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  • Luhtanen Crocker 1992 A Collective Self-Esteem Scale Self-Evaluation of One's Social Identity

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    LUHTANEN & CROCKER - AUTOESTIMA COLECTIVA

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    Luhtanen Crocker 1992 a Collective Self-Esteem Scale Self-Evaluation of One's Social Identity

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    LUHTANEN & CROCKER - AUTOESTIMA COLECTIVA

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    56 views17 pages

    Luhtanen Crocker 1992 A Collective Self-Esteem Scale Self-Evaluation of One's Social Identity

    Uploaded by

    Ronald Kruger
    LUHTANEN & CROCKER - AUTOESTIMA COLECTIVA

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    of 17
    A Collective Self-Esteem Scale: Self-Evaluation of One’s Social Identity Riia Lahtanen Jennifer Crocker ‘State University of New York at Buffalo Social identity theory as developed by Tafel and Turner argues ‘hat thee are tuo distinc aspects ofthe selfcomcept: personal identity and social identity (im American terminology, collcive identity). Although many self-esteem measures are available in the atthe fou om india lua of at ‘personal identity whather in private or interpersonal domains. ‘Noscal currently nist that assesses the patty of one’s sci, or elective, identity A scale was constructed 1 ates individ. ‘wal differences in collective, rather than personal, self-esteem, with four subscales (Membership exon, Public eallecive self clam, Private collactive slfeteom, and Importance to Tden- tty). Evidence for righty and validity of the scale was pro. vided by three studies, suggesting thatthe scale ca be a useful ‘search ool. Implications for nssarch and social identity Ubeory ere discus. 7. {group memberships to indi- viduals’ self-concept and social behavior is explicitly ac- knowledged in social identity theory (e.g., Tajfel, 1982; ‘Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986; Turner, 1982), which posits that the selfconcept has two. distinct aspects. One is Personal identity, which includes specific attributes of the individual such as competence, talent, and sociabil- ity. The other aspect is one’s social identity, defined as “that part of an individual's self-concept which derives {from his knowledge of his membership in a social group (or groups) together with the valueand emotional signifi- ‘ance attached to that membership” (Tajfel, 1981, p. 255). According to social identity theory, a social group is a collection of individuals who see themselves as members ‘of the same social category. Accordingly, social identity can derive froma variety ofgroup memberships, including those based on race, gender, and occupation. Whereas personal identity refers to how people view themselves as individuals, social identity refers to how they view the social groups to which they belong. 302 ‘Whereas European social peychologists ike Tajfel and ‘Turner use the term social identtyin reference to the part ofthe selfconcept thatis based on membershipsin social ‘§roups or categories, in American terminology this is Generally referred to as collective identity, while social ‘dentityis used in reference to interpersonal domains and social roles. Cheek and his colleagues (e.g., Cheek, 1989; Cheek, Underwood, & Cutler, 1985) make this distine. tion explicit by differentiating among three rather than ‘wo aspects of identity: personal, social, and collective, Here, personal identity is equivalent to personal identity as discussed by social identity theorists, denoting indi- viduals’ personal values, ideas, goals, emotions, and s0 forth. Social identity, in contrast, differs from what is called social identity in social identity theory; here, it refers to the self in relation to others (ie, in interper- sonal domains), with regard to, for example, one's pop- ularity, attractiveness, reputation, and mannerisms. Col- lective identity is similar to Tajfel and Turner's social identity, in that it denotes thote aspects of the self- ‘concept that relate to race, ethnic background, religion, feelings of belonging in one's community, and the like. ‘The importance of the distinction between personal and collective aspects is also evident in a recent program of research by Triandis and his colleagues (eg., Hui, 1988; ‘Triandis, 1989; Triandis, Bontempo, Villareal, Asai, ‘Author Note: This research was supported by National Science Foun- sation Grant BNS 8520698 to Jennifer Crocker, Portions ofthis article were presented at the annual meeting of the Eastern Paychologial ‘Asociation, Buta, New York, Apll 1988. We wish to thank Mark ‘Sayer, Sid Shrauger, Jonathan Cheek, and two reviewers for thet ‘helpful comment and criclums regarding earlier versions, orrespon ‘dence shouldbe addrewed o Ra Luhtanen or Jenifer Crocker Depa ‘ment of Prychology, Park Hall, SUNY.Bulfalo, Buflalo, NY 14360, PSPB, Vo. 18 No.3, June 1992 S02-318 (© 1992 bythe Socteiy for Personal and Socal Pychology, Ine. Luhtanen, Crocker / COLLECTIVE SELF-ESTEEM SCALE $08 Lucca, 1988; Triandis, McCusker, & Hui, 1990), who dis ‘inguish between individualism and collectivism—that is, the extent to which personal versus in-group goals, needs, and beliefs are emphasized. Henceforward, in line with American terminology and the distinctions made by Cheek and his colleagues, we will use the terms collective identity and collective slfesteen to denote those aspects of identity that have to do with memberships in social groups and the value placed on one's socal groupe, respectively. Social identity theory (eg., Tajfel & Turner, 1986) makes explicit the evaluative nature of both personal and social (or, in American terminology, collective) aspects of identity It posits that individuals strive to maintain or enhance not only a positive personal identity but also a Positive collective identity. To the extent that one's social ‘groups are valued and compare favorably with relevant comparison groups, one’s collective identity is positive. ‘Tajfel and Turner (1986) outline several strategies that serve to protect or enhance social identity, including social competition, whereby the group members try to enhance their objective position in the society, individ- tual mobility, whereby persons with negative or threat- ‘ened social identity may leave or dissociate themselves, from a social group;! and different “social creativity” strategies such as comparing the in-group with the out- group on dimensions that allow for a positive outcome ‘or choosing another out-group with which the ingroup is compared. Other social psychological theories of self-esteem, however, have emphasized the more individualistic, or Personal, aspects of the selfconcept. Several authors have argued that individuals strive to maintain, protect, and enhance a positive selFimage (e4., Greenwald, 1980; Jones, 1978; Taylor & Brown, 1988; Tesser & Campbell, 1983; Wills, 1981). This selfenhancement tendency is revealed in a variety of social behaviors and cognitions (see Taylor & Brown, 1988, for a review). Recent evi- 08 and ~02,respecively). This pattern’ ‘Alans In the Black sample (n= 2), belle in race dlcriminadon, ‘orreiued poshvely with Membership, Private, and tral OSES (m= 1, 29, and .02 respecte) and negathvely withthe Public and dere subacales (w= ~83 and ~14, repectvey), but mall ample sae, these correlauons were noc signcant and should be lnuerpreted with caution In the Asian sample (n= $2), none of te ‘orreiadons were neyatv;belle'in race dicriminadon correlated at .37,1,,01,.18,and.19 with Membership, Private, Puble Ident, and ‘oral GSES, respectively. Again, owing to the small ample sve, only the ‘orreladon with the Membership subscale reached tignificance (p< 25). It appears that for minorities, bt not for Whites, beef In rad ‘discrimination is poulively astociated with membership and private

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