passages in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft[33] and
in Wirtschaftsgeschichte.[34] In both texts, or better, bundles of papers, Weber
developed an ideal type of plantation economy based on large gangs of
barracked slaves that should apply to ancient Carthage and Rome as well as to
the southern states of the USA and to the Caribbean. In this context, Weber
asserts that slavery was doomed to extinction in the USA after the prohibition of
slave imports in 1808 which had entailed the same consequences as the end of
Roman expansionist policies. Thus, the abolition of slavery in course of the
American Civil War was only the political ratification of an inevitable economic
necessity.[35]
Conditions for the development of capitalism:
1) Appropriation means of production by a capitalist

2)
3)
4)
5)
6)
7)
8)

Freedom of the market

Workforce free
Technical rational (technology)
Marketing Economy (shares, debt securities)
rational law (economic transactions guaranteed)
Economic Ethics
The role of cities

Social action
Social action can be oriented in sight attitude past, present or planned as future,
of other individuals.
Social action can be determined:
1) in a rational way to the objective (effectiveness
tools related to the purpose);
2) in a rational manner with respect to the value (ethics);
3) affective (emotional);
4) traditionally (acquired habits).
Authority Types
Traditional authority is legitimated by the sanctity of tradition. The ability and
right to rule is passed down, often through heredity. It does not change overtime,
does not facilitate social change, tends to be irrational and inconsistent, and
perpetuates the status quo. In fact, Weber states: The creation of new law
opposite traditional norms is deemed impossible in principle. Traditional
authority is typically embodied in feudalism or patrimonialism. In a purely
patriarchal structure, the servants are completely and personally dependent
upon the lord, while in an estate system (i.e. feudalism), the servants are not
personal servants of the lord but independent men (Weber 1958, 4). But, in both
cases the system of authority does not change or evolve.
Charismatic authority is found in a leader whose mission and vision inspire
others. It is based upon the perceived extraordinary characteristics of an
individual. Weber saw a charismatic leader as the head of a new social
movement, and one instilled with divine or supernatural powers, such as a
religious prophet. Weber seemed to favor charismatic authority, and spent a good
deal of time discussing it. In a study of charisma and religion, Riesebrodt (1999)
argues that Weber also thought charisma played a strong - if not integral - role in
traditional authority systems. Thus, Webers favor for charismatic authority was
particularly strong, especially in focusing on what happened to it with the death
or decline of a charismatic leader. Charismatic authority is routinized in a
number of ways according to Weber: orders are traditionalized, the staff or
followers change into legal or estate-like (traditional) staff, or the meaning of
charisma itself may undergo change.
Legal-rational authority is empowered by a formalistic belief in the content of the
law (legal) or natural law (rationality). Obedience is not given to a specific
individual leader - whether traditional or charismatic - but a set of uniform
principles. Weber thought the best example of legal-rational authority was a
bureaucracy (political or economic). This form of authority is frequently found in
the modern state, city governments, private and public corporations, and various
voluntary associations. In fact, Weber stated that the development of the
modern state is identical indeed with that of modern officialdom and bureaucratic
organizations just as the development of modern capitalism is identical with the
increasing bureaucratization of economic enterprise (Weber 1958, 3).
Emile Durkheim (1858-1917)

Born in Lorraine, the border area between France and Germany ,He attended high
school and the Ecole Normal Superior in Paris,Knowledge of major French
intellectuals and
political issues of his time, Is not among the brightest students: philosophy
contrasts the social survey ,As in modern societies can maintain
a certain integrity and consistency. The companies have a value higher than that
of the single.
DIVISION OF WORK
In The Division of Labor in Society, Durkheim discusses how the division of
labor is beneficial for society because it increases the reproductive capacity, the
skill of the workman, and it creates a feeling of solidarity between people.
The division of labor goes beyond economic interests; it also establishes social
and moral order within a society.
There are two kinds of social solidarity, according to Durkheim: mechanical
solidarity and organic solidarity. Mechanical solidarity connects the individual to
society without any intermediary. That is, society is organized collectively and all
members of the group share the same beliefs. The bond that binds the individual
to society is this collective conscious, this shared belief system.
With organic solidarity, on the other hand, society is a system of different
functions that are united by definite relationships.
Each individual must have a distinct job or action and a personality that is his or
her own. Individuality grows as parts of society grow. Thus, society becomes
more efficient at moving in sync, yet at the same time, each of its parts has more
movements that are distinctly its own.
According to Durkheim, the more primitive a society is, the more it is
characterized by mechanical solidarity. The members of that society are more
likely to resemble each other and share the same beliefs and morals.
As societies becomes more advanced and civilized, the individual members of
those societies start to become more unique and distinguishable from each other.
Solidarity becomes more organic as these societies develop their divisions of
labor.
Durkheim also discusses law extensively in this book. To him, law is the most
visible symbol of social solidarity and the organization of social life in its most
precise and stable form. Law plays a part in societythat is analogous to the
nervous system in organisms, according to Durkheim. The nervous
systemregulates various body functions so they work together in harmony.
Likewise, the legal system regulates all the parts of society so that they work
together in agreement.
Two types of law exist and each corresponds to a type of social solidarity. The first
type of law, repressive law, imposes some type of punishment on the perpetrator.
Repressive law corresponds to the center of common consciousness and tends
to stay diffused throughout society. Repressive law corresponds to the
mechanical state of society.
The second type of law is restitutive law, which does not necessarily imply any
suffering on the part of the perpetrator, but rather tries to restore the
relationships that were disturbed from their normal form by the crime that
occurred. Restitutive law corresponds to the organic state of society and works
through the more specialized bodies of society, such as the courts and lawyers.
This also means that repressive law and restitutory law vary directly with the
degree of a societys development. Repressive law is common in primitive, or
mechanical, societies where sanctions for crimes are typically made across the
whole community. In these lower societies, crimes against the individual are

common, yet placed on the lower end of the penal ladder. Crimes against the
community take priority because the evolution of the collective conscious is
widespread and strong while the division of labor has not yet happened. The
more a society becomes civilized and the division of labor is introduced, the more
restitutory law takes place.
Durkheim bases his discussion of organic solidarity on a dispute with Herber
Spencer, who claimed that industrial solidarity is spontaneous and that there is
no need for a coercive body to create or maintain it. Spencer believed that social
harmony is simply established by itself and Durkheim disagrees. Much of this
book, then, is Durkheim arguing with Spencers stance and pleading his own
views on the topic.
Durkheim also spends some time discussing division of labor and how it is
caused. To him, the division of labor is in direct proportion to the moral density of
the society. This increase can happen in three ways: through an increase of the
concentration of people spatially, through the growth of towns, or through an
increase in the number and efficacy of the means of communication. When one
or more of these things happen, labor starts to become divided because the
struggle for existence becomes more strenuous.
SUICIDE
Suicide, written by French sociologist Emile Durkheim in 1897, was a
groundbreaking book in the field of sociology. It was a case study of suicide, a
publication unique for its time that provided an example of what the sociological
monograph should look like.
In it, Durkheim explored the differing suicide rates among Protestants and
Catholics, arguing that stronger social control among Catholics results in lower
suicide rates.
He also found that suicide rates were higher among men than women, higher for
those who are single than those who are married, higher for people without
children than people with children, higher among soldiers than civilians, and
higher at times of peace than in times of war.
Durkheim was the first to argue that the causes of suicide were to be found in
social factors and not individual personalities. Observing that the rate of
suicide varied with time and place, Durkheim looked for causes linked to these
factors other than emotional stress. He looked at the degree to which people feel
integrated into the structure of society and their social surroundings as social
factors producing suicide and argued that suicide rates are affected by the
different social contexts in which they emerge.
Characteristic of suicide:
-A social fact: suicide is a function of the company and territory
-Patterns of behavior and typeable
-Medium constant over time: every society sacrifices a share of its individuals
- Causes extra social or social causes?
Durkheim also distinguished between three types of suicide (Social causes):
Anomic Suicide: Anomic suicide happens when the disintegrating forces in the
society make individuals feel lost or alone. Teenage suicide is usually cited as an
example of this type of suicide, as is suicide committed by those who have been
sexually abused as children or whose parents are alcoholics.
Altruistic Suicide: Altruistic suicide happens when there is excessive regulation
of individuals by social forces. An example is someone who commits suicide for
the sake of a religious or political cause, such as the hijackers of the airplanes
that crashed into the World Trade Center, the Pentagon, and a field in

Pennsylvania on 9/11/01. People who commit altruistic suicide subordinate

themselves to collective expectations, even when death is the result.
Egoistic Suicide: Egoistic suicide happens when people feel totally detached
from society. Ordinarily, people are integrated into society by work roles, ties to
family and community, and other social bonds. When these bonds are weakened
through retirement or loss of family and friends, the likelihood of egoistic suicide
increases. Elderly people who lose these ties are the most susceptible to egoistic
suicide.
Causes extrasociali of suicide
- Provisions organic-psychic
- The nature of the physical environment:
1) The climate
2) The season
3) The days of the week
- The suicides by imitation
First, within the individual psychological constitution there might exist an
inclination, normal or pathological, varying from country to country, which
directly leads people to commit suicide. Second, the nature of the external
physical environment (climate, temperature, etc.) might indirectly have the same
effect. Durkheim took up each in turn. Hence Durkheim's definition: " Imitation

exists when the immediate antecedent of an act is the representation of

like act, previously performed by someone else; with no explicit or implicit
mental operation which bears upon the intrinsic nature of the act
reproduced intervening between representation and execution."8
Durkheim concluded that: Who commits suicide?
Suicide rates are higher in men than women (although married women who
remained childless for a number of years ended up with a high suicide rate).
Suicide rates are higher for those who are single than those who are married.
Suicide rates are higher for people without children than people with children.
Suicide rates are higher among Protestants than Catholics and Jews.
Suicide rates are higher among soldiers than civilians.
Suicide rates are higher in times of peace than in times of war (the suicide rate in
France fell after the coup d'etat of Louis-Napolon Bonaparte, for example.
War also reduced the suicide rate: after war broke out in 1866 between Austria
and Italy, the suicide rate fell by 14% in both countries.)
Suicide rates are higher in Scandinavian countries.
The higher the education level, the more likely it was that an individual would
choose suicide. However, Durkheim established that there is more correlation
between an individual's religion and suicide rate than an individual's education
level. Jewish people were generally highly educated but had a low suicide rate.
Erving Goffman (1922-1982): Sociology service society
-Born in Canada to a family emigrated from Ukraine
-He obtained her PhD (1951) at the Department of Sociology University of
Chicago
-He teaches at Berkeley and in Philadelphia
-President of the American Sociological Association
Publications
1959: The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, University of Edinburgh Social
Sciences Research Centre. ISBN 978-0-14-013571-8. Anchor Books edition

1961: Asylums: Essays on the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other
Inmates. New York, Doubleday. ISBN 0-14-013739-4
1961: Encounters: Two Studies in the Sociology of Interaction Fun in Games &
Role Distance. Indianapolis, Bobbs-Merrill.
1963: Behavior in Public Places: Notes on the Social Organization of Gatherings,
The Free Press. ISBN 0-02-911940-5
1963: Stigma: Notes on the Management of Spoiled Identity. Prentice-Hall. ISBN

0-671-62244-7
1967: Interaction Ritual: Essays on Face-to-Face Behavior. Anchor Books. ISBN 0-

394-70631-5
1969: Strategic Interaction. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania
Press. ISBN 0-345-02804-X
1969: Where the action is. Allen Lane. ISBN 0-7139-0079-2
1971: Relations in Public: Microstudies of the Public Order. New York: Basic
Books. ISBN 0-06-131957-0
1974: Frame analysis: An essay on the organization of experience. London:
Harper and Row. ISBN 978-0-06-090372-5
1979: Gender Advertisements, Macmillan. ISBN 0-06-132076-5
1981: Forms of Talk, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press.
STIGMA
In his work, Goffman presented the fundamentals of stigma as a social theory,
including his interpretation of "stigma" as a means of spoiling identity. By this, he
referred to the stigmatized trait's ability to "spoil" recognition of the individual's
adherence to social norms in other facets of self. Goffman identified three main
types of stigma: (1) stigma associated with mental illness; (2) stigma associated
with physical deformation; and (3) stigma attached to identification with a
particular race, ethnicity, religion, ideology, etc.
In the company of normal
-If the defect of the stigmatized is obvious he often considers "The company of
the ordinary as a real violation of its intimacy. That feeling stigmatized the
evidence most painfully when they are children who stop to watch "(Goffman p.
17)
- A young Moroccan immigrant says:"[The contractor] had three sons, one o'clock
arrive by coachschool, come to us "Moroccan works" "move".They mess, he feeds
the sandwich and Gianpietro[the entrepreneur] says to the children: 'Go away,
leave work '... comes to us a child, he takes a pen: "As Moroccan jobs you "? A
child who is 6 years old, 7 years "(14February 2011).
Understanding the stigmatized
1) Others with the same stigma ("in urban areas, there are communities
residential, those ethnic, racial or religious who are true andtheir concentrations
tribal people stigmatized ")
2) The essays that normal people "are inclusive and partakers ofSecret Life of the
individual stigmatized, people who in some so they are accepted by the group
and they often become members Honorary "- people that are normal but still are
comfortable around them
Goffman also talks about the moral career of individuals in the stigmatised
group. This comes about from the similarities in self recognition and evaluation.
One might be born with a certain stigma and become influenced by this through
his or her life. These kind of stigmatised people might have a protecting
environment in the family and in some cases the surrounding neighbourhood that
acts as a sort of cocoon. But often this feeling of safeness is broken when society

forces the individual to go to school, where they sometimes get bullied or

discredited by teachers and other pupils.
The stigmatised can undergo a moral career, a learning experience that develops
different kinds of adjustments to themselves. For example, one can learn about
'normals', and the consequences of possessing a stigma. One outcome is to learn
enough about 'normals' to feel that it's possible to become one. Another is to
enter a protective capsule, this is often reserved for children and ends with their
entry to schooL.
The interaction face-to-face is a social process during the which two or more
persons:
1) focus attention on an object or situation common;
2) exert a mutual influence on their actions
In face-to-face actions of each participant are consciously and consistently.
The interactional order is the largely invisible and unspoken norms and rituals
(such as greetings and salutations) that members of society follow while in
situation of what Goffman calls co-presence (face-to-face situations between
two or more people). For Goffman, these norms constitute the grammar of
interaction so that interactions are not driven by social actors individual motives
and intentions but by their management of invisible situational norms and the
impact of these norms on the self.
Because our social identities are shaped by our status and role sets (see section
on Social Structure), Goffman (1959) uses the metaphor of the theater to analyze
social life as dramaturgy the fact that members of society are comparable to
actors playing roles on stage. Since most of our behavior takes place in the
presence of others, we are indeed constantly performing roles for an audience.
The script we are enacting may have been written by society but a believable
and competent performance involves more than just going through the motions.
For instance, all teachers are acutely aware of the performing character of their
job and they know their performance is assessed by different audiences (such as
students, administrators, and parents). Being in the classroom is being on stage.
Interactions and celebrations
"Interacting face-to-face is an arena of conduct, and not simply expression and
communication, and behavior is judged primarily not in relation to the sincerity
and candor, but all''appropriatezza '"
-In everyday social interaction different participants bring into field ritual of
celebration of self. Those are typical:
1) the deference: that is, an expression of appreciation for others ("Part of which
functions as a symbolic instrument with which regularly expresses its
appreciation to a person against something that this person is taken as a symbol,
extension or agent ")
2) the attitude: that is, the expression (with clothes, language, behavior) of its
desirability and social integrity in the eyes of others("The element of the
individual's typical behavior ceremonial manifested through the attitude, the way
they dress or move, and which serves to communicate to those who are in his
presence that he is a person who possesses certain qualities desirable or
undesirable ").
In his essay "Face Work," from Interaction Ritual, Goffman expands on the
concept of the "line," originally employed in The Presentation of Self in
Everyday Life, dealing with the definition of line in terms of ritualized, symbolic
action (Goffman 1967, 4). Symbol, as with the three types of symbolic imagery
described in Stigma, stigma symbols, prestige symbols, and disidentifiers
(Goffman 1963, 43-44), assume a more abstract location in the communicative
process, a reification of verbal cues. The face reflects the line imputed by others,

regardless of cognizance of its existence, to the actor, based on the use of verbal
and non-verbal symbols, either affirming or denying a social construct. In this
way a means of locating the actor in the interactive process and the broader
society, allowing Goffman to affirm George Herbert Mead's argument that identity
is constructed through an understanding of the projection of the self to others.
As reported Goffman "an individual can play a part and be simultaneously, in
another of its different capacities, part part of the same ".
This situation is made explicit in the story of an employee "In this company office
staff we are close to the workers ... But strike, the office staff seemed absurd.
There is a contradiction ... I have abstained from the strike for reasons political or
trade union, but for one reason of loyalty to the leadership. When I want to go on
strike, I will ask to be passed where labor I disgust me. If, therefore, enjoy the
privilege of meeting my interest in my work, I pay this morally privilege " (Ottieri
O. (1995 Donnarumma assault, Milan, Tea, p. 163)
Asylums. Total institutions
Total institutions "are places where some people are forced to become different: it
is a natural experiment on what can be made of the self. "(p. 42)
Total institutions can be grouped into five categories:
1) born unable to protect non-hazardous (Czechs, old, orphans or destitute);
2) the protection of those who are unable to fend for themselves and are a
Danger to the community (tuberculosis, psychiatric patients, leper colonies);
3) to protect the company from what it reveals a danger intentional (Prisons,
penitentiaries, prison camps, concentration camps);
4) "created for the sole purpose of carrying out some activities that find their
justification in terms instrumental (furerie military ships, colleges, labor camps,
colonial plantations and large farms, the latter look naturally on the side of those
who live in space reserved for servants) ";
5) separated from the world with the function of serving as points of preparation
for religious (abbeys, monasteries, convents). (Pp. 34-5)
The total institutions of our society can be listed for convenience in five rough
groupings. First, there are institutions established to care for persons thought to
be both incapable and harmless; these are the homes for the blind, the aged, the
orphaned, and the indigent. Second, there are places established to care for
persons thought to be at once incapable of looking after themselves and a threat
to the community, albeit an unintended one: TB sanitoriums, mental hospitals,
and leprosoriums. Third, another type of total institution is organized to protect
the community against what are thought to be intentional dangers to it; here the
welfare of the persons thus sequestered is not the immediate issue. Examples
are: Jails, penitentiaries, POW camps, and concentration camps. Fourth, we find
institutions purportedly established the better to pursue some technical task and
justifying themselves only on these instrumental grounds: Army barracks, ships,
boarding schools, work camps, colonial compounds, large mansions from the
point of view of those who live in the servants' quarters, and so forth. Finally,
there are those establishments designed as retreats from the world or as training
stations for the religious: Abbeys, monasteries, convents, and other cloisters. This
sublisting of total institutions is neither neat nor exhaustive, but the listing itself
provides an empirical starting point for a purely denotative definition of the
category. By anchoring the initial definition of total institutions in this way, I hope
to be able to discuss the general characteristics of the type without becoming
tautologicaL.
Goffman spent about a year and a half at Saint Elizabeths, collecting the
ethnographic data that informed Asylums (1961). As with his dissertation, this
book is highly unusual: it provides very little detailed information about the

hospital; rather it conveys a tone of life (Fine and Martin, 1990:93). Goffman
investigated the characteristics of total institutions, of which he took Saint
Elizabeths as an exemplar. . Goffman drew on both his own data and research
from other total institutions, such as monasteries, prisons and boarding schools
to produce a general theory of the characteristics of the total institution.
Asylums promises an analysis of the pre-patient, in-patient and ex-patient phases
of the moral career of the mental patient.
Characteristics
- Breaking the barriers that usually separate spheres of life of the individual that
is, where he carries out production activities and reproductive.
- The activities are rigorously cataloged according to a predetermined rate and a
plan rational. They take place in the same place, under one authority, closely
contact with other individuals. (p. 35-6)
Goal: the destruction of external habits of the individual; disintegration of identity
and its recomposition according to the rules institution
- Diversified forms of adaptation Depending on the moral career boarding school
1. The different stages of life are lived in the same place and under the control of
a single authority
2. The shares are held by a group of people
3. Daily activities are planned in advance and sequence is subject to rules
4. The activities make up the floor of the institution
FROM COMUNITY TO MANIFACTUR
From a general point of view we can identify two extreme types of companies:
(community self-sufficient) In the first there are exchanges,
(merchant company) in the second exchanges are mediated by money.
THE CONTRIBUTION OF KARL POLANYI TO ECONOMIC SOCIOLOGY
THE TWO DEFINITIONS OF ECONOMICS:
in a substantive way: set of activities oriented to the production, distribution and
consumption of goods and services for the existence of man
in the formal sense: set of activities and organizations that produce goods and
services distributed through market exchanges
THE THREE FORMS OF INTEGRATION ECONOMY / COMPANIES '
Forms of integration movements are institutionalized in the economic process
that connect things with people. They are "structures" (which Mingione called
"socio-organizational")
The transformation of work was not a linear process which followed the same
frequency: the first was the subsistence economy with organizations based on
manifacture, factory work and consumption of goods, then the triumph of highproductivity economies, organization of standardized work procedures, full
subordination of workers with little control over their professionalism
compensated with the access to mass consumerism and finally flexible
reorganization controlled dall`egemonia global financial.
The exchange: Strong resistance to trade and figure of the merchant
- Development of the role of the merchant and of the city as places of exchange
- The goods are produced exclusively for exchange. Indifference by goods
Crossing the size of the historical cycle with the principles of social and
organizational Mingione identifies three different models of development:
Model English (characterized by processes of radical proletarianization) within a
few decades the local traditions of the small-farming, handicrafts of rural and
urban, the cottage INDUSTRIES are swept away by the development of big
industry, of English hegemony on world trade and of the colonial empire. because
a disadvantage compared to the competition industrial production with
impartazione of cheap agricultural products from the colonies or countries
latecomers. classa subject has a working and a labor market unregulated without

a background crafts, social and family that can be taken: a working class that is
dependent only from wages and the solidarity of comrades from employment and
consumption Monetary
In England, too, laissez-faire was interpreted narrowly; it meant freedom from
regulations in production; trade was not comprised. Cotton manufactures, the
marvel of the time, had grown from insignificance into the leading export industry
of the countryyet the import of printed cottons remained forbidden by positive
statute. Notwithstanding the traditional monopoly of the home market an export
bounty for calico or muslin was granted. Protectionism was so ingrained that
Manchester cotton manufacturers demanded, in 1800, the prohibition of the
export of yarn, though they were conscious of the fact that this meant loss of
business to them. An Act passed in 1791 extended the penalties for the export of
tools used in manufacturing cotton goods to the export of models or
specifications. The free trade origins of the cotton industry are a myth. Freedom
from regulation in the sphere of production was all the industry wa
2. Model liberal (USA and others) characterized by processes of proletarianization
especially related to phenomena of immigration- large industrial standardized
and made especially in the United States after the First World War, the parameter
of the transformation and the production-toylorismo el`organizzazione scientific
work in large factories in standardized production.
The transition from an agricultural to anINDUSTRIAL ECONOMY took more than
a century in the United States, but that long development entered its first phase
from the 1790s through the 1830s. TheINDUSTRIAL REVOLUTION had begun in
Britain during the mid-18th century, but the American colonies lagged far behind
the mother country in part because the abundance of land and scarcity of labor in
the New World reduced interest in expensive investments in machine production.
Nevertheless, with the shift from hand-made to machine-made products a new
era of human experience began where increased productivity created a much
higher standard of living than had ever been known in the pre-industrial world.
The start of the American Industrial Revolution is often attributed to SAMUEL
SLATER who opened the first industrial mill in the United States in 1790 with a
design that borrowed heavily from a British model. Slater's pirated technology
greatly increased the speed with which cotton thread could be spun into yarn.
While he introduced a vital new technology to the United States, the economic
takeoff of the Industrial Revolution required several other elements before it
would transform American life.
Another key to the rapidly changing economy of the early Industrial Revolution
were new organizational strategies to increase productivity. This had begun with
the "OUTWORK SYSTEM" whereby small parts of a larger production process
were carried out in numerous individual homes. This organizational reform was
especially important for shoe and boot making. However, the chief organizational
breakthrough of the Industrial Revolution was the " FACTORY SYSTEM" where
work was performed on a large scale in a single centralized location. Among the
early innovators of this approach were a group of businessmen known as
the BOSTON ASSOCIATES who recruited thousands of New England farm girls
to operate the machines in their new factories. he most famous of their tightly
controlled mill towns was LOWELL, MASSACHUSETTS, which opened in 1823.
The use of female factory workers brought advantages to both employer and
employee. The Boston Associates preferred female labor because they paid the
young girls less than men. These female workers, often called "LOWELL GIRLS,"
benefited by experiencing a new kind of independence outside the traditional
male-dominated family farm.
The rise of WAGE LABOR at the heart of the Industrial Revolution also exploited
working people in new ways. The first strike among textile workers protesting

wage and factory conditions occurred in 1824 and even the model mills of Lowell
faced large STRIKES in the 1830s.
3. Model of partial proletarianization, characterized by the persistence of the
peasant question, by micro-enterprises and self-employment
The latter model has in turn three variants: the social democratic variant, the
variant conservative continental and southern European variant
WORK IN ITALY INDUSTRIAL TRANSACTION
Diversification agrarian three main sources:
1. The varied climate and culture of the country
2. The division between feudal regimes commercially-oriented and feudal
regimes absentee
3. variety of feudal systems due to frequent changes of the propertied classes
The theory of the Asiatic mode of production (AMP) was devised by Karl Marx
around the early 1850s. The essence of the theory has been described as "[the]
suggestion ... that Asiatic societies were held in thrall by a despotic ruling clique,
residing in central cities and directly expropriating surplus from largely autarkic
and generally undifferentiated village communities."
The theory continues to arouse heated discussion among contemporary Marxists
and non-Marxists alike. Some have rejected the whole concept on the grounds
that the socio-economic formations of pre-capitalist Asia did not differ enough
from those of feudal Europe to warrant special designation.
Aside from Marx, Friedrich Engels was also an enthusiastic commentator on the
AMP. They both focused on the socio-economic base of AMP society.
Marx's theory focuses on the organisation of labour and depends on his
distinction between the following:
The means or forces of production; items such as land, natural resources, tools,
human skills and knowledge, that are required for the production of socially
useful goods; and
The relations of production, which are the social relationships formed as human
beings are united ("verbindung") in the processes of the production of socially
useful goods.
Together these compose modes of production and Marx distinguished historical
eras in terms of distinct predominant modes of production (Asiatic).
Marx and Engels highlighted and emphasised that the role the state played in
Asiatic societies was dominant, which was accounted for by either the state's
monopoly of land ownership, its sheer political and military power, or its control
over irrigation systems.[5] Marx and Engels attributed this state domination to
the communal nature of landholding and the isolation of the inhabitants of
different villages from one another.
Money is a way of exchange non-homogeneous
Money is neither culturally neutral or socially anonymous (dirty money, easy
money ...)
The money is marked, Confidence in money indicates the degree of stability and
continuity of social relations, but also of the dynamics between states.
karl polanyi- the market has been the outcome of a conscious and often violent
intervention on the part of government which imposed the market organization
on society for noneconomic ends.
Polanyi is insistent that laissez-faire was planned; planning was not. He
explicitly attacks market liberals who blamed a collectivist conspiracy for

erecting protective barriers against the working of global markets. He argues,

instead, that this creation of barriers was a spontaneous and unplanned response
by all groups in society against the impossible pressures of a self-regulating
market system. The protective countermovement had to happen to prevent the
disaster of a disembedded economy. Polanyi suggests that movement toward a
laissez-faire economy needs the countermovement to create stability. When, for
example, the movement for laissez-faire is too powerful, as in the 1920s (or the
1990s) in the United States, speculative excesses and growing inequality destroy
the foundations for continuing prosperity.
EXCHANGE MARKET
Place: physical but also a non-place where freely exchange goods and values
(values use and exchange values)
Establishment and basic characteristics: (next to reciprocity and redistribution,
Karl Polanyi)
Ideology}: value system (having market,capacity stay on the market, outside
market.
Struggles, resistance and revolutions forget (1791)
The insurrection on the island of San Domingo came from the mass of enslaved
blacks in the French sugar plantation colony there, who risked everything to
pursue freedom. In 1791, the outbreak of the Haitian Revolution, at first localized
in one district of the colonys northern plain, soon spawned waves of slave
insurgencies that assembled and fought the horrors of oppression. Historical
accounts written by white contemporaries downplayed the organization of the
blacks, and proposed chaotic, random events by groups of revolting slaves as the
cause of revolution. However, the resistance had leadership, organization, and a
unifying objective. Their struggle lasted for twelve years, and became the only
successful slave revolt in human history.
Resistance acquired momentum as every slave undermined elements of planter
authority. However, revolution and resistance became possible in San Domingo
when slavery itself was challenged. The first French document to support this
challenge was the Declaration of the Rights of Man. Passed in France on August
26, 1789, it states: "In the eyes of the law all citizens are equal." Article II states,
" The aim of all political associations is the preservation of the natural rights of
liberty, property, security, and resistance to oppression." St. Domingue was
under French law, yet these rights had not been implemented at the outbreak of
the Revolution on August 23, 1791. The Constituent Assembly of France and the
colonists were too frightened of change to grant these rights to men and women
of color. For one thing, the exploitation of the slaves for profit was a rewarding
business. "On a sudden this society demands an Abolition of the Slave Trade; that
is to say, that the profits, which may result from it to the French commerce,
should be transferred to foreigners." On November 3,1791, the Deputies
representing the National Assembly on the island of San Domingo stated, "The
Society, say the Deputies, take hold of the Declaration of the Rights of Man: this
immortal work, beneficial to enlightened men, but inapplicable, and therefore
dangerous to our regulations, they send with profusion into our Colonies."
According to Revolutionary French legislation, slaves should have been free.
Nevertheless, fear and profit momentarily bound them to a lucrative business.
Revolution was the only alternative.
Some French Revolutionaries believed in the equality of all. This helped spread
more anti slave messages around the island of San Domingo. The anti slavery
sentiment was supported by the Amis des Noirs. In a speech made to the

National Assembly they were accused of helping spread the message of abolition
to the blacks on San Domingo. "The journals in their pay or under the influence,
give the declaration vent in the midst of our gangs. The writings of the Amis des
Noirs, openly announce, that the freedom of the Negroes is proclaimed by the
Declaration of Rights." They were also mentioned in a speech in 1792, "After this
recital of authentic and indisputable facts, is it difficult to trace the causes of the
Insurrection? Is it to the Amis des Noirs- to the society for abolishing the Slave
Trade, that they are to be imputed?" These revolutionary ideas and documents
spread through black gangs at plantations and helped unify themes of resistance
in San Domingo. Pro-slavery sugar plantation owners were discussing different
ideas of liberty and equality derived from new French Revolutionary thoughts.
Blacks overheard these perpetual discussions, and formulated their own opinions.
Soon plantation owners were being directly challenged by slaves who believed
that they too deserved liberty, equality, and fraternity.
WORK MARKET
Sale of a potential of a genericavailability
- You do not sell (rarely) his own body, but the promise to do work on behalf of
someone
- The worker sells his work but his own person (A. Marshall)
- The work is a perishable commodity, and thinking that can negotiate your own
price
- Who has the ability to work "brings their skin to market "(F. Toennies)
CHARACTERISTICS OF MANUFACTURE
It 'a mode of production which seeks to create value.
- Company with different degrees of production of surplus (role of the state)
- Boost to make money (most things), but also to refrain from immediate
consumption
HOW IT`S WORK MANUFACTURE
Manufacturing is a breakdown of the division Traditional labor (pins and coaches)
- Low productivity, non-working day normed, easy and repetitive tasks
- Control through practice "social" (truck-system and cottages)
- Best innovation: mechanization the workforce and / or direct application
Science to machinery-Centralization of production, and monitoring needs of the
hierarchy
FROM MANIFATTURE TO THE FACTORY
There are three key elements that change the social situation and economy in
the late 1700s:
-Finer division of labor
- Exploitation of hydraulic power and especially steam
- Mechanism of the machines
One of the most significant industrial challenges of the 1700's was the removal of
water from mines. Steam was used to pump the water from the mines. Now, this
might seem to have very little to do with modern steam-powered electrical power
plants. However, one of the fundamental principles used in the development of
steam-based power is the principle that condensation of water vapor can create a
vacuum. This brief history discusses how condensation was used to create
vacuum for operation of early steam-based pumps, and how James Watt invented
the separate condenser. Although the cyclic processes presented in this history
are not used in today's continuous flow steam turbines, current systems use
separate condensers operating at subatmospheric pressure, adapting the

principles explained here. Also, the stories of the inventors and their inventions
offer insight into the process of technological discovery. (invented in 1690 by
French
Denis Papin, but perfected by James Watt)
Forms of defense in the manufacturing period and the first factories:
-Combining agriculture and manufacturing
-Construction workers' organizations (In 1824 you get
freedom of association, that is, to organize in a union)
- Luddites
- Legislation against slavery and for a workday normed
LUDDITES -The Introduction of Machines Outraged the Luddites
Skilled workers, living and working in their own cottages, had been producing
woolen cloth for generations. And the introduction of "shearing frames" in the
1790s began to industrialize the work.
The frames were essentially several pairs of hand shears placed onto a machine
which was operated by one man turning a crank. A single man at a shearing
frame could do the work that had previously been done by a number of men
cutting fabric with hand shears.
Other devices to process wool came into use in the first decade of the 19th
century. And by 1811 many textile workers realized that their very way of life was
being threatened by the machines which could do the work faster.
The Origins of the Luddite Movement
The beginning of organized Luddite activity is often traced to an event in
November 1811, when a group of weavers armed themselves with improvised
weapons.
Using hammers and axes, the men broke into a workshop in the village of Bulwell
determined to smash frames, the machines used to shear wool.
The incident turned violent when men guarding the workshop fired at the
attackers, and the Luddites fired back. One of the Luddites was killed.
Machines used in the emerging wool industry had been smashed before, but the
incident at Bulwell raised the stakes considerably. And actions against machines
began to accelerate.
In December 1811, and into the early months of 1812, late-night attacks on
machines continued in parts of the English countryside.
LECTIA 4
The industry as general size of produce
-Changes in the composition of the force job
American system of manufacture: production of separate parts joined into a
final product
Acceleration times (in the production and circulation)
The two priotity of the factory are:
1) the organization of space
2) the organization of time
The movement of rationalization (taylorism) produce new order:
-methods of management and organization job
standardization of the timing and human behavior
- Using the stopwatch
affect the discretion: showcase and verbalization orders
Lavatismo natural and systematic
New wage system: the piece rate differential
The principy of taylorismo Three principles:
1) gather knowledge workers,
2) convey knowledge to the direction,

 3) advance planning tasks

Forms of resistance to the rationalization(taylorism)
-The Hobo N. Anderson: Escape from and building of the factory mode alternative
work
Construction of workers' organizations: IWW (Industrial Workers of the World)
HOBO
Common mobile workers with poor internalization of labor discipline and self
regulation which prepend a strong principle of autonomy of their lives.
In 1905 about 500,000 people for three-quarters of young people aged 16 to
21, but in the early twenties in Chicago there are 300 to 500 000 hobo
Chicago is a city in which you are focused German emigrants, Irish, Swedes,
Poles and later,
Czechs and Italians. From 1900 also begin to grow while African Americans from
the southern United States.
(Marco D'Eramo of Chicago, The Pig and the Skyscraper, Milan Feltrinelli, 1995).
WAY TO BECOME HOBO?
-seasonal employment and unemployment
maladjustment to work in industry
personality flaws
problems in private life
discrimination of race or nationality
eagerness to travel
Industrial workers of the world:
American Federation of Labor, is the Federation of craft unions. The expression
dell'arroccamento of skilled workers They see the enemy in the new immigrants
main
IWW attempt to merge the needs and goals of skilled and unskilled in one
union: "The working class and that of masters have nothing in common "
Who they are and what they want the Wobblies?- Day laborers, loggers, miners,
laborers
They do not recognize differences of race, creed, sex and previous conditions
slavery
Little interested in the political vote (because many are migrants)
Freedom of expression and against the bargaining: lack of mediation
Valerio Evangelisti (writer) published a trilogy (Anthracite, One Big Union, We will
all) that tells the story of the IWW (novel town)
FORDISM
Fordism is a development of Taylorism: quatidiana the requirements are
incorporated into the machine, ie the assembly line
- further work simplification and flattening of human capabilities
- repetitive tasks or repetitive cycles and without union/sindicat
Work turnover, wage system and check in / out work
- In 1913, labor turnover was 416% a year The Department of Sociology collects
Information
biographical, financial and economic information of the family; morality and
behavior in life daily
$ 5 a Day (1914)
Fordism increases the bargaining power linked t workplace, but it weakens the
associative power bargaining in the labor market
Abstract. Fordism refers to the system of mass production and consumption
characteristic of highly developed economies during the 1940s-1960s. Under

Fordism, mass consumption combined with mass production to produce sustained

economic growth and widespread material advancement. The 1970s-1990s have
been a period of slower growth and increasing income inequality. During this
period, the system of organization of production and consumption has, perhaps,
undergone a second transformation, which when mature promises a second burst
of economic growth. This new system is often referred to as the "flexible system
of production" (FSP) or the "Japanese management system." On the production
side, FSP is characterized by dramatic reductions in information costs and
overheads, Total Quality Management (TQM), just-in-time inventory control, and
leaderless work groups; on the consumption side, by the globalization of
consumer goods markets, faster product life cycles, and far greater
product/market segmentation and differentiation.
Fordism. Henry Ford was once a popular symbol of the transformation from an
agricultural to an industrial, mass production, mass consumption economy.
Aldous Huxley's Brave New World (1932), for example, styles the modern era AF
-- after Ford. Although partly myth, there is some merit to this attribution. Ford
was the creative force behind the growth to preeminence of the automobile
industry, still the world's largest manufacturing activity. As Womack, Jones, and
Roos (1990: 11) explain: "Twice in this century [the auto industry] has changed
our most fundamental ideas about how we make things. And how we make things
dictates not only how we work but what we buy, how we think, and the way we
live."
The first of these transformations was from craft production to mass
production. This helped to create the market as we know it, based on economies
of scale and scope, and gave rise to giant organizations built upon functional
specialization and minute divisions of labor. Economies of scale were produced by
spreading fixed expenses, especially investments in plant and equipment and the
organization of production lines, over larger volumes of output, thereby reducing
unit costs. Economies of scope were produced by exploiting the division of labor
-- sequentially combining specialized functional units, especially overheads such
as reporting, accounting, personnel, purchasing, or quality assurance, in
multifarious ways so that it was less costly to produce several products than a
single specialized one. It also engendered a variety of public policies, institutions,
and governance mechanisms intended to mitigate the failures of the market, and
to reform modern industrial arrangements and practices (Polanyi, 1944).
Ford's main contributions to mass production/consumption were in the realm
of process engineering. The the hallmark of his system was standardization -standardized components, standardized manufacturing processes, and a simple,
easy to manufacture (and repair) standard product. Standardization required
nearly perfect interchangeability of parts. To achieve interchangeability, Ford
exploited advances in machine tools and gauging systems. These innovations
made possible the moving, or continuous, assembly line, in which each
assembler performed a single, repetitive task. Ford was also one of the first to
realize the potential of the electic motor to reconfigure work flow. Machines that
were previously arrayed about a central power source could now be placed on the
assembly line, thereby dramatically increasing throughput (David, 1990). The
moving assembly line was first implemented at Ford's Model-T Plant at Highland
Park, Michigan, in 1914, increasing labor productivity tenfold and permitting
stunning price cuts -- from $780 in 1910 to $360 in 1914 (Hounshell, 1984;
Abernathy, 1978)). Hence, the term Fordize: "to standardize a product and
manufacture it by mass means at a price so low that the common man can afford
to buy it."
TOYOTA

Conversion of post-war: the Toyota tried the path of (the Toyota Pet) and
experienced major strikes in 1949 and 1953. Intransigence Nissan, which
destroys the Zenji auto union. orders
US during the Korean War. Until the sixties poor quality and product range
restricted to a few models (like the one of other enterprises Japanese
automakers)
In the twenties, General Motors was content of the variety of models, the Toyota
fold his team controlled at will, to Multi-purpose work for the production of
models along the same line.
Lean manufacturing (lean production)
- Vertical Disintegration (deverticalisation) (Purchase by external semi-finished)
- Production organization in Network: centralization without centralization
- Segmentation of the market job
Basic principles
Just-in-time any work is fueled with components exactly at the time and in the
required quantity
autonomation: particular use of the machines and new man-machine
relationship. greater accountability Workers and continuous quality control
Just-in-time - Think in reverse (Kanban, by downstream to upstream)
- Synchronization between demand market and production.
- Elimination of waste.
- Stocks minimized (because suppliers deliver semi and finished goods exactly
when you need them)
Between technology and techniques organizational
To produce "small batch" at the same cost (shorten replacement molds, reduce
the steps from an operation to another).
REDUCE DEATH TIME
Rearrange chain and to prepare the machines quickly (fittings fast)
Workers plurimansione: the production workers Events include also machinery
Building an efficient transport system for the arrival of materialsraw / semifinished products and for the delivery of goods produced "just in time"
The automation through the continuous improvement (Kaizen)
Total Quality extended to all parts of the process as everyone, from the worker
to the top management, has a role in ensuring the quality of what it produces
Reduce defects during the work process
Improve the process: daily meetings
Participation
Ideology of the investment using information from bottom to top: the
suggestions.
To stimulate the intellectual capacities of the workers in order to eliminate
waste and downtime. Involvement.
Involve employees and suppliers in order to improve continuous process
(Kaizen). Employees monitor the quality and can stop the production line,
suggest improvements to the product and labor markets, responsible for
horizontal coordination between jobs. Suppliers are encouraged to compete on
quality and Prices of standardized parts and to cooperate to ensure the rapidity
supply. Cooperation with strong hierarchy.
Reduce the power of the workers professional
Continue standardization of processes and tasks on the basis of TaylorismFordism
The reduction of the power of the workers Professional occurs through the
overload of tasks and not the crushing as in Taylorism-Fordism
But reversal compared to Taylorism-Fordism as It concerns the relationship
between management and workers.

Factory as communities in competition

From despotism hegemony: no more compulsion but Membership and
participation
If the workers first had to check them continually, Now we need to build an
identity of the worker and faithful available: total mobilization of intellectual and
creativity.
Membership in the company as unique subjectivity:Citizenship Factory
The politicization of business: the union 'yellow'
Forms of resistance
The system of lean manufacturing needs of a pounding deep ideological as it is
put in crisis more easily than previous production systems
General Motors (1996): a local dispute of 3000 production workers brake blocks
100000 workers. The strike most important since 1970.
Lotte logistics in Italy