Nowa Kult Special Edition

Anarchist Bookfair | Vienna | 22-24 April 2016
Editorial
Nowa Kultura (New Culture) is
a publishing collective. Its
purpose is the publishing of
books, brochures etc. which will
contribute in the procedure of
education and the creation of
critical thinking, mainly at
the world of political books.
The structure of the editions is based on the culture
of autogestion, which answers
at the same time the issues of
livelihood and also to the political promotion of this culture and not the one of volunteerism. The income of the
books and brochures they cover the needs of every edition
(translating, editing, printing etc.), as well as those of
the next editions. Our goal
is to help the seeds of autogestion at every phase of the
creation of a book, from the
translation until the selling of it. We support every
working collective that exists, while we try to help
all the others so that they
can become reality, because
AUTOGESTION IS OUR WEAPON.
We are open to anyone who
wants to get in contact with
us to publish something that
they wrote, translated or
even get help if, for example,
they are a working collective that we are unaware of.
Useful Links:
nowakult.blogspot.gr
libertatiasquat.blogspot.gr
facebook.com/antifa.pthess/
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Nowa Kultura Special Edition
Contents
page 3:
No Sundays as working days are

a solution to the economical
crisis of capitalism.
page 5:
Thoughts about general strikes.
page 7:
A few words about the self-education group.
page 9:
The arabic spring and other

colorfull urban revolutions.
page 15:
Autogestion is our weapon.
page 18:
Politics of antifascism.
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No Sundays as working days are a solution

to the economical crisis of capitalism
Since 1910, public holiday on
Sundays institutionalized after working class struggles.
existence of individualism and

of sexism, together with the
low wages, capitalism reinforce itself adding a new way
In 2012 Sundays legalized as of exploitation of the workworking days as a solution to ers. This measure ,of course,
the economical crisis.
receives the social acceptance
that it needs, through the unIn 2015, the government coa- conscious consumers who, as
lition of the parties SY.RIZ.A. they say, they dont have anand AN.EL. made clear that other day for shopping.
they will bring back the institution of the Sundays pubThe abolition of Sundays
lic holiday, but never hap- public holiday has no goal to
pened.
improve our quality of living.
We have no delusion that the

extra working days and hours
will give the solution for the
economical crisis and that
the economy of Greece will
rebound. Through the intensification of working, the development of competition, the
In contrast, it is a measure
that will support the big companies and at the same time
the capital itself. As a result the masses are driven to
poverty.
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In plain words, this measure
is another step for the transformation of people to workers-slaves and consumers with
zero free time for their selfgrowth.
Our struggle is not only a
claim for better working conditions. As any other we participate, it is a part of struggles against the capitalistic
system as a whole. This fight
must become reality at every
part of opression of the system that we live in. The pint
is that in all of these struggles the working class must
play a leading part. The workers must fight for their rights
through self-organized workers unions and self-organized
struggles wherever they work.
Accordingly to the workers,
the consumers must act and
deny to support this difficult
situation
of
exploitation.
Thus, they will express their
solidarity.
The photo was taken during a
demo at a mall in Thessaloniki
with a coaliation of groups from
the anarchist/communist political scene against the Sundays
working days.
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we believe that crisis is an
opportunity to show off the
contradistinctions of capitalism and finally destroy it.
Thoughts
about
general strikes
In case of Greece, trying

to detect the form and the
organization of the social
class counterattack, we consider general strikes as potential revolutionary means.
However,
we
observe
that
the form(aspect) of present
strikes seem unable to create a real revolutionary and
radical method of proletarian
struggle against authority, in
spite of the great amount of
protesters participation as
well as the confrontational
techniques that are embraced
by them. Certain pathogenesis
are being reproduced. If we
consider the prevalent circumstances, the percentage of
workers that strike consciously is very small. Also, considering strike as a way to paralyze the producing procedure
we observe that this rarely happens. On the contrary,
during these mobilizations,
the consumption keeps being
unrelenting. Furthermore, being fragmentary and with low
duration, strikes, seem to became a way for the social anger to be decompressed. As a
result of these, they cannot
compose a continuous procedure to the escalation of the
economical-political race.
After lots of demonstrations-strikes that have taken

place in Greece from 2008 till
now, when the big crisis
was emerged, we consider that
it is important to review,
critic and finally valuate this
matter. For us, this crisis is
not something random or an
unfortunate happening. It
is neither a result of a bad
filancial management, nor of
some opportunists or individual politicians.
We understand the crisis as a
basic component of capitalism,
where state and capital try to
restructure the exploitative
relations (relations between
exploiters and exploited) aiming the depreciation of the
workforce. At the same time,
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At this point, we would like
to refer to the part of institutional and partisan trade
unions. The General Confederation of Workers of Greece
(GSEE) and the Civil Servants
Supreme Administrative Council
(ADEDY) as also the All-Workers Militant Front (PAME)* as
they lead at most of workplaces
due to the lack of powerful,
self-organized and revolutionary bases, they constitute the
main expressive-administrator
unions at work issues. Regarding these, we cannot do anything else but to oppose to
their systemic role which is
nothing more than seeking social peace for employers by
organizing strikes that are
unable to have a radical and
revolutionary character and be
a real threat to the system.
ers themselves, is urgent.

The creation, namely, of a new
centerpiece for the coordination and diffusion of solidarity between workers.
*founded on the initiative
ofCommunist Party of Greece
As we have mentioned before,

we consider strikes as the main
way of complete paralysis of
the productive process. Starting from the financial arrogations, through interaction and
development of consciousness
that are raised by participating at strikes, these arrogations, have to transform to
a general political struggle.
Thus, the need of a revolutionary institution of the
working class with assemblies
and
self-organized
unions,
also with the creation of
working collectives and possession-self
management
of
the production means by work6
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terested in , then it searches for bibliography and finally each member takes over a
book. After a specific period the presentations begin.
One member reads the book and
makes a presentation to the
others and continues with discussion. This happens in cycle
( everyone must read and present a book), and that is the
way that self-education works.
A few words about the

self-education group
The self education group is
created as a need for more discussion and analysis of subjects that we have not time to
discuss in the main assembly.
It is a need to have (political) thesis in main topics
for the (self-)determination
of the group in theoretical
basis, that lead to the definition of the practical basis too. So we decided to create this specific structure to
solve the problem.
The main purpose of the

groups existence is not to
make a specific brochure with
the conclusions of each discussion, this happens in specific cases. We do not want in
any case these inferences to
be dogmatized by the squat.
A main problem that this

process tries to solve, is the
creation of informal hierarchies that are shaped inside
of these open assemblies
of assorted (heterogeneous)
people in the base of knowledge-cognitive level of the
individualities who compose
it.
This structure is combined
with the operation of an
open-lending library and also
with study and discussion .It
took its final form at November of 2008, and continues
until now in the squat. The
procedure that is being acIn contrast, the prime ambicomplished is the following.
tion of this group is the unAfter a discussion, the group
forced participation in this
chooses a topic that is inprocedure aiming to the an7
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ti-hierarchical and meaningful

education through interactive
communication. The inferences
enable the group in making
decisions at different topics.
The group of self education,
is an open procedure for anyone who wants to participate.
It is not a private group only
for the members of the political assembly despite the fact
that it started from them.
This social profile of this

procedure, wants to promote
the meaning of participation
and collectivity and opens new
fields of communication. With
this way we overcome the sterile culture of parties and cafes, and we give the message
that:
ACTION REQUIRES KNOWLEDGE AND
KNOWLEDGE REQUIRES EDUCATION.
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The arabic spring

and other colorfull urban revolutions
On the 2000s there have
started -and are still going
on- some broad developments
and reclassifications in the
area of the balkans, northern
africa, ex- USSR and middle
east, which we perceive within
the frame of a wider geopolitical transformation for the
reordering of the sphere of
influence of the great powers. In a communist phraseology, we would say that we
have to do with a war between
imperialistic powers that aim
the safeguarding of areas of
economical exploitation.
The strategy of these operations is to exploit circumstances of discontent and intensity that are being created
within these countries. With
existent rather than fictitious
causes like poverty, hunger,
politial oppression. The triggers vary; from fraud in the
elections to the suicide of
a breadwinner, the murder of
a member of the suppression
forces or a strike somewhere.
All these have as a result the
spontaneous political disobedience. Something that is being built on the apolitical
and superficial - but also omnipresent - strength of the
social media. With mass demonstrations and assemblies in
central squares and with the
dominant element that they
are not instigated or based
on political movements. With
no other demands than to send
away the existing government
and replace it with a new one.
Trying to be bloodless, with
weapons the massiveness, the
right of the demands - mainly
for more liberties - and mainly their dislike for political parties and organizations.
Since everyone is the same,
everyone is guilty. The aim
is to join under the flag of
spontaneity almost all of the
But this is a war different

than the others. A low intensity war as it is named
-in the frame of a wider nomenclature - , in the form of
marketing, by the ones that
perform these operations. Operations that are being literally foisted as spectactle with
the excuse of the protection
of the poor and opressed peoples from ruthless and blooded dictators. For the revolutions that break out in these
zones,
several
imaginative
brand names/ labels/ trademarks have been invented like;
orange revolution, revolution
of the tulip, arabic spring,
collateral damage, etc.
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spectrum of the classes of a
society. At first, there is the
aim of a non violent clash with
the existing regime, but if
this finally occurs, to remain
in a controllable and manageable frame. Even when armed
clashes occur, the spectator
needs to have the feeling of
their spontaneity. We are not
fans or worshipers of violence.
But revolution, as we mean it
from our viewpoint, consists
of the self management of the
production means, communism,
equality, peace and democracy.
We dont support conspiracy
theories; that behind everything hides one or another.
As said before, the reasons
and excuses exist. The problem
that comes up is the standard
recipy that is being followed
in these occasions, in a sequence of events that is almost
identical. Is the similarity
of reactions accidental? Or
maybe the reactions/uprisings/
revolutions have molded into
one recipe in the frame of
globalization? The similarity
of the demands? Is it because
of the crisis? Maybe this is
also a strong factor. In a capitalistic system the battle of
the classes is never going to
seize to exist. The point is
which class will be favored by
the solution.
The glorification of spontaneity and of the social movements is what we understand
and want to point out, analyze and criticise. Every action is being judged from its
result and, in this case, the
results are quite negative for
all the kinds of outcasts and
oppressed. We are with them,
but the conscious ones, the
ones that shined through their
absence in these historical
events. To justify our positions we will cite the events
of the most distinctive case
of colourful revolutions.
Serbia, 2000
In the - already devastated
from the civil war - ex-Yugoslavia, the regime of Milosevits, the last communist regime, remains. The uprising is
mainly organized by the team
OTPOR (resistance) and has all
the characteristics we mentioned before. OTPOR started
operating on October of 1998
with 11 memebers of age 20-25
in Grinnet Cafe in Belgrade.
Soon more than 70.000 thousand
people registered in the organization. The statement for
the future of Serbia was endorsed in the end of 1998 by
six different universities of
the country, while the first
conference of the organization
took place in Belgrade in the
end of 1999. The records of the
conference underlined the main
points of the serbian, peaceful, non-violent, democratic
struggle; free and fair elections, democracy, independent
universities and media, free-
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dom of speech and the right
to assemble. Their logo is
the black flag with the white
fist, which would later be the
global flag of the colourful or
urban revolutions. The results was to take down the regime, have Milosevits arrested and carry out elections.
Poverty and inequalities will
remain.
tailer is the spark that will

light the wick of the arab
spring. Twitter and facebook
are on fire and in no time
all the social layers enter
the dance of the uprising.
The middle class that wants
a share in the management of
the state, the poor and landless that have nothing to
lose, bosses and workers. So,
everyone together; oppressed
Georgia, 2003
peoples, doctrines, ethniciThe rose revolution has ties, sects, fans of teams, Al
Kmara (thats enough) as a slo- Kaida, islamists.. from modergan. The U.S.A. try to place ates to fundamentalists. What
their marionette president a fucking revolution, everywithout taking into account one inside and on the other
the russian friends that re- side the cops, the bureauact immediately and violently crats and the army. After a
and prevent the coup.
somehow
controllable
clash
but even more a spontaneous
Ukraine, 2004
one, the elections are won by
The orange revolution with the islamists, the light
the slogan Pora (its time) is ones. What kind of spring
caused by the attempt of the is this? Maybe only we, the
change of the sphere of in- demanding ones, cannot underfluence from russian to amer- stand. Having some puppet of
ican. The uprising had all Christodoulos or Ieronimos (1)
the characteristiccs we men- seems more like an arab midtioned before. The result was dle age or a heavy political
a american-friendly, or west- winter. Tunisia was the motive
ern-friendly regime to be im- for a series of uprisings of
posed for a while but not for ather arab countries of northlong, since Russia didnt al- ern africa. We will talk about
low this change.
Egypt.
Kirgistan, 2005
Egypt, 2011
The revolution of the tuIn the beginning of 2008, the
lip has the same fate with workers of the textile state
the countries of the ex- USSR. factory of the city Al Mahala Al Kubra, stated that they
Tunisia, 2010
will strike the first Sunday
The self-immolation of a re- of April, protesting for the
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low wages and the high prices of the food. The workers
attracted the interest of a
team of young bloggers, which,
through facebook, started to
organize strikes and demonsrations all over the country as a sign of solidarity
to the workers of Al Mahala.
Thats how the movement of 6th
April was created. What flowed
so smoothly through the internet, proved to be much more
difficult in practice. The unprecedented for the country
protests of 6th April did not
achieve their goal. The protesters clashed with the police, which finally entered
the factory and stopped the
strike. The protesters burned
buildings while the police unleashed fire to the assembled,
which resulted to the death of
two people. The conclusion of
that day was that facebook is
a great means of organization
and rallying of the people, but
is not enough, for the people
that went out on the streets to
protest against the dictatorial regime, to win the fight. On
the summer of 2009, the twenty year old egyptian blogger
Mohammed Adel, instigator of
6th april movement, together
wih four more members, visited
the OTPOR movement in Serbia.
After they got their lesson,
followed the domino of the
arab uprisings and the epic of
tahrir. A square that was so
honoured, spontaneity in all
its glory, became a poster,
became a slogan, became imaginary, up to the point that

people said that the muslim
women with chador and stones
in hand are the revolutionary
subject. Such a passion with
tahrir. The direct democracy
of the tahrir assemblies became the new fantasy of the
lefts/ anarchists. Now, how is
it possible to have a substantial and effective communication between such a big and
heterogenous crowd? This is
something that only the dogmatism of spontaneity can explain. In any case, the result
of the case of Egypt is characteristic for all the arab
spring. It is also important to note that the revolted
count hundreds or maybe even
thousands of dead, injured and
tortured. The ones who took
the lead in the uprising were
defeated in the elections from
the brother muslims, who,
in the uprising, where absent.
The adjacent friendly party to the ex-regime was second in the elections. Failure?
For now, probably yes. And, to
say the truth, in 2 september 2012, the news presenter
of the national tv appeared
with hijab, breaking the ban
of decades. Moreover the
problem of sexual harrasment
in Egypt has reached epidemic dimensions, especially the
last three months - and its
clear now that behind the elation of this problem hides the
turn of the country to the
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traditional islamic morality,
that forbids the women to move
unaccompanied, even if they
wear the hijab.!
We will quote an announcement of the socialist rebels
of Egypt on the 20th of March
that we consider a good sample without being indentified
with the specific organization;
Modern imperialism uses various mechanisms to achieve its
only goal, which is to ensure
that the arabic regimes will
remain loyal to the submission
to the monopolies of global
capitalism and the policies
of colonialism. This becomes
achievable with the alliance
of the classes that benefit from the maintainance of
the old regime and that fear
the spreading of the peoples
revolution. The interference
takes place in a lot of forms;
Through propaganda and the
use of controversial sources
of funding that connect with
the american government and
companies that support american or zionist imperialism, or
through military operations.
The invasion of the Peninsula
Shield Force in Bahrein, the
announcement of the military
operation in Libya, the visit
of HIlary Clinton, the suitcases with dollars that appear under the pretext of the
support of democracy or the
spreading of democratic concerns, are all part of the
same plan. This doesnt mean
that we have to deal with a
conspiracy, but that there

is naturally a tight interrelationship of interests between
systems, governments and the
international capitalist monopolies.
The indignants (Los indignagos).
We consider that the movement of the indignants in
Spain and Greece moved aroud
the same structural features
of the peaceful revolutions
that were party described before. Although we have already
analyzed this movement in the
first and second issue of nowa
kultura, we will examine a bit
one of its structural parameters. The movement of the indignants turned into action
the slogan of a portion of
the anarchists everyone out
on the streets, something in
which we never agreed. Everyone went out on the streets
and then what? Everyone wanted
to defend their own right and
all together to support their
privileges. Probably for the
anarchists all of them are the
cause of the crisis. We point
out the specific issue/slogan
because it is the quintessence
of randomness, everyone out
on the streets and whatever
comes out. So, we are talking
about the quintessece of these
revolutions that detest organization. This is the principal enemy of these opinions,
theories and practices; the
organisation of the masses,
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the structure that has a programme and a target. That is
what they fear and fight with
every means, either through
institutional
chairs
of
external policy management,
or through extra-institutional assemblies that are always
with the others, while the
others are never anything.
Libya, 2011
The domino of the arabic
spring passes through Libya
were the resistance of the regime will lead to a civil war,
intervention of France and England, and finally the fall and
execution of Kadafi. Thousands
of people were slayed.
Syria, 2011
Until now, civil war is still
going on with thousands of
dead people and probably the
Assad regime is going to lose
the battle against the opposition which is guided by NATO
and is fully equiped.
Generally, in all these occasions the element of proletarian struggle was missing.
Wherever this was brought into
life (e.g. Egypt) followed the
strategy of spontaneous and
romantic
revolution,
without demands. What we probably cannot see; the beauty of
the organization that is hidden in spontaneity and not the
one that already exists and
tries to lead or maybe run
the show. So. now wear the
hijab and see you in the next

uprising.
What stays from all these situations is the urban essence
of these revolutions that stay
far from taking revolutional characteristics as we mean
them or otherwise a class revolution. The violent change of
the regimes with other ones of
the same type, shows the need
of organized political movements that could replace the
previous ones in case of an
uprising. In other words, to
turn the uprising to a revolution. We hope that the change
of the regimes will in favor
of creating and fermenting
the cores, through which will
start the revolution proccess.
The cordon of the urban reformistic colourful revolutions has way to go. Lets
throw the leaders in their
traps, turning them into real
revolutions; turning the imperialistic war to a class
revolutionary war.
This text was written in 2011
and thus it contains some outdated infos.
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Autogestion is our weapon

We learned with a smile in
our faces that the workers of
Viomichaniki Metaleftiki(Vio.
Me.) want to get the production of the industry in their
hands in exchange of the unpaid wages the boss owes to
them. The struggle started at
May of 2011 after the closing-abandonment of the industry from the management. As
an answer the general assembly of the worker union (40
people) with a percentage of
98% agreement proceed to work
stoppage.
Since September of 2011.
Vio.Me. is a part of the Filkeram-Johnson ownership. The
industry
used
to
produce
mainly glue for tiles and
its based at the industrial zone of Thermi, Thessaloniki.
Our thesis is the
occupation and autogestion of
the production. As a political group, we stand in solidarity with the demands of
the workers of Vio.Me.
and
we make clear that we will
support any other struggle of
the working class that put as
a goal the autogestion of the
workspaces. We think that the
struggle of Vio.Me. moves at
that direction.
Only solutionautogestion
We put as a primary goal, so
we can overthrow the economical crisis and the capitalistic system, which gives birth
to it, the autogestion of production through the creation
in a massive way of the culture of collectives, through
the creation of revolutionary
self-organized worker unions
and in general the organization of our class through realistic revolutionary logic
and actions.
Unfortunately (or fortunately for some other people) the
majority of the working class
struggles stay only at the
level of economical part of
the struggles. At that point,
with the struggle of Vio.Me.
its putted on the table the
plan of autogestion of an industry through the control
of the workers. As they say
at their announcements, they
dont fight only for the money
their bosses owe to them, but
to take the control of the
production at their hands.
They create a plan of the viability of this structure:
they demand from the state a
law form that will let them
work under a legal state and
so let them start the engines
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of the industry under their

control with the law form of
co-operative business.
Our opinion is that at this
point the intervention of the
state for the creation of a
new law form for the control
of industries (bankrupted or
abandoned) by their workers
does not guarantee their viability at the beginning. Autogestion of the industries
by itself can be used as a
tool to pressure of the creation of better law forms.
Neither privatization
nor nationalization
We think that the workers by
themselves should make clear
their ideas and meaning of the
state of the workers control they want to have. From
our point of view we stand
against the logic of private
co-operations who have profit as the sole goal of the
co-operators. We also stand
against at any total nation-
alization that cancels every

meaning of workers control
and autogestion, by creating
a logic of delegation and hierarchy, ideas that theyre
against the idea of autogestion which is structured on
the conscious co-operation.
The possibility of trade-economical
war
against
any
structure of this kind, if
necessary, can be confront
partially and for a small period of time through the help
of the state for the continuum of the circle of production and the selling of the
products. Also, the social
solidarity, at this case, has
to be transformed in a tool
of political pressure to that
way, always with the idea of
autogestion as a criterion.
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This specific struggle makes
clear the need of creation
of a political organization,
which we think that is the
basis for the construction
and the coordination between
people, political groups, actions, movements with revolutionary characteristics and
goals. A political organization, through which we can
organize our political struggles with the point of reference to the intensification of
our class struggles and the
revolutionary practices.
Thats why we want to note
some issues we found in the
solidarity
assemblies
for
Vio.Me. and we think that they
have direct connection with
the structure of the idea of
autogestion. First, there is
a part of the solidarity people that it does not put autogestion of production as an
average of values. Also, other people they cant decide
if they speak to the working class, the Greek population in general, the bosses
(big or lesser). Thats why
we suggest the creation of
not just another solidarity
assembly thats going to get
dismembered by itself when
the struggle will be finished,
but a soli-assembly created
by affinity groups and organizations who they are not going to change their political
propaganda whenever they are
going to gain political surplus. We talk about those that
through their writing and acting they prove that autogestion can exist, exists, and
evolves in the city we live.
We dont want to be dogmatic,
but we must be clear with the
issue of autogestion. Against
randomness and deification of
spontaneity, against the dogmatic defense only of the
workers rights, as the only
way of the class struggle,
the struggle of Vio.Me. is a
step to the creation of autogestion at every part of the
production, if there is will,
structure and organization.
And all of these, because we
must not let this struggle to
become food in the jaws of reformism and fascism.
If you cannot do it, we can.
This text was written at the
beginning of Vio.Me. struggle.
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Politics of antifascism
In an era of generalized global capitalist crisis, fascism
emerged
to
counterbalance
communism; as an outlet for
the crisis, via expansionism
(imperialism) and forced labour. Superficially defending,
the bourgeois, the guilds and
the interests of the national work force through conservative politics, fascism establishes complete dominance
over the urban class and the
capital.
From the formal subsuming of
labour to the capital, to the
typical (way of working) fascism super-intensifies the exploitation of the population.
The roots of fascism lie in
poverty, both material and
spiritual that is caused by
capitalism and its crisis,
by habit and by the opposition to the different since
it defends the interests of
capitalism.
Fascist ideology is primary expressed through aesthetics/aesthetically in a militant way (athletic, clean and
shaved) absolute and imposing.
Taking up characteristics of
fundamentalism and ruthless
secular religion, its basic
doctrine is the superiority of
the nation. Its imperiousness
is expressed via the ideals of
strength, superiority of the

fittest (aryan race), bravery
and the strict enforcement of
rules, that have as a standard the reproduction of the
strongest. Fascists create an
extremely conservative society that worships the nuclear
family and is guided by men.
The cause of the emergence
of such ideologies will continue to exist, as long as
inequality exists amongst humans and as long as competition, social darwinism and
capitalism exist that imply
social, political and economical crisis and create an
illusion of consciousness of
human relations.
Fascism can be faced , by
analyzing ideologically-theoretically and practically
its causes. Taking as a fact
that this construct originates from capitalism and the
habits that accompany it, the
fight against it contains, the
rupture-denial with this specific way of producing values
and ideas.
For us though denial does
not suffice, for essentially
it does not allow substantial
rooting of this phenomenon
since, it does not suggest
any affirmative position. In
the war with capitalism, we
18
12/4/2016 3:05:49

oppose communism as the sole
other way we have to travel.
In all the uprisings and
moments that class struggle
was intense which have happen through history, that
did not turn to revolutions,
the repression and the measures taken (strengthening)
by the government authorities
were, very cruel (Spanish
revolution, German Freicorps,
Greece NUG*1). In a few words
the counter revolutions take
the necessary measures, to
suppress the phenomenon.
In
this
case,
fascism
strengthens this ascertainment as it confirms the rule.
After the attempts made by the
Spartacists in Germany and
the Workers Counsels in Italy and the almost successful
seizure of power and establishment of communism, followed the organized and practical attack of the capital.
The connection between the
rise of the nazis and the failure of the 1917-1919 revolution is direct and we believe
it derives from the danger
of communism. Also something
else that should be mentioned
is the fact that nazis are
servants to the capital.
National
socialism
mobilizes all the social layers,
with emphasis on the middle
class with suburban characteristics. An obvious example is that it came to power
through elections in Germany.
Considering the socio-politi-
cal condition that existed in

the countries, we mainly examine (Germany-Italy) we see
that in Germany the formation
of the national state is considerably delayed, because of
the persisting feudal type of
constitution.
Within the bourgeois democratic revolution, national
unification means economic
unity of a social formation.
Although these countries are
financially developed, they
are late arrivals to the capitalistic system. Via the increased exploitation of the
working force and state interventionism, national socialism runs forward overcoming obstacles and establishes
prosperity for all Germans.
The bourgeoisie mans the positions in the state mechanisms, where they already had
kept some influence (feudalism) and the concentration
of capital helps with investments.
Restoring the lost prestige
of frustration from the lost
wars (first world war), fascist movement responds to the
fear of the different, with
the creation of conditions
for survival of a regulatory environment (peace, order,
security) and thusly manages
to secure benefits and to zero
unemployment, in benefit of
their own nations.
The fascist movement, became
stronger thanks to the support
of the finance capital (indus-
19
12/4/2016 3:05:49

trial-banking), which was at
that time strong and is based
in the habit that follows the
social reproduction.
Also it had a much better
organization. Communists and
social democrats were falling behind, due to the fact
that they were fighting with
each other and both sides respectively collaborated with
the nazis. (The socialists
signed the war reparations
of the First World War, collaborated with the Freicorps
in order to bring down the
Spartacists, showed tolerance to the Weimar Republic;
while communists respectively in 1927 created a working front with Hitler. Example of similar collaborations
today is the social democracy
of Greece, with the collaboration of Syriza-Kammenos*2).
The politics of anti-fascism (for us), consolidates
the questioning of capitalism
and subsequently the fascist
model of production. The anti-fascism of the historical
movements, unifies the peoples propensity for equality, humanization, justice
and highlights the denial of
totalitarianism through the
memory of horrors of fascism
and its results.
Its crimes also contributed
to the constant vigilance of
the movement.
Given the absence of an
overt fascism, the anti-fascist struggle, expresses self-
less and meaningful differentiation against the ideology

of fascism (attitude, perception, function) with the respective lifestyle.
Fascism is a specific political system that was born about
a century ago. Todays devoted fascists come from this political tendency and bear its
characteristics.
Therefore
although the conditions have
changed, the content remains
the same. Thusly, anti-fascism today since it fights the
same roots, is thought to be a
continuation of the anti-fascism of the 30s.
The anti-fascism today cannot be meant as a whole, since
the analysis of many anti-fascists is limited to the denial, while ignoring the causes. This further implies that
the actions depend, on the
position of the collectives
in a historical continuity
and the means they use. Radicality is defined depending on
the means.
For us today, fascism means
intensification of labour relations, absolutism of relationships and practices, sexism, enforcement, militarism
aesthetics, xenophobia, hatred towards the different,
vertical intergration in the
way of decision taking, cult
of the leader.
All the above features, create the ideology of fascism
bred by values and behaviours
of similar types.
20
12/4/2016 3:05:50
21
12/4/2016 3:05:50
previous page: monthly features on movies directors

above: antifa/soli-demo to squats
22
12/4/2016 3:05:50

Fascism today, we believe
acts as the rear guard of the
political and economic system
and as a troubleshoot backup
against radical attitudes.
Bringing together, reaction
and anger creates an anti-party, against the political establishment (practice that
brought the Italian phenomenon 1913-1919) operating in
intimidating ways, to discipline the mass to unpopular
measures.
The parallelism of modern
Greece with the Weimar republic has common characteristics
in terms of political instability, the specific character
of capitalism in Greece, which
bears feudal elements and violent proletarianization of
parts of middle class. The
feature that is not equivalent to the democracy of Weimar is the counterweight and
the threat of a movement-party
that will question ownership
and wage labour, the ideals
of fascism. Another point for
consideration is that of globalization, the rise of the
productive forces, or their
non-existence
on
a
global level that would threaten
capitalism and the fact that
there are coalition governments across Europe.
As said above, the objective
conditions have changed, the
economic
totalitarianism
is imposed with democratic
consensus and the socio-political dependence, from the
relation with the capital, is

full and forced labour that
has been replaced by a mixed
economy. The objective of anti-fascist movement today is,
to highlight the causes of the
phenomenon and to combat it.
Through
anti-fascism
are
also born actions (affirmations) of people in order to
combat it. The relationship
between theory and practice
is dialectical and one shows
who one really is via action.
Examining in total we should
focus on the partial, the
transformation of the person
that makes up the whole.
Therefore the way one reproduces the personality in everyday life is the beginning
of antifascism that completes
the whole.
The attitude perceptionthe behaviour, the inherent
characteristics of the ideology that forms the base of
society and affects the top
and the desire of the people.
For us the overvalue of labour, the coercive work, the
daily reproduction of sexist
standards, labour exploitative discipline standards,
racial discrimination, class
divisions, forms of cultural
identity and education that
follow or are affected by all
the above characteristics and
all the above embodied in
some human-types, contribute
in the creation of a fascist
society.
23
12/4/2016 3:05:50

Antifascism therefore, contributes in the altering of social reality through actions,
improving our habits and living conditions by creating,
the social counterbalance of
communism in practice: self
management in production.
As it is mentioned above
fascism serves the specific interests of the capital
and its branches in similar
situations (crisis, threat
of communism, etc.). History
shows that the interests of
the urban class are conflicted
and competing (capitalism).
Therefore, we can see, without
any pretext the continuity of
the First in the Second World
War whom in their essence are
the same: expansionary wars
for the exploitation of people. What differs, of course
is the form (the way) and the
intensity. The conditions for
maturation of fascism, came
to be in specific circumstances and are a national state
matter.
Fascism highlights, the ruling of a dominant race, and
consequently its interests
are conflicting with the rest
of the states-capitals. Referring from identifying urban democracy with fascism,
we believe that anti-fascism
cannot exist without it being also anti-capitalistic.
Considering democracy though,
and the perceptions towards
it, different prisms open up
to us. The democracy that is
in our opinion, the essential component of the revolutionary-progressive forces,

is the creation of equal opportunities (equality) common
ownership, transparency and
political liberalism.
Certainly, therefore we do
not identify democracy or its
admirers with fascism. We can
see elements that can be cultivated, in the way of opposition to absolutism. We believe that in order for a real
anti-fascist perspective to
exist, the necessary procedure is the proletarian revolution, where the partnership
amongst the ranks of the urban class is considered essential. Anti-fascism means,
a political system with democratic characteristics.
*1 National Union of Greece
(in Greek ): a anti-semitic nationalist party that
established in 1927 and was
mainly active in Thessaloniki and northern Greece. It
didnt succeed to turn into
a highly supported movement/
party.
*2 Syriza: the governing
party in Greece who is considered as a left one.
Kammenos: leader of a rightwing populistic party (Independent Greeks) which is participating in the governing
coalition with Syriza.
Hypothesis in a discussion in
which we were invited by Platypus.
Thessaloniki,2014
24
12/4/2016 3:05:50

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Anarchist Bookfair | Vienna | 22-24 April 2016

Nowa Kultura Special Edition

No Sundays as working days are

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