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The Skeptics Guide

to American History
THE UNIVERSITY OF VERMONT
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Taught by Professor Mark A. Stoler
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LECTURE TITLES
1.
Religious Toleration in Colonial America?
2.
Neither American nor Revolutionary?
3.
The Constitution Did Not Create a Democracy
4.
WashingtonFailures and Real Accomplishments
5.
Confusions about Jefferson and Hamilton
6.
Andrew JacksonAn Odd Symbol of Democracy
7.
The Second Great AwakeningEnduring Impacts
8.
Did Slavery Really Cause the Civil War?
9.
The Civil Wars Actual Turning Points
10. The Myth of Laissez-Faire

11. Misconceptions about the Original Populists
12. Labor in AmericaA Strange History
13. Myths about American Isolation and Empire
14. Early Progressives Were Not Liberals
15. Woodrow Wilson and the Rating of Presidents
16. The Roaring Twenties Reconsidered
17. Hoover and the Great Depression Revisited
18. What Did Roosevelts New Deal Really Do?
19. World War II Misconceptions and Myths
20. Was the Cold War Inevitable?
21. The Real Blunders of the Vietnam War
What Really Happened

in Our Nations Past?
22. Myths about American Wars
Our knowledge of American history is built on a set of longaccepted beliefs. But what if those beliefshowever familiar
dont really tell the whole story? What we believe to be history is
the lens through which we view the world. And when that lens is
distorted with misleading information, it has powerful effects on
everything from how we vote to how we interpret the news.
The Skeptics Guide to American History
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Mark A. Stoler of The University of Vermont, this bold course
will make you consider what actually happened in the nations
pastas opposed to what many believe happened. More than
merely debunking accepted accounts, youll be able to replace
these misconceptions with insightful truths.
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December 2015
Change comes
to Dixie in a civil
rights march,
Alabama, 1965.
A M E R I C A N H I S TO RY
MARCH! Petition. Protest. Demonstrate. Ordinary Americans

foment extraordinary change to remind us all that, in the words of Abraham
Lincoln, Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves.
FEATURES
26 The Graphic Life of John Lewis
The civil rights icon and 15-term congressman reaches

a new constituency with a comic bookstyle memoir
by Gene Seymour
36 Correcting the Constitution

Was the Bill of Rights necessary?
by Richard Brookhiser
42 Freedoms Dream Deferred
The backlash against Reconstruction put the promises

of the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments on hold
by Eric Foner
52 How Long Must We Wait?

Alice Paul wanted to get women the vote,
so she took her demands straight to the top
by J.D. Zahniser
60 In Pursuit of Justice
10 Supreme Court decisions that dened civil rights

by Allison Torres Burtka
DEPARTMENTS
4 Letters
8 American Mosaic
14 Cameo
Caresse Crosby, free-spirited inventor
16 Encounter
Buffalo Bill at Queen Victorias command
18 Interview
Civil rights organizer Bernard Lafayette
20 Game On
Women win big with Title IX
22 Dj Vu
Does disarmament work?
25 Editors Note
66 Reviews
72 Top Bid
Campaign kitsch
COVER AND ABOVE: BRUCE DAVIDSON/MAGNUM PHOTOS
DECEMBER 2015
LETTERS
I just picked up the October issue. Disasters

is an interesting topic, but you missed one of
the worst in U.S. history: The Peshtigo Fire in
Wisconsin on October 8-9, 1871, killed more
people (2,500) and destroyed more land (1
million acres) than the Great Chicago Fire,
which occurred at the same time.
A magazine such as yours should get
beyond the obvious. October 9, 1871, is also
called the Day Michigan Burned because
Michigan too suffered massive res. Today as
California, with a great coastline like Michigan
and Wisconsin, endures drought, we might do
well to remember what happened in 1871.
Mary Ann DeNeve Slavcheff
Royal Oak, Mich.
Running Hot and Cold

I expected a more neutral, thoughtful
discourse about climate change in the
Editors Note of the October issue. Instead,
you launched into a screed of unsubstantiated
theories. Cold weather is much more
dangerous to humanity and our food supply
than global warming. Shouldnt we be
preparing? Are you editors cooling deniers?
John Andersen
Wetumpka, Ala.
V-J Days?
Foreign Minister
Mamoru Shigemitsu
and General Yoshijiro
Umezu lead the
Japanese delegation,
September 2, 1945.
American History
19300 Promenade
Drive, Leesburg, VA
20176-6500
americanhistory@
historynet.com
As you note in Victory Over Japan (American

Mosaic, October 2015), Emperor Hirohito
cabled his surrender to the United States
on August 14, 1945. It was announced to the
American public and widespread celebrations
began that day. August 14, not the 15th, marked
our victory and is the true V-J Day.
James S. Brust
San Pedro, Calif.
Americans typically observe V-J Day on August
14, but in much of the rest of the world, the
news came on August 15. President Harry
Truman declared V-J Day to be September
2, the day the Japanese signed the surrender
papers, officially ending World War II.
American Herstory
The Berlin bureau chief in 1925 was a woman!
Who knew? The article on Dorothy Thompson
(Encounter, October 2015) was interesting

on many levels. The perfect response to
my recent complaint that women and their
accomplishments were seldom mentioned in
American History. Hope springs eternal!
Joanne L. Hjort
Seattle, Wash.
Were glad you liked the Thompson story,
but women havent been missing from the
magazine. In just the past year, weve covered
Alamo preservationist Adina de Zavala,
Revolutionary War heroine Rebecca Motte
and Frontier Nursing Service founder Mary
Breckinridge, to name a few.
Fine Print
I just received my October issue of American
History. I cant describe how disappointed I
was with the new design. I know designers
need to update the look every few years so the
magazine doesnt become boring. But why
reduce the size of the type? The articles are
hard to read. I was director of design and
publications at Towson University for 35 years
and spent six years working in publications at
Baltimore design studios. The one thing I told
my staff was no matter how good the design is
it doesnt work if you cant read it.
Mike Dunne
Retired Director of Design and
Publications, Towson University
I very much enjoy American History and look
forward to each issue. But I have struggled to
read the October 2015 issue because the print
is so small. I imagine there must be others
who nd the new print size difficult to read.
I dont want to give up my favorite magazine
because I can no longer read the text!
Sally Heimerdinger
Falmouth, Mass.
We heard you and made some adjustments
with this issue. Let us know how were doing.
Correction
An American Mosaic story in the October
issue incorrectly stated that the Marquis de
Lafayette sailed to America in 1781. Lafayette
arrived onboard the Hermione in 1780.
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AMERICAN MOSAIC
Compiled by Sarah Richardson
Who Was Kennewick Man?
The skulls features

give shape to a clay
reconstruction, but
Kennewick Mans
origins are still a
mystery.
Thoreau Scouts
Fullers Shipwreck
I found the young men playing at dominoes with their hats decked
out with the spoils of the drowned, wrote Henry David Thoreau in his
penciled report regarding the drowning of American author Margaret
Fuller, her partner, infant and shipmates off Fire Island, N.Y., on July
19, 1850. Recently acquired by Harvards Houghton Library, the notes
add to the librarys extensive collection of material by Fuller, Thoreau
and Ralph Waldo Emerson, according to Harvard Magazine.
Fullers friend Emerson had sent Thoreau to the site of the shipwreck to recover whatever possible of the writers remains and belongings. Fuller, a pioneering feminist, literary critic and war correspondent
who had been living in Italy, was writing a history of the Roman Republic that she regarded as her lifes work. Emerson, who had hired
Fuller as the rst editor of his magazine The Dial in 1839, hoped to
rescue her project from the maritime disaster.
Although Thoreau had summarized his experience at the shipwreck site in other publications, never before had scholars seen the
original nine-page note.
Bewitched by
Bison
At the time of European contact with the
New World, some 30 to 60 million bison thundered across the country. By the early 1900s
hunters brought the species to the verge of extinction. Today bison are protected, thriving in
national parks and in private herds. According
to bisoncentral.com, about half a million now
exist in the United States, and an effort is under
way to make the bison the national mammal.
For more information, visit votebison.org.
A modern
$50 gold
coin borrows
the iconic art
from the 1913
buffalo nickel.
TOP: PHOTO BY BRITTNEY TATCHELL, SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION; BOTTOM: BURWELL PHOTOGRAPHY, ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
Since 1996 scientists and Native American

groups have tussled over access to the remains
of the elusive Kennewick Man, whose skeleton
was found on federal land along the Washington side of the Columbia River. Early studies of
the 9,000-year-old skeletons DNA and skull
morphology hinted at origins as varied as
European, Polynesian and Native American.
According to a report in Smithsonian, todays
far more sophisticated analysis proves that
Kennewick Mans DNA is primarily Native
American, but the results do not determine
who will gain nal possession of the remains.
The 1990 Native American Graves Protection
and Repatriation Act mandates the return of
any human remains and artifacts in the possession of the federal government that can be
denitively traced to a particular group. Thus
far, Kennewick Mans lineage remains a wideopen question.
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Slavery Made Visible

Since the murders of nine African-American worshippers at Emanuel
AME Church in Charleston, S.C., on June 17 by a young man touting white
supremacy and pictured online holding a Confederate ag, public officials
have reacted decisively.
The Old Slave Mart

on an otherwise
picturesque
cobblestone street
in Charleston, S.C.
10
Governor Nikki Haley ordered the Confederate ag removed from the State Capitol
grounds in Columbia, and discussions about
how to handle other Confederate memorials
across the South have begun. The prominence
of this form of cultural memory, however, poses
another question: Where in public spaces are
the experiences of American slaves commemorated? At the end of the Civil War, this group
constituted 4 million people, more than a third
of the population of the Southern states.
In 1989, following the publication of her
novel Beloved, which tells the story of a mother
who chose to kill her child rather than allow her
to be raised a slave, Toni Morrison said, There
is no place you or I can go, to think about or
not think about, to summon the presences of,
or recollect the absences of slaves. . . .There is
no suitable memorial, or plaque, or wreath,
or wall, or park, or skyscraper lobby. Theres
no 300-foot tower, theres no small bench by
the road. Since 2006 the Toni Morrison Societys Bench by the Road Project has installed
11 benches in cities ranging from Paris to Hattiesburg, Miss., to mark places signicant to
African-American history and to create spaces
for public dialogue. For more information visit
www.tonimorrisonsociety.org.
Although many museums document the
African-American experiencenext year the
National Museum of African American History and Culture will open on the National
Malleven 25 years after Morrisons remark
few focus on American slavery. The Old Slave
Mart, established in Charleston, S.C., in 1859
to privately auction slaves and other property,
has been a museum off and on since 1938. A
key port in the slave trade, Charleston is also
preparing to open the International African
American Museum, which will address the
global impact of the slave trade, in 2018. Former Virginia governor Douglas Wilders attempt to found the United States National
Slavery Museum in Fredericksburg ended in
failure and bankruptcy, but a renewed effort in
Richmond may erect a museum in the Shockoe
Bottom neighborhood, location of one of the
largest slave markets in the United States. In
Philadelphia, a federal monument to slavery
exists at the Presidents House, site of the executive mansion from 1790 to 1800. That installation, completed in 2010, remembers the
nine slaves George Washington then owned
and explores the ideas of slavery and freedom
in the new nation.
The most powerful, sweeping memorial of
slavery in the United States lies 35 miles west
of New Orleans at the Whitney Plantation, a
262-year-old sugar cane farm that opened as a
museum less than a year ago. The project is the
brainchild of trial lawyer John Cummings, who
bought the plantation as a real estate investment then turned it into a museum showcasing period buildings as well as sculpted gures
AMERICAN MOSAIC
On the Road
Again
CLOCKWISE FROM TOP: COURTESY OF WHITNEY PLANTATION (2); ROLLS PRESS/POPPERFOTO/GETTY IMAGES; JULIE EGGERS/CORBIS
Start planning next years road trip now.

Two writers at a website devoted to travel
arcana, atlasobscura.com, have assembled
routes based on the texts of 12 famous road
trips, ranging from Jack Kerouacs crisscrossing route in On the Road (1957) to F. Scott and
Zelda Fitzgeralds trip from Connecticut to
Montgomery, Ala., in The Cruise of the Rolling
Junk (1934) to John Steinbecks east to west
and back again journey in Travels With Charley (1962). The National Park Service suggests
stops along the historic Oregon Trail from
Independence, Mo., to Oregon City, Ore., at
www.nps.gov/oreg/
Steinbecks
road trip to
rediscover
my people
included
his poodle,
Charley.
and commissioned artwork to depict the lives,

suffering and revolt of slaves in Louisiana.
I started to see slavery and the hangover
from slavery everywhere I looked, Cummings
told New York Times Magazine in February
2015. Although he had no direct ties to slaveholders and traces his descent from Irish workers, he felt implicated nonetheless. If guilt is
the best word to use, then yes, I feel guilt. I
mean, you start understanding that the wealth
of this part of the worldwealth that has benetted mewas created by some half a million
black people who just passed us by. How is it
that we dont acknowledge that?
Top: Cane was

boiled down to make
sugar in huge iron
kettles in front of the
slave quarters at the
Whitney Plantation.
Above: Woodrow
Nashs life-sized
sculptures, The
Children of Whitney,
can be found
throughout the
plantation grounds.
DECEMBER 2015
11
AMERICAN MOSAIC
Historic Sites
in Danger
Jamestown Settler
Remains Identied
Jamestown, the rst permanent English settlement in North America, almost failed. Between 1609 and 1610 nearly 80 percent of its settlers
died of hunger and disease. It was known as the starving time, when
a ship bearing supplies from England failed to arrive. Among the dead
were prominent men whose identities were recently determined based
on skeletal analysis, according to Smithsonian. The remains were found
buried in the front of the Jamestown church, whose footprint had been
discovered in 2013. Because only 30 percent of the skeletons remained,
identication proceeded through forensic analysis for sex and age, and
genealogical records helped researchers pin down the names. The men
ranged in age from 24 to 39. One was a chaplain; another, William West,
was known to have been killed in a ght with the Powhatan Indians in
1610. Close analysis of an item in his grave showed it to likely be a silk
scarf, embellished with silver bullion fringe and spangles.
Fort Worths
historic district
is threatened
by developers.
Cross-Pollination American Style

The U.S. Society for Intellectual History
awarded its annual book prize to Ruben Flores
of the University of Kansas for Backroads
Pragmatists: Mexicos Melting Pot and Civil
Rights in the United States, which proled the
reciprocal inuence of Mexican scholars and
American educators and anthropologists.
Following a protracted civil war and revolution in 1920, Mexicans trying to forge a
12
national culture out of their amalgam of indigenous groups drew on the work of American
educational philosopher John Dewey and anthropologist Franz Boas for inspiration. Flores
outlines how this nation-building effort in turn
inuenced the civil rights work of American
educators in the 1940s and helped end segregation of Mexican-American students in California and Texas.
FROM TOP: DONALD E. HURLBERT/SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION; LIBRARY OF CONGRESS; OPPOSITE: SCOTT B. ROSEN/ALAMY
Anthropologists
study the grave
of the Rev.
Robert Hunt.
Between looming Wall Street towers and

the East River lies Manhattans South Street
Seaport, a once-bustling strip of real estate
from the colonial days to the 19th century. Too
shallow to serve todays ships, the port is now
a tourist attraction, but it landed on the National Trust for Historic Preservations 2015
list of endangered historic sites, a Top 10 list
the Trust has been compiling since 1988. This
years sites are said to be the most diverse yet
and include one natural attraction, the Grand
Canyon. The others range from San Franciscos Old Mint (second time featured on the
list) to the amphitheater of the 19th-century
religious and educational center at Chautauqua, N.Y., to the modest Gaston Motel, in Birmingham, Ala., where civil rights leaders met
to strategize in the 1950s and 60s. To learn
more, visit www.preservationnation.org.
Fact or
Fiction?
Research on 19th-century signs

stating No Irish Need Apply, or
NINA in scholarly lingo, has landed
14-year-old Rebecca Fried a paper
in the July 2015 issue of Oxfords
Journal of Social History. Looking
through old newspapers online, the
student at Sidwell Friends in Washington, D.C., identied numerous
instances in which advertisements
for a wide variety of positions
housekeepers, clerks, tailors, bartenders, bakers, upholsterers and
laborersspecied that Irish applicants were not welcome. The earliest reference she found was in 1842,
and instances increased with the
inux of emigrants eeing the Irish
Famine in 1846. This result was
contrary to the research of retired
professor Richard Jensen, whose
inuential 2002 paperin the same
journalcontended that the prejudice against hiring Irish was vastly
overstated and due largely to a popular 1862 song No Irish Need
Apply. After Frieds research made
headlines, people around the world
began doing their own hunt. The
U.S.-based site IrishCentral.com
found examples in New York newspapers dating from 1797, 1819 and
1828. Among them were No damnable Irishmen need apply and
Coachman wanted: No Irish or
colored man will be engaged.
DECEMBER 2015
13
Caresse Crosby in 1929.

The unconventional blue
bloods family roots
included Plymouth Colony
founder William Bradford.
CAMEO
Fearlessly Free
by Sarah Richardson
NATIONAL ARCHIVES (2); OPPOSITE: SPECIAL COLLECTIONS RESEARCH CENTER, MORRIS LIBRARY, SOUTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY, CARBONDALE
In 1910, 19-year-old Mary Phelps Jacob, an Upper East Side ingnue,

invented a new item of womens underweara simple backless bra. Wanting to free herself from the uncomfortable and unsightly cage of a corset,
shehelped by her maidsewed two square silk handkerchiefs together
and linked them with ribbon and cord.
Patented in 1914
under the name M.P.
Jacob, the backless
bra does not
conne the person
anywhere except
where it is needed.
Corsets were de rigueur for upper-class

women like Jacob. The steel or whalebone enclosures were tightened around the waist, not
only compressing the internal organs but also
giving the appearance of a monobosom. Jacobs breezy, comfortable invention preserved
the breasts natural appearance. She named it a
brassiere, derived from an old French term for
brace. Although Jacob patented her design and
set up a shop, she ultimately produced only a
few hundred before selling the patent to Warner, which remains a major bra manufacturer.
Jacobs next venture would address a different kind of freedom of expression. In 1922
she headed for Paris with her wealthy and wild
(electric with rebellion is how she described
him) second husband, Harry Crosby. There, in
1927, the couple founded Black Sun Press as a
vanity press for their own poetry. Over time,
Black Sun would publish such literary giants
as James Joyce, Ernest Hemingway, Hart Crane
and Dorothy Parker. The Crosbys (Harry had
renamed her Caresse) lived the freewheeling life of American expatriates, showcasing
the extremes that wealth and unlimited per-
sonal freedom can permit. Eventually Harry

became obsessed with a young girlfriend and
ended that relationship with a murder-suicide
in 1929.
Caresse Crosby continued publishing such
authors as Ezra Pound, Henry Miller and Anas
Nin. In 1937 she returned to the States, where
she opened the rst gallery to sell modern art
in Washington, D.C., in 1941 before turning her
hand toward activism. In 1947 she founded
Women Against War, followed by an effort
to establish an organization devoted to world
peace. On this project she rubbed shoulders
with gures as diverse as Indira Gandhi, Willem de Kooning, Isamu Noguchi, Marcel Duchamp, Salvador Dali, Norman Cousins and
Buckminster Fuller.
Though remembered now for her backless
bra, Caresse Crosby also attempted to build
a perpetual motion machine. A descendant
of Robert Fulton, inventor of the steamboat,
Crosby claimed, I believe my ardour for invention springs from his loins. I cant say that
the brassiere will ever take as great a place in
history as the steamboat, but I did invent it. +
DECEMBER 2015
15
Buffalo Bill at Queen

Victorias Command
In the spring of 1887, Buffalo Bill Cody sailed from New York to England with his entire Wild
West showcowboys, sharpshooters, musicians and 97 American Indians, plus 180 horses, 18
buffalo, 10 elk, 10 mules, 5 Texas steers and the old Deadwood stagecoach. For two days, a storm
pummeled and rocked the steamship, causing Cody and nearly every other passengerexcept
Annie Oakley, the 26-year-old sharpshooterto become violently seasick.
The water looked like mountains, Black Elk, an Oglala Sioux
who performed in the show, recalled years later. Convinced they were
doomed, the Sioux put on their best clothes and chanted songs of death.
If it was the end of our lives, and we could do nothing, Black Elk explained, we wanted to die brave.
They didnt die. The storm abated, the seas calmed and the Wild West
show arrived safely in London for its European debut. A former trapper,
army scout, actor and, of course, buffalo hunter, Cody had founded his
Wild West extravaganza in 1883, and it played to huge crowds across
America. Now 41, he brought the show to England during the Queens
Jubileea summer of celebrations for Queen Victorias 50th year on the
throne. The Wild West Show opened in London on May 9, 1887, before a
16
crowd of 28,000 in a huge outdoor arena.

Ladies and gentlemen, ringmaster Frank
Richmond bellowed, the one and only, genuine and authentic, unique and originalWild
West!
At that, nearly 200 performerscowboys,
Indians and Mexican vaquerosgalloped into
the arena whooping and hooting, followed by
Buffalo Bill riding Old Charlie, the horse he described as having almost human intelligence,
extraordinary speed, endurance and delity,
and silently waving his cowboy hat. Then the
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by Peter Carlson
E NCOUNTER
show began. Cowboys lassoed steers and rode bucking broncos. Indians
attacked a wagon train until Cody and his cowboys rode to the rescue.
Annie Oakley shot a cigar out of her husbands mouth. A cowboy named
Mustang Jack jumped over a full-grown horse and landed on his feet,
then did it again holding two 10-pound dumbbells. Indians attacked the
Deadwood stagecoach until Cody and his cowboys rode to the rescue
again. The Indians chased buffalo, erected a village of tepees and performed a war dance. Galloping at full speed, Cody shot dozens of glass
balls thrown into the air. Indians attacked a log cabin until Cody and his
cowboys rode to the rescue once more.
The crowd cheered and the critics raved. Buffalo Bills entertainment is assuredly the most remarkable ever seen in this country, said
the Illustrated London News, and Sporting Life agreed: It is new, it is
brilliant, it will go!
Maybe the queen read those reviews or maybe she talked to her
son Edward, the Prince of Wales, who loved the show. She wrote to
Cody requesting a private performance by royal command. Cody was
delighted to obey. It was a rare honor. Victoria, then 67, occasionally
summoned actors to perform at Windsor Palace, but she seldom made
public appearances after the death of her husband, Prince Albert, 26
years earlier, in 1861.
She came to the show in a big shining wagon, and there were soldiers on both sides of her, Black Elk remembered. That day, other people could not come to the showjust Grandmother England and some
people who came with her.
It was an audience of 26the queen and her entourage, sitting in the
royal box in grandstands that could hold 40,000. A horseman rode into
the arena carrying an American ag while the ringmaster announced
that the ag stood for peace and friendship. The queen rose to her feet
and bowed deeply.
Thenwe couldnt help itthere arose such a genuine heartstirring American yell from our company as seemed to shake the sky,
Cody later wrote. It was a great event. For the rst time in history, since
the Declaration of Independence, a sovereign of Great Britain had saluted a star-spangled banner, and that banner was carried by a member
of Buffalo Bills Wild West.
Cody rode to the royal box on Old Charlie, bowed to the queen and
said, Welcome, Your Majesty, to the Wild West of America.
Then the show began. The whole company seemed infected with
a determination to excel themselves, Cody later recalled. Personally,
I missed not a single shot, and the young ladies [Annie Oakley and another sharpshooter, 16-year-old Lillian Smith] excelled themselves in
the same line; the charges on the Indians were delivered with a terric
vim; and the very bucking horses seemed to buck like steam engines.
We danced and sang, recalled Black Elk, and I was one of the
dancers chosen to do this for the Grandmother, because I was young
and limber then and could dance many ways. We stood right in front of
Grandmother England. She was little but fat and we liked her.
After the show, the queen requested that the performers come over
to meet her. She told Cody that she enjoyed the show. Cody recalled that
she said other things, too, but he kept them to

himself: Modesty forbids me to repeat them.
The queen had many questions for Annie
Oakley. I stepped near, Oakley recalled, and
she asked me when I was born, at what age I
took up shooting and several other questions
and nished by saying, You are a very, very
clever little girl. To be called clever by Queen
Victoria meant the highest compliment, and
with a I thank you, Your Majesty, I bowed myself out.
Cody introduced Her Majesty to several
Sioux performers. She shook hands with all
of us, Black Elk remembered. Her hand was
very little and soft. We gave a big cheer for her
and then the shining wagons came in and she
got in one of them and they all went away.
Back home at Windsor Castle that night,
Victoria described the day in her journal: Wild
painted Red Indians from America, on their
wild bare backed horses, of different tribes
cowboys, Mexicans &c., all came tearing around
at full speed, shrieking and screaming, which
had the weirdest effect. An attack on a coach
& on a ranch, with an immense deal of ring,
was most exciting, so was the buffalo hunt &
the bucking ponies. . . .The cowboys are ne
looking people, but the painted Indians, with
their feathers and wild dress (very little of it)
were rather alarming looking & they have cruel
faces. . . .Col. Cody, Buffalo Bill as he is called,
from having killed 3000 buffaloes, with his own
hand, is a splendid man, handsome and gentlemanlike in manner. He has had many encounters & hand to hand ghts with the Red Indians.
Their war dances, to a wild drum and pipe, was
quite fearful, with all their contorsions [sic] and
shrieks, & they come so close.
Decades later, in 1931, Black Elkwho had
witnessed both the Battle of Little Bighorn in
1876 and the massacre at Wounded Knee in
1890recalled the queen fondly. We liked
Grandmother England because we could see
that she was a ne woman, and she was good
to us. Maybe if she had been our Grandmother,
it would have been better for our people. +
DECEMBER 2015
17
National Guardsmen escort

Freedom Riders, including
Bernard Lafayette (second
row, right), in Alabama, 1961.
by Richard Ernsberger Jr.
Civil rights activist Bernard Lafayette played a

key role in some of the most notable demonstrations in
the 1960s. He, along with James Bevel, Diane Nash and
John Lewis, was a leader of the 1960 Nashville Student
Movement that conducted lunch counter sit-ins at segregated restaurants. Lafayette also took part in the 1961
interstate bus Freedom Rides and, working with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and Martin
Luther Kings Southern Christian Leadership Conference, helped to organize voting rights demonstrations
in Alabama, including the Selma to Montgomery march.
Today, the 75-year-old Lafayette is the director of the
Emory (University) Center for Advancing Nonviolence in
Atlanta. Lafayettes memoir, In Peace and Freedom: My
Journey in Selma, was published in 2013 by the University
Press of Kentucky.
Last March you joined a commemorative walk across the Edmund
Pettus Bridge in Selma, where 50 years earlier police attacked the
demonstrators marching for voting rightsthe infamous Bloody
Sunday. What were your thoughts?
There was a real connection between what happened 50 years ago and
the commemorative march. Fifty years ago there were only a dedicated
18
What obstacles did black voters

face in the South?
It was very serious. There were
people who were shot down and killed. Bombings took place. Thats why it was very difcult for me to [organize] a mass meeting in
Selma; people were afraid that they would get
red from their jobs or that churches would be
bombed. It was very repressive, and the federal
government didnt do anything. If people who
were trying to register to vote got harassed or
killed, it was a state offense. They had to take
tests, which were very subjective; the applicants had to read a section of the Constitution
and then interpret it for the registrar, and the
registrar would say, You didnt interpret it correctly. So they couldnt register.
Why was nonviolence such an important
principle in the civil rights movement?
Because our goal was to create a much more
unied communityto help people learn to
work together and solve problems together.
Nonviolence was the goal, and the method
of reaching that goal was nonviolence. We
werent going to advocate harming people
who disagreed with us. Our purpose was to
make the nation aware of what we were protesting. The rst right we needed was the right
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A More Unied
Community
few. This time there were 120,000

people in Selma. The president and
congressional representatives were
therepeople representing different groups and communities. It
was unimaginable to have so many
people interested and identify with
the original march and the Voting
Rights Act passed 50 years ago.
The week after the commemorative walk, college students from all
over the country, at the invitation
of the National Park Service, also
reenacted the Selma to Montgomery march. It was called a walking
classroom, and I was invited back
to speak to the studentsthere
were about 500 or 600. That was
absolutely encouraging.
I N TE RVI EW
to march: As Martin Luther King said, we had to ght for the right to
ght for right. But we were aware that we would face violence, and at
the Montgomery, Ala., bus station we were badly beatenI got three
cracked ribs. Fortunately, no one got killed on the Freedom Rides and
we accomplished our goals. There are other alternatives. One is to do
nothing and let violence take its course. Another is to combat violence
with violence, which would increase the amount of violence. The third
is to use nonviolence as an example of how to change a violent society.
Your actions are what you advocate.
President Lyndon Johnson signed the Civil Rights Act and the Voting
Rights Act. Did activists view him as a friend of the movement?
Some people did and some people didnt. Johnson certainly advocated
passing the public accommodations actthe Civil Rights Act of 1964.
But he also was interested in the war on poverty and got involved in the
Vietnam War, and was preoccupied with that, and so was not, early on,
an advocate for the Voting Rights Act. When Martin Luther King asked
him about it, Johnson waved him off and said hed done enough for civil
rights. He initially was reluctant, but we were able to get the attention
of masses of people. So Johnson was forced to [push for] passage of the
voting rights bill. He was a friend of the movement, in a way, because he
ultimately made it happen.
Was the Voting Rights Act the eras most effective piece of civil rights
legislation?
I would say so. Our whole democratic process means people participate
in governance. If we deny people the vote, then they have no say in our
governance. That voting rights act did more to change our involvement and participation than any other piece of legislation, and
thats why it was met with so much resistance.
Were there big changes in black registration and
voter turnout in the South in the years immediately after the law was passed?
Yes, absolutely. We had more black elected officials in Mississippi than in any other state. There
was a substantial increase in black voting participationbut not a majority. There was an observable
change. Still, people have to be educated. We made
one big mistake: After the Voting Rights
Act was passed, we, including myself,
assumed that people would just
go out and register and exercise
their right to vote. We should
have established citizen education centers in every
county where people could
learn how to participate in
government. Its not sim-
ply about voting; its about going to city council

and county commission meetings and having
a voice in civic discussionsmaking people
aware of issues and bills. We didnt do that,
and many people did not participate, because
it was not their habit.
What did you think of the recent Supreme
Court decision that threw out a key provision in the Voting Rights Act?
When a new law is put in place, the assumption is that its going to correct the problem. A
condition for passing the act was that it had to
be renewed periodically, and there was the assumption that it would not be renewed when
the problem was solved. There is an assumption that schools are no longer segregated,
OK? And there is an erroneous assumption
that there are no more impediments to voter
registration. When the federal government
decreases its involvement and oversight, [discriminatory] things happen. We still have to
make sure that the change is complete.
Whats the most important idea that you
want readers to take from your memoir In
Peace and Freedom?
I want to see nonviolence and conict
management skills put in every educational institution in the country. You
see so much violence in our society.
We are too intelligent to be responding to each other with
violence. Its not a matter
of intelligence; it is a matter of skills. We need to have
that component in schools, just
like English and math. +
Lafayette in 2011,
50 years after hed
participated in
the Freedom Rides.
DECEMBER 2015
19
Women Win Big With Title IX

by Allen Barra
The document that changed sports in America didnt mention the word sports. Title IX
of the United States Education Amendments of 1972 stipulates that no person in the United
States shall, on the basis of sex, be excluded from participation in, be denied the benets of,
or be subjected to discrimination under any education program or activity receiving federal
nancial assistance.
Few would have guessed that the antidiscriminatory language in that legislation
would spark an explosion of womens sports
in high schools and colleges. But thats exactly what has happened over the last 40 years.
Linda Jean Carpenter and R. Vivian Acosta,
professors emerita at Brooklyn College who
have studied the impact of Title IX, note that
in 1970, colleges under the umbrella of the Na-
Lillian Copeland took time off

from law school at the University
of Southern California to train
for the 1932 Olympics. She
won gold for her record-setting
performance in discus.
20
tional Collegiate Athletic Association offered, on average, fewer than

three womens sports and had a total of 16,000 female intercollegiate
athletes. By 2014 the average had risen to 8.8 sports teams per NCAA
school and more than 200,000 female participants. There is hardly a college in the country now that doesnt have established teams for women
in basketball, volleyball, soccer, cross-country and softball.
American public school systems, nearly all of which receive federal
funding and thus must comply with Title IX mandates, have seen the
same dramatic rise. Carpenter and Acosta report that, in total, the number of high school women competing in sports rose from under 300,000
in 1971 to 3.2 million in 2011a tenfold increase. This expansion has had
ripple effectspushing more and better female athletes to college teams,
which are in turn raising the talent level on U.S. national teams competing with the worlds best. The University of Florida started its womens
soccer program in 1994 specically to comply with Title IXand then
produced Abby Wambach, the star forward who has helped American
teams win World Cup and Olympic soccer titles.
In the late 1970s, fewer than 50,000 high school women in the United
States played soccer. By the time the U.S. women won their rst World
Cup championship in 1991, that number had more than doubledto
120,000. This year, following a third American World Cup title, the number exceeds 375,000. And weve seen the same impact at the Olympics. At
the Munich Games in 1972, the last Olympics before Title IX, U.S. women
won 10 of the 33 U.S. gold medals30 percent. In the 2012 Olympics, the
U.S. womens team, nicknamed Team Title IX, brought home 29 of the
countrys 46 golds, or 63 percent, and 58 of all 104 American medals.
When Representatives Edith Green, D-Ore., and Patsy Mink, DHawaii, drafted the original Title IX bill, they were concerned not so
much with sports participation but with the employment practices of
institutions funded by federal money. They found an eager co-sponsor
in Senator Birch Bayh, D-Ind., a proponent of womens rights. We are
all familiar with the stereotype of women as pretty things who go to
college to nd a husband, said Bayh from the Senate oor during arguments for the legislation, but the facts absolutely contradict these
myths. . . .Its time to change our operating assumptions. A law, Bayh
warned, is not a panacea. It is, however, an important step in an effort to provide for the women of America something that is rightfully
G A M E ON
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Mia Hamm (9) and Team USA

defeat Germany 3-2 in a World
Cup quarternal match in 1999,
the year the American women
won their second world title.
theirsan equal chance to attend the schools

of their choice, to develop the skills they want,
and to apply those skills with the knowledge
that they will have a fair chance to secure the
jobs of their choice. Richard Nixon signed
Title IX into law on June 23, 1972.
Like all landmark legislation, Title IX has
generated controversy. The NCAA, the most
powerful organization in American sports, argued against its implementation on the basis
that equal funding for womens sports would
adversely affect college football and basketballthe big-revenue mens sports. That hasnt
happened, but funding new womens programs has put more

pressure on already tight athletic department budgets and,
at some schools, resulted in the elimination of some nonrevenue mens sports. In June 2013 Washington Post reporter
Brigid Schulte cited an Independent Womens Forum study
that showed male sports participation at NCAA schools fell by
an average of 6 percent from 1981 to 2005; mens teams per
school dropped 17 percent. During the same period, the number of female athletes per school rose 34 percent. Non-revenue,
low-prole male sports took the biggest hit. The University of
Delaware recently dropped its 100-year-old mens track program; the University of Vermont axed mens rowing; Temple
eliminated mens gymnastics. The University of Maryland
in 2012, facing a serious athletic department budget decit,
dropped eight programs, including mens track and crosscountry, mens tennis and mens and womens swimming.
But Title IX is not the villain, says Murray Sperber, a longtime critic of major-college sports who teaches about sports
and education at the University of California, Berkeley. Its
just plain wrong to say that compliance with Title IX forces
schools to cut mens teams, he wrote in his 2000 book Beer
and Circus: How Big-Time College Sports Is Crippling Undergraduate Education. Title IX [doesnt] require schools to
spend the same amount of money on male and female athletes
and teams. What it requires is for schools to make male and female participation on sports teams proportional to the overall
numbers of men and women in the student body.
Schulte cites a Title IX study by the National Council for
Women and Girls in Education suggesting that excessive
spending on football and basketball caused big universities budget
problems, which in turn forced them to eliminate other mens sports:
Instead of allocating resources among a variety of sports, many college
administrators are choosing to take part in the basketball and football
arms race at the expense of other athletic programs. The report adds
that at the biggest universities (Division I-FBS), basketball and football
consume 80 percent of total mens athletic expenses. Athletic directors
counter that basketball and football earnings provide the lions share of
funding for all non-revenue mens and womens sports.
There is no disputing that Title IX has been a boon for Americas
young women, who are now displaying their athletic talents on elds
and on courts that were long the bastion of men. In an editorial in Newsweek to mark the 40th anniversary of Title IX, President Obama reminded Americans that Title IX isnt just about sports. . . .Its a springboard
for success. Two-time World Cup winner Mia Hamm agrees. In 2013
she described Title IX as a civil rights law thats played a big role in her
career. I had the opportunity to go to the University of North Carolina
because of soccer, and I gained a degree out of it, and in the end, that
education will serve me for the rest of my life. +
DECEMBER 2015
21
Does Disarmament Work?

President Obama praised the deal as an example of strong and disciplined diplomacy, and the UN Security Council voted its unanimous
approval. But critics hammered what they believe are the agreements
aws: Foreign inspectors must give 24 days notice before they visit Iranian nuclear facilities, ample time to hide evidence of any violation; and
with Irans path to an atomic bomb ensured (if slowed), its rivals in the
Islamic world may try to build their own bombs.
The United States has a long history of seeking peace through disarmament. Isolation from Europe, and an aversion to taxes, encouraged
military cutbacks after each of the countrys early wars. At the end of the
19th century the U.S. began building up its navy, and in 1917 it entered
the World War. But once peace came, the country reverted to its old attitudesand hoped the rest of the world would adopt them.
After the armistice Senator Hiram Johnson, R-Calif., expressed the
traditional pro-disarmament view: War may be banished from the earth
more nearly by disarmament than by any other agency or in any other
manner. In December 1920 Senator William Borah, R-Idaho, proposed
a practical disarmament policy: a Senate resolution asking the worlds
three largest naval powersthe United States, Britain and Japanto cut
their shipbuilding in half over the next ve years.
22
Borahs resolution quickly caught on. Dogood groups, such as the Federal Council of
Churches and the League of Women Voters,
naturally supported it. But so did war hero
General John J. Pershing, who argued that
unless armaments were cut, the world would
plunge headlong downto darkness and
barbarism. In May 1921 the Borah resolution
passed the Senate 74-0; in July it passed the
House 332-4. Disarmament gave Republicans,
who had taken the lead in keeping the United
States out of the League of Nations, a foreign
policy that went beyond naysaying.
On Armistice Day, November 11, 1921,
President Warren G. Harding dedicated the
Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at Arlington
National Cemetery. In an emotional ceremony
that included the interment of the unidentied remains of an American serviceman who
had died in the World War, the president said,
REUTERS
After nine years of negotiating, the United States, Iran and ve other nationsBritain, China, France,
Germany and Russiasigned an agreement in July in Vienna lifting international trade sanctions on
Iran in return for restrictions on its nuclear program: Research and development is capped for 10 years,
and enrichment of uranium is limited for 15.
D J VU
Nuclear technicians in Isfahan, Iran,
2005. Iran claims its uranium is used in
nuclear reactors. Others fear it will be
converted for use in weapons.
With all my heart, I wish we might saythat no such sacrice shall be

asked again. The next day he opened a disarmament conference with
representatives from Japan, Britain and six other countries. The American delegation included Secretary of State Charles Evans Hughes, Senate majority leader Henry Cabot Lodge, R-Mass., and Senate minority
leader Oscar Underwood, D-Ala.
Harding made a lofty appeal for less preparation for war and more
enjoyment of fortunate peace, but Secretary Hughes stunned the assembly with a practicable program which shall at once be put into execution: a 10-year moratorium on building capital ships, an American
offer to scrap 30 battleships, a challenge to Britain and Japan together to
scrap 36, and a proposal that the ratio of Americas, Britains and Japans
remaining battleship tonnage be set at 5-5-3, respectively. Esteemed
journalist William Allen White later called it the most intensely dramatic moment he had ever witnessed in his career.
Hughes had more to deal with than naval disarmament. Since 1902 the
Anglo-Japanese Alliance had protected the interests of both nations in
Asia. But the United States feared the alliance might quash American
plans for the region. Hughes wanted to
break the alliance and keep the U.S. out
of any new coalitions. (In the aftermath
of the World War, with its complicated
political and kinship ties, Thomas Jeffersons old warning against entangling
alliances seemed especially pertinent.)
The Anglo-Japanese Alliance had
served both parties well, but Britain considered American friendship even more
vital and was willing to let the alliance
go. Japan had wanted a higher battleship tonnage ratio but accepted the cuts
because they still allowed the Japanese
to maintain dominance in the western
Pacic. (Britain and the United States
had to spread their eets over several
oceans.) Hughes agreed that any future
problems would be discussed with the
other powers, but he refused to commit the United States to any particular actions. Hughes was mindful that any treaty he negotiated would
have to be approved by two-thirds of the Senate, but he expected Lodge
and Underwood to secure enough votes from among their colleagues.
By February 1922 the conference had proposed four major treaties:
One covered naval disarmament, two recognized Chinas sovereignty
(a hedge against Japans aggression toward its regional rival), and one
pledged that the United States, Britain, Japan and France (which controlled Indochina) would consult on future crises. The Senate ratied all
four treaties, and Senator Samuel Shortridge, R-Calif., declared that the
very angels sang in joy over the strides the conference had made toward
peace in the world.
Unless arms
were cut,
said General
Pershing,
the world
would
plunge into
darkness
and
barbarism
How did naval disarmament fare after the

Washington conference? A treaty lasts only
as long as its signatories choose to honor it.
(John Jay put the point bluntly in 1782 when
he called treaties parchment securit[ies] that
had never signied anything since the world
began.) The major naval powers met for a
second time in London in 1930 and signed an
agreement limiting construction of battle cruisers. But in the midst of a third conference in
1935, the Japanese walked out. Militarists were
in power in Tokyo and spurned foreign directives. For more than a dozen years the United
States and Britain had avoided an expensive
arms race, but when a second World War broke
out in 1939 both countries found their navies
weakened. As historian Paul Kennedy put it,
the democracies ignored until the very last
moment the possibility thatpacistic inclinations might not be shared by others. The U.S.
Navy, thanks to Americas industrial capacity,
was able to catch up, even after the Pearl Harbor attack in 1941, but Britains never truly did.
President Harding and Secretary Hughes
had guaranteed Senate approval of the Washington conference treaties by sending Senators
Lodge and Underwood as negotiators. President Obama neutralized the Senate by making the Iran deal an executive agreement, not
a treaty. Any attempt by Congress to block it
would have to override a presidential veto.
But the Iran deal shares the limitation of all
treatiesit will last only as long as the parties
want it to. General Martin Dempsey, Obamas
chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, acknowledged as much when he told the Senate Armed
Services Committee in July that time and Iranian behavior will determine if the nuclear
agreement is effective and sustainable. And if
the angels will continue to sing in joy. +
DECEMBER 2015
23
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E D I T O R S N O T E
Americas Long March
ROBERT ABBOTT SENGSTACKE/GETTY IMAGES, COLORIZATION BY PEYTON MCMANN
In July 1776, as representatives of the 13 British colonies in North America gathered to declare themselves united and absolved from all allegiance
to the Crown, with a few words they established a set of guiding principles
that form the bedrock of the American Dream: We hold these truths to be
self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their
Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty
and the pursuit of Happiness.
A young activist, with

his ag and bedroll,
joins the 50-mile
march from Selma to
Montgomery in 1965.
After a long revolutionary war to win independence, the difficult

challenge of organizing and imposing self-government on a diverse
and often divergent citizenry was met in 1789 with a document that
proclaimed its authors to be We the People and its goal to form a
more perfect Union, establish Justiceand secure the Blessings of
Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity.
Almost immediately with the ratication of the Constitution,
the United States began its long, and still unnished, march of We
the People toward the attainment of those self-evident truths enshrined in 1791 in the Bill of Rights. But it would take a devastating
and murderous civil war to dismantle the most egregious and hideous betrayal of our proclamations of enlightenment and righteousness: slavery. Beginning in 1865 the 13th, 14th and 15th amendments
to the Constitution promised a new birth of freedom, but that hope
was nearly stillborn. It would require another century of struggle before those rights were fully recognized. During that century, women
too would nally achieve nationwide voting rights with the 19th
Amendment, but only after decades of organizing, protests and acts
of civil disobedience that landed activists in prison.
As this special issue on the unparalleled drama of a nation striving for perfection goes to press, we note the passing of Julian Bond.
As a young man, Bond was in the vanguard of the civil rights movement of the early 1960s that led to some of the most signicant legislation to establish justice and secure the blessings of liberty. Bond,
alongside thousands of other young activists devoted to nonviolent
resistance, such as Bobby Simmons and Lewis Marshall, pictured on
our cover during the Selma to Montgomery march in 1965, was in
the long tradition of Americans seeking redress for grievances when
he said, Good things dont come to those who wait. They come to
those who agitate!
Bond and others, like Congressman John Lewis, who was badly
beaten at Selma, changed Americas course in 1965. And our march
toward liberty and justice for all continues 50 years later.
Roger L. Vance
DECEMBER 2015
25
The Graphic Life of
John Lewis
John Lewis (in white rain

coat) and Hosea Williams
lead the March 7, 1965,
procession over the
Edmund Pettus Bridge in
Selma, Ala. Pettus was a
Confederate general, Ku
Klux Klan Grand Dragon
and U.S. senator from
Alabama. The scene is recreated (opposite) in Lewis
graphic memoir March.
26
Fifty years ago John Lewis made history on the front

lines of the civil rights movement. To share that history
with a new generation, Lewis adapted his message
to the medium with a comic bookstyle memoir that
packs a visualand principledpunch by Gene Seymour
SPIDER MARTIN; RIGHT: TOPSHELF PRODUCTIONS
lack-and-white lm footage on the

evening news told a grim tale: grainy
images of peaceful assemblies of
African-American demonstrators
being pushed back by baleful Southern whites
with antagonism, abuse and, often, violent
force. The pictures and detailed testimony
from those who survived the ferocity of the
early 1960s civil rights marches elicit visceral
memories for veterans of the movement.
But how do you tell those stories to a generation facing new incidents of racial unrest,
for whom hashtags#HandsUpDontShoot,
#ICantBreathe, #BlackLivesMatter, #AllLives
Matterhave replaced headlines? How do you
convey the civil rights activists dedication to
nonviolence in the face of such brutality?
Enter March, a series of graphic novels recounting the heroism of those activists through
the recollections of John Lewis, the stoic, gal-
DECEMBER 2015
27
lant leader of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) throughout that
turbulent era and, since 1987, a member of the
U.S. House of Representatives. Through stark
images, taut storytelling and conscientious
research, Lewis and his coauthors, Andrew
Alabama state troopers
rush the protesters
coming off the bridge,
and Lewis is clubbed in
the head. The ferocious
attacks on peaceful
demonstrators drew
attention worldwide.
28
I fought in World War II, and

I once was captured by the
German army.The Germans
were never as inhuman as the
state troopers of Alabama
TOP: EVERETT COLLECTION/ALAMY; LEFT: TOPSHELF PRODUCTIONS
Hosea Williams, Southern Christian

Leadership Conference and Selma march organizer,
New York Times, March 8, 1965
Aydin and artist Nate Powell, are galvanizing

readers of all ages with their innovative version of a transformative 20th-century American storyone whose nuances and details
most Americans have forgotten, neglected or
taken for granted.
A lot of people would be very happy if the
civil rights movement werent taught beyond
the usual nine-word summary, says Aydin.
Rosa-Parks-Martin-Luther-King-I-Have-ADreamthats usually as far as it goes. In
March the graphic (in every sense of the word)
depiction of activists hardships gives emotional power to the history.
Aydin cites as an example, featured in
Book One, the kind of verbal and physical attacks demonstrators endured in 1960 at the sit-
ins to desegregate Nashville lunch counters. Cigarettes being put out in

peoples hair, coffee being poured on their backs. . . .When you see these
things particularized in these terms, as a reader, youre forced to ask,
Could I do that? In many ways, I think comics are even more capable
than lm of conveying so much emotion in a single frame. And unlike a
theatrical lm, you can absorb that experience and examine your reactions at your own pace.
Two of Marchs projected three volumes have been published so far,
and it is early in Book Two that you seeand almost feelthe bludgeonlike force of a white hooligans punch to Lewis jaw and each subsequent
blow to his head. Lewis and other demonstrators, men and women alike,
were attacked by a mob in Rock Hill, S.C., when they stopped at a Greyhound bus station during the 1961 Freedom Ride sponsored by SNCC to
protest segregation in the South.
It wasnt the last time Lewis would be brutally beaten. Book One
opens with what has become the touchstone of his long career in civil
rights: the March 7, 1965, procession across the Edmund Pettus Bridge
in Selma, Ala. Lewis and hundreds of others attempted to march 50
miles from Selma to the state capitol in Montgomery to press for voting
rights for African Americans. The marchers were savagely pushed back
by state troopersLewis suffered a fractured skull in the meleeand
the day has become known as Bloody Sunday. The book then cuts to
Inauguration Day 2009 with Congressman Lewis preparing to attend
swearing-in ceremonies for the nations rst African-American president. He greets visitors to his Capitol Hill office and begins telling of his
lifes journey from a childhood in rural Alabama, where he tried out his
preaching style on the family chickens, to when he rst wondered if
and howa better, more humane America could be made.
isible in the background of those office scenes is Aydin, Lewis

31-year-old digital director and policy adviser. March was basically his idea and the project began taking shape roughly
ve years before the rst volume was published in 2013.
It was after the 2008 campaign and people were talking about what
they were going to do afterwards. I said I was going to a comic book convention, Aydin recalls. People laughedexcept the congressman, who
spoke up for me.
It was at one such convention that Aydin came across a 1958 comic
book, Martin Luther King and the Montgomery Bus Boycott, which was
published by the Fellowship of Reconciliation, an interfaith peace orgaDECEMBER 2015
29
nization, more than a year after the events it

described ended segregation in Montgomerys
public transportation system. The boycott catapulted King to nationwide prominence and set
in motion the nonviolent civil rights movement
that would electrify the country and transform
its laws and customs. Aydin, who was taking
postgraduate courses at Georgetown Univer-
Two weeks after Bloody Sunday,

Martin Luther King Jr. led a
third march from Selma to
Montgomery. Lewis (far right)
had been inspired by a 1958
comic about King and the
Montgomery Bus Boycott that
advocated nonviolent protest.
sity, had found a subject for a thesisand the

inspiration for an even bigger project.
Remember that this was the time of Hope
and of what Barack Obama represented, Aydin says, adding that he and others working
with Lewis were trying to gure out how we
reach the younger generation and tell them
how the movement led to this moment in history with a black president. In his research on
the Montgomery comic book, which not only
told the story of the bus boycott but also outlined the basics of passive resistance for its
readers, Aydin found that it helped convince
young readers at the time that the actions it
depicted could be deployed elsewhere in the
South to bring about change. It turned out that
one of those young readers was Aydins boss.
I read [the Montgomery comic book]
when I was17 or 18 years old, and I remembered how it inspired me, says Lewis, who
until then had only encountered comics in the
daily newspapers funny pages, as they were
often called at the time.
Aydin proposed that Lewis, whod already
published a memoir of the movement, Walking With the Wind, in 1998, present his story in
graphic novel format to reach younger readers.
I was skeptical, Lewis recalls. I told him Id
do it only if he helped me.
BRUCE DAVIDSON/MAGNUM PHOTOS; OPPOSITE: TOP: COURTESY OF THE FELLOWSHIP OF RECONCILIATION; BOTTOM: 1976 MATT HERRON/TAKE STOCK/THE IMAGE WORKS
So Aydin began crafting a script for the series, conducting interviews with Lewis and activists such as James Lawson, who taught nonviolent tactics to SNCC and other civil rights groups. (Lawson appears in
Book One to prep the student protesters for the Nashville lunch counter
protests.)
My primary goal was to capture the experiences of the congressman and others so that I could put the readers in those activists shoes,
Aydin says. I wanted to hear the stories about how they reacted and
how they faced their fears. Lewis made this part of the process easy,
says Aydin, because hes an amazing storyteller. I had to not only get
the details down but also learn his voice as I heard his story and got to
know it inside out.
The interviews were compelling, but Aydin warns, You have to be
careful because memories fade. Every fact had to be triple-checked. So
he delved into all the available histories of the movement along with
minutes of SNCC meetings, archived records of such organizations as
Kings Southern Christian Leadership Conference and letters written by
and to the activists.
For Lewis, the process of recounting yet again what were at once
the most storied and most agonizing years of his life proved a powerful, moving, sometimes very emotional experience. You feel as if youre
living your life all over again. Consider the turbulent rush of events
from the sit-ins to the Freedom Rides to the unprecedented March on
Washington where, as Book Two recounts, he was pressured to revise
his speech at the Lincoln Memorial by the marchs venerated patron
A. Philip Randolph. Lewis deleted direct criticism of the federal government for moving too slowly on civil rights and toned down a call to
march through the heart of Dixie, the way Sherman did toward the
end of the Civil War. Lewis, now the only speaker from that August 1963
event who is still alive, nonetheless delivered a ery, emphatic, rousing
speech that many recall as vividly as Kings more celebrated I Have a
Dream oration. Book Two relates Lewis speech in full and includes his
post-march encounter with President John F. Kennedy who tells him, I
White hecklers
taunt the civil rights
marchers with a
Confederate ag,
Selma, March 1965.
heard your speech and you had a dream.

Sometimes, Lewis admits, I found myself wondering as I told this story again, even
the growing-up part, Was that really me? How
did we do those things? How did we survive?
I really believe thats also the kind of personal
feeling [these books] bring out in people.
What may be even more remarkable about
March is how clearly it deals with some of the
subtler aspects of the history it chronicles. The
arguments Lewis had with older civil rights
leaders over the original draft of his March on
Washington speech (King, for example, gently
tells Lewis, I dont think this speech sounds
like you) exemplify the inner drama of the
movement, which doesnt often arise when
that history is discussed today.
The intimacy and intensity of Lewis storytelling seamlessly align with what Publishers
Weekly characterized in its review of Book
One as Nate Powells dark, neo-noirish art.
The School Library Journal praised the awardwinning cartoonist for capturing small period
details and vast, sweeping vistas that evoke
both the reality of the setting and the importance of the events. Aydin had studied both
DECEMBER 2015
31
LBJ shakes hands with

King after signing the
Voting Rights Act.
Vote Is Selma Legacy

Today John Lewis is serving his 15th term as a congressman for
Georgias Fifth District. He calls the vote the most powerful
nonviolent tool we have in a democracy. In 1965 Lewis,
chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee,
demonstrated his commitment to the ballot and to nonviolent
direct action in Selma, Ala., seat of Dallas County, where blacks
made up 51 percent of the population but only 2 percent of
registered voters.
One of those potential voters was Jimmie Lee Jackson, a
26-year-old laborer and church deacon from nearby Marion,
whod repeatedly tried to register. Jackson joined other
frustrated civil rights supporters in a peaceful demonstration in
Marion on February 18. Local police and Alabama state troopers
swooped in on the crowd, and Jackson, who was unarmed, was
shot and later died. To bring attention to the injustice, Lewis
helped organize the March 7 procession across Selmas Edmund
Pettus Bridgethe Bloody Sunday march that made Selma a
rallying point for the national civil rights movement. On March 9
Martin Luther King Jr. led 2,000 protesters back to the bridge,
where they stopped, knelt to pray and then turned around,
avoiding a court order against the march and another police
confrontation.
But the horric images coming out of Selma nally spurred
action in Washington, D.C. On March 17 President Lyndon
Johnson submitted a voting rights bill to Congress. A third
march to Montgomerythis time under federal protection
began on the 21st, and four days later a crowd of 25,000
gathered at the state capitol. Governor George Wallace refused
to meet with representatives of the group, but the point had
been made. Black Americans were claiming the constitutional
rights guaranteed to all citizens. Thanks to the perseverance
of what Lewis has often described as ordinary people with
extraordinary vision, on August 6 Johnson signed the Voting
Rights Act into law, making poll taxes, literacy tests and other
discriminatory practices illegal.
32
political science and lm as an undergraduate at Trinity College in Hartford, Conn. So I

knew how to put together a lm script, which
is very much like writing comics.
Aydin, still an avid comics reader, knows
that while graphic novels have now become
respected in publishing circles, many people
dont take the medium seriously. He heard
plenty from those folks while assembling this
project.
I cant tell you the number of people who
laughed and thought I was doing something
silly, he says. There were times when Id get
frustrated, but then I would think of the people
were writing about and thats when Id think
to myself, If they could get through everything
they faced, you can, too.
When Book One of March came out in
August 2013, the acclaim was all but unanimous. Entertainment Weekly called it an astonishingly accomplished graphic memoir
with power, accessibility and artistry that
earn it a well-deserved place at the pinnacle
It is not just
Negroes, but really
it is all of us, who
must overcome the
crippling legacy
of bigotry and
injustice. And we
shall overcome
President Lyndon Johnson, special
message to Congress urging passage of
a voting rights bill, March 15, 1965
SPIDER MARTIN; OPPOSITE: YOICHI OKAMOTO/LYNDON BAINES JOHNSON PRESIDENTIAL LIBRARY
of the comics canon. It won special recognition from the Robert F. Kennedy Book Awards, and the American Library Association selected it as
a Notable Childrens Book and a Coretta Scott King Honor Book.
Book Two, published in January this year, has received similar
praise, with a starred rave from Kirkus Reviews citing the heroism and
steadiness of purpose that continue to light up Lewiss frank and harrowing account of the civil rights movements climactic days. The second volume ends with the September 1963 bombing of the 16th Street
Baptist Church in Birmingham, Ala., that killed four young girls.
Book Three, tentatively scheduled for publication in 2016, will, in
Aydins words, be more difficult to absorb because of the complex undertakings that went on in 1964. You had Mississippi voter registration
going on that summer along with the murders of [civil rights workers
James] Chaney, [Andrew] Goodman and [Michael] Schwerner and the
political maneuverings that went on during the Democratic convention.
Then theres Selma and the Pettus Bridge and everything surrounding
that. Selma led to the passage in August 1965 of the Voting Rights Act
(see sidebar, page 32).
The Obama inauguration serves as a framing device, a kind of thematic emphasis on how nonviolent direct action expanded the role of
once-disenfranchised people to effect change

and, ultimately, affect history. Obamas inauguration doesnt represent a fulllment of
a dream, Aydin says. But its a major down
payment.
Aydin says there are still a few people in
Washington who see the project as silly. But
some in Congress have asked him to give their
lives the same graphic treatment that he gave
his boss. I tell them, I dont think your life is
interesting enough.
n the meantime, Lewis continues to be

his own best spokesperson on the trilogys behalf, making appearances at book
signings and comic conventionstwo
San Diego Comic-Cons, the largest and most
noteworthy of such events. Says Aydin: When
we rst showed up [at Comic-Con in 2013], the
most meaningful moment came when a librarian and a schoolteacher raised their hands.
They didnt ask questions, but simply said,
Thank you. This has been so long overdue.
In other parts of the country, its been unbelievable. Youve got schools in 40 states using
March in their curricula and were hoping to
get more.
Comic-Con attendees often come in costume as their favorite action stars, and at this
summers convention, Lewis dressed up as
what USA Todays review of Book One labeled
a genuine American superherohimself.
The idea was to have schoolchildren help
Lewis reenact the Pettus Bridge march on
the convention oor. Because authenticity is
everything in such matters, Lewis wanted to be
sure he had all the right accessories. He didnt
have the white raincoat he wore a half-century
ago on the bridge, but he found a reasonable
facsimile at a thrift store. Then he needed to
nd a backpackbrown, it had to be brown
like the one he carried in Alabama. I had an
apple, an orange, two books, toothpaste and
a toothbrush in that backpack, he recalled. I
was expecting to get arrested that day, and you
needed those things if you were going to spend
the night in jail. (Being arrested was one of the
Members of the White

Citizens Council bring
their hatred, handbags
and high heels to the
capitol in Montgomery,
March 1965.
DECEMBER 2015
33
Do not strike
back if abused
SNCC memo, 1961
March artist Nate

Powell captures
the re-bombing
of a Freedom Ride
bus in Anniston,
Ala., in 1961.
Whites who so violently

defended their way of
life only made it more
obvious to the rest of the
world that change was
long overdue.
Former policeman Benny

Oliver attacks Memphis
Norman, a black student,
during a lunch counter
sit-in, Jackson, Miss.,
1963. Oliver was charged
with assault, Norman with
disturbing the peace.
34
CLOCKWISE FROM TOP RIGHT: JUSTIN EISINGER/TOPSHELF PRODUCTIONS; BILL CLARK/CQ ROLL CALL/NEWSCOM; BETTMANN/CORBIS; TOPSHELF PRODUCTIONS (2)
few terrible things that didnt happen to Lewis that day.) He couldnt
nd an orange for this particular march, but he had the apple.
So Lewis marched solemnly through the convention hall wearing
the raincoat and backpack. And there were schoolchildren and teachers with him, many of whom had read March in their classrooms. I had
these two little girls by the hand and all I did was keep asking them, Are
you all right? And they were moving faster than I could.
Lewis said that by the time he and his contingent arrived at the
table where he was to sign copies of March, there was already a very
long line. And yet, those bigger people who had been waiting some time
for the chance to meet the congressman yielded the front of the line to
Lewis young party. You know that biblical phrase about a little child
leading them? Lewis recalls. These little children were leading all of us.
One of those children also stumped Lewis with a question. Congressman, the youngster asked, why are you so awesome?
And I said, after I thought about it, I never considered myself
awesome. I just wanted to help out and try to make a contribution.
March, he hopes, will be another such galvanizing contribution as it presents in simple yet
comprehensive fashion how movements for
change can be organized, conducted and sustained despite personal or political setbacks.
Activists get so frustrated when things
dont work out right away, Aydin says. What
were trying to show here is that you are not in
this struggle for a day, or a week, or even a few
years. Youre in it for a lifetime and maybe, just
maybe, after 50 years, you begin to see some
things you could only imagine now. Could
those [civil rights activists] have imagined living long enough to see a black president?
Lewis likewise sees March as being just
another step on the long journey toward justice and equality that he began before John
Kennedy was even elected president. Its not
over. That struggle goes on every day. You
see it happening now. And its our hope and
our prayer that young people who read this
story will see how another generation acted in
peaceful, loving, nonviolent fashion regardless of the dangers.
Gene Seymour is a freelance writer who has
contributed articles to The Nation, BookForum, USA Today, CNN.com and the Los
Angeles Times, among many other publications. He lives in Philadelphia.
Above: John Lewis

passes the torch to
a new generation at
Comic-Con, 2015.
Left: Fifty years after
Bloody Sunday,
Lewis declared, We
come to Selma to be
renewed. We come
to be inspired. There
is still work left to be
done.
DECEMBER 2015
35
Correcting the
CONSTITUTION
Was the Bill of Rights necessary?
On September 12, 1787, in the home stretch of the Constitutional Convention

the delegates would nish their work ve days laterGeorge Mason, a self-educated Virginia planter, brilliant and gruff, raised an important point: The document
they had been working on since May had no bill of rights.
By the late 18th century such bills had
become a xture of Anglo-American political thought. The rst example was said to be
Magna Carta, the list of pledges that rebellious barons extorted from an unpopular King
John in 1215. But claiming Magna Carta as
a bill of rights was a stretch. Most of it concerned strictly medieval mattersforestry law,
how to treat Englands Welsh neighborsand
the entire document was meant to secure the
privileges of the upper nobility, not rights for
everybody.
Yet some of its provisions anticipated elements of the United States Bill of Rightstrial
by jury (no freemen shall be taken or imprisonedexcept by the lawful judgment of his
peers) and the right to petition (barons could
petition to havetransgression[s] redressed).
36
The kings subjects were to be the judges of

each others guilt or innocence, and the king
had to listen to their grievances (at least the
grievances of the powerful).
The Glorious Revolution of 1688 drove
another unpopular king, James II, from his
throne. The following year Parliament passed a
true English Bill of Rights. It extended the right
Above: The proposed

amendments, marked up by
the Senate, 1789. Opposite:
Benjamin Franklin (center) and
George Washington (right)
are warmly greeted at the
Constitutional Convention.
TOP: RECORDS OF THE U.S. SENATE/NATIONAL ARCHIVES; OPPOSITE:

JEAN LEON GEROME FERRIS/PRIVATE COLLECTION/BRIDGEMAN IMAGES
PHOTO CREDIT GOES HERE THEY USE WHERE THE DOES MORE
On January 30, 1788,

the Massachusetts
Centinel expressed
uncertainty over
whether the state
would ratify the
Constitution.
38
COLLECTION OF THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY
of petition beyond barons and reaffirmed trial

by jury, especially in trials for high treason. It
also guaranteed freedom of speech in Parliament and the right of Protestants to have arms
for their defence. (Englands Protestants, the
majority in the country, believed that James II,
a Catholic convert, had staffed the army with
Catholic officers in preparation for a religious
coup.) One provision would reappear almost
word for word in the U.S. Bill of Rights: Excessive bail ought not to be required, nor excessive
nes imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inicted. The justice system should not
torture Englishmen or crush them nancially.
Similar bills of rights were passed by
American states as soon as they declared their
independence, as George Mason knew from
personal experience. In May 1776 the Virginia
Convention, the colonys revolutionary legislature, appointed him to a committee charged
with producing a declaration of rights. Mason
did most of the work, copying the English Bill
of Rights language on bail, nes and punishments. He called for speedy trials by juries
in criminal cases and for juries in civil suits.
He condemned general warrants allowing
searches without evidence of particular offenses. He praised freedom of the press, militias composed of the body of the people,
trained to arms and the fullest toleration
of religion. One of Masons colleagues on the
committee, young James Madison, amended
this last clause to state that all men are equally
entitled to the free exercise of religion. Toleration implied that religious liberty was a
gift. Instead Madison made it an inherent right.
Virginias declaration, with Madisons change,
was approved June 12, 1776, three weeks before
the Declaration of Independence.
In Philadelphia in 1787 Mason said that the
Constitutional Convention could add a bill of
rights to its handiwork in a few hours, using
state bills as guides. But he found almost no
takers. Elbridge Gerry, a quirky delegate from
LEFT TO RIGHT: THOMAS SULLY/VIRGINIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, RICHMOND/BRIDGEMAN IMAGES; JOHN TRUMBULL/COLLECTION OF THE NEW YORK HISTORICAL SOCIETY/BRIDGEMAN IMAGES;
LOUIS MATHIEU DIDIER GUILLAUME/VIRGINIA HISTORICAL SOCIETY, RICHMOND/BRIDGEMAN IMAGES; PEOPLE AND POLITICS/ALAMY
Patrick Henry feared

that a strong central
government would
usurp individual and
states rights.
Alexander Hamilton
argued against a bill of
rights, claiming it would
tempt government to
test its limits.
George Mason refused

to sign the Constitution
because it did not
include a bill of rights or
restrict the slave trade.
Massachusetts, moved for a committee to do as Mason had suggested.

There was a quick vote, with every state delegation rejecting the idea.
The Constitution makers were tired. They had spent an entire Philadelphia summer cooped up in Independence Hall, orating, nitpicking
and forging an elaborate web of compromises. They wanted to go home.
But why had they not thought of drafting a bill of rights in all the
months they had been together? Once the Constitution went before the
American people for ratication, its authors offered various excuses for
their omission. During the ratication debate in Pennsylvania, James
Wilson, a learned, Scottish-born lawyer, argued that the rights enshrined in Magna Carta and Englands Bill of Rights had been carved
from a background of royal power. In the United States, he said, power
should remain in the people at large, and by this Constitution they do
not part with it. There was no reason to guard against the abuse of powers that the people had not surrendered.
Writing in New Yorks newspapers, Alexander Hamilton, a young
veteran of George Washingtons wartime staff, argued that a bill of rights
could actually be dangerous. By forbidding abuse of power, it would
give ambitious sophists a plausible pretence for claiming that such
powers existed. Drawing bright lines tempts governments to go right up
to the edge of them.
James Madison had a different objection to bills of rights. He had labored in 1776 to perfect Virginias. But years in state politics had shown
him that such bills were parchment barriers, easily broken. I have
seen the bill of rights violated in every instance where it has been opposed to a popular current.
Madison expressed his doubts in a letter to his friend Thomas Jef-
James Madison came

to accept that a bill of
rights was necessary to
assure ratication of the
Constitution.
ferson, who was in Paris at the time, serving

as minister to France. Despite being an ocean
away, he helped change Madisons mind: A
bill of rights, wrote Jefferson, is what the people are entitled to against every government
on earth.
Madison was hearing the same thing from
the people of Virginia. The states Baptists, a minority sect, feared the lack of a guarantee of religious liberty. And Patrick Henry, whom Madison
disdained as a demagogue but could not ignore
as an effective one, harped on the issue. A bill of
rights may be summed up in a few words, Henry
said. So why not write it down? Is it because it
will consume too much paper?
In the end, ve of the rst 11 states to ratify
the ConstitutionMassachusetts, South Carolina, New Hampshire, Virginia and New York
did so only with suggestions that it be amended.
When the First Congress met in New York City
in March 1789, it faced a blizzard of amendmentsVirginia offered 20, New York 33.
James Madison, elected to Congress as a
representative from Virginia, was now convinced of the need for a bill of rights. Over the
summer, the House, prodded by Madison, and
the Senate, prodded by the House, came up
DECEMBER 2015
39
with a list of 12 amendments. At the Constitutional Convention George

Mason had wanted a bill of rights to precede the Constitution. Madison
now wanted amendments inserted, wherever relevant, in the body of
the document. But Roger Sherman, the crusty old patriot from Connecticut, suggested what was nally done: listing them at the end.
The rst proposed amendment, regulating the size of congressional
districts, was never approved by enough states; Congress later handled
the matter by legislation. The second, regulating congressional pay raises,
was not ratied until 1992, when it became the 27th Amendment (and
the record holder for the longest trip to the Constitution). But by December 1791 enough states had approved the other amendments, which became the nations Bill of Rights.
Six of the 10 amendments looked back to their long line of AngloAmerican predecessors. The First Amendment prevented Congress
from tampering with the free exercise of religion, freedom of speech
and the press, the right to assemble and the right to petition for the redress of grievances. The Second Amendment extended the right to bear
arms to the people as Englands Bill of Rights had granted it to Protestants, adding a phrase from the Virginia declaration about the importance of a well-regulated militia. The Fourth Amendment dened the
scope of warrants. The Sixth and Seventh amendments provided for juries in both criminal and civil trials, and stipulated that criminal trials
be speedy. The Eighth virtually repeated the language of Englands Bill
of Rights in prohibiting excessive bail and nes and cruel and unusual
punishments.
The other amendments broke new ground. The Third, addressing
a grievance from the late colonial period, strictly regulated the armys
power to quarter soldiers in private homes. The Fifth was an omnibus,
concerning grand juries, double jeopardy, self-incrimination, due process of law and eminent domain. The Ninth addressed Hamiltons objection to a bill of rights: The enumerationof certain rights shall not
be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people. The
Tenth addressed Wilsons: The people and the states retained all powers
not delegated or prohibited by the Constitution.
After the Bill of Rights was ratied in 1791, it had a quiet legal history
for many years. Constitutional scholar Akhil Amar nds only one reference to it in the legal arguments of the early 19th century (in 1840) and
notes that as late as 1880 a justice of the Supreme Court denied that the
Constitution had any bill of rights.
But this is being too literal. Words and thoughts, like seeds, can take
a long time to germinate. Madison and Jefferson, Henry and Mason
wanted to sow the elds. Their peers knew it. Lawyers could reap the
harvest in time.
Richard Brookhiser is a regular contributor to American History and the author of several books about the founding era, including biographies of James
Madison, Alexander Hamilton and George Washington.
We Need an
AMENDMENT
Its not easy to amend the Constitution.
Since 1789, 33 amendments have been
passed by Congress and submitted to
the states; 27 of those amendments have
been ratied. The six failed amendments
include proposals to revoke the citizenship
of anyone accepting a title of nobility from
a foreign country (1810), prohibit Congress
from abolishing slavery (1861), enable
Congress to regulate child labor (1924),
and guarantee equal rights under the law
regardless of sex (1985).
But thousands of amendments have
been proposedmore than 11,600 of them
according to a 2014 report by the U.S.
Senatewhich has led to robust debate
over whether the amendment process is
too cumbersome for our rapidly changing
society. Consider how America might be
different had any of these measures made it
out of Congress and into the Constitution:
U Replace the president with a
three-member executive council (1878)
U Make divorce illegal (1914)
U Limit personal wealth to $1 million
(1933)
U Forbid drunkenness in the U.S. and
its territories (1938)
U Limit the federal governments role in
treaty-making (1951)
U Make ag burning illegal (1968)
What are we ghting

for? Howard Chandler
Christys 1942 oil, Bill
of Rights, celebrates
the First Amendment.
HOWARD CHANDLER CHRISTY/PRIVATE COLLECTION/PHOTO: CHRISTIES IMAGES/BRIDGEMAN IMAGES
U Abolish the death penalty (1990)

U Abolish the Electoral College (2004)
U Ban corporate donations to political
candidates (2011).
DECEMBER 2015
41
Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude

shall exist within the United States
13th Amendment, 1865
FREEDOMS DREAM
After the Civil War the 13th, 14th and 15th
amendments to the Constitution promised African
Americans a level playing eld. The backlash
against Reconstruction put those promises on hold
for more than a century
by Eric Foner
Former slaves plant

sweet potatoes
on Edisto Island,
S.C., April 1862.
Many blacks
stayed behind
after plantations
on the island
were evacuated
by Confederate
order the previous
November.
DEFERRED
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
DECEMBER 2015
43
All persons born or naturalized in the United

Statesare citizens of the United States and the state
wherein they reside. No state shalldeprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of
law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the
equal protection of the laws
Reconstruction, the turbulent period that followed the Civil War, is a crucial
but often misunderstood era of American history. Traditionally portrayed by historians as a sordid period when vindictive Radical Republicans fastened black supremacy upon the defeated Confederacy, Reconstruction has lately been viewed
more sympathetically, as a laudable attempt to build democracy on the ashes of
slavery. It was a time when the entire nation, but especially the South, sought to
come to terms with the consequences of emancipation.
Reconstruction witnessed sweeping changes
in American public life, among them three farreaching constitutional amendments. The 13th
Amendment, ratied in 1865, irrevocably abolished slavery throughout the country (and in so
doing, introduced the word slavery into the
Constitutionthe original document used circumlocutions such as other persons or individuals held to service or labor). The 14th,
ratied in 1868, established the principles of
birthright citizenship and equality before the
law regardless of race. The 15th, ratied in 1870,
prohibited states from barring Americans from
voting because of race. These amendments did
more than simply change the Constitution. They
amounted to what some historians call a second founding, a fundamental redenition of the
rights of all Americans and of relations between
the federal government and the states. As one
commentator wrote, they transformed a constitution for white men into one for mankind.
To understand how these freedom amendments sought to fundamentally reshape
American society, one must recall the status of
African Americans on the eve of the Civil War.
Nearly 4 million were slaves, deprived of all
personal and civic rights. Protections for slav44
ery were embedded in the Constitution. Slavery was an economically thriving institution
that had a stranglehold on the political system
and warped the denition of American nationality, giving it a powerful racial overtone.
Even though some half-million free blacks
lived in the country in 1860, no state, North or
South, afforded them complete equality before
the law. In the Dred Scott decision of 1857, the
Supreme Court stated explicitly that no black
people, slave or free, could be citizens of the
United States, even if their ancestors had been
here for generations. African Americans had
no rights which the white man was bound to
respect, according to Chief Justice Roger B.
Taney. An alternative point of view did exist,
a concept of citizenship severed from race. It
was advocated by the abolitionist movement,
which insisted not only that the slaves should
be emancipated but that they should be incorporated as equal members of society. Except
for a few Northern enclaves, however, the abolitionists were a despised minority.
What put the question of black citizenship
on the national agenda was the destruction of
slavery during the Civil War, and, more specically, the service of 180,000 black men in the
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
A Baltimore parade
to mark ratication of
the 15th Amendment
in 1870 is at the
center of a print
that celebrates new
freedoms for African
Americans.
Union Army during the last two years of the

conict. Shortly before his death, Lincoln, who
had not supported black suffrage before the
war, declared that he favored giving the right
to vote to those soldiers and to very intelligent blacks. Most Northern Republicans came
to believe that by ghting and dying for the
Union, black men had staked a claim to citizenship in the postwar world.
incoln, of course, did not live to preside over Reconstruction.

That task fell to his successor, Andrew Johnson, who lacked all
Lincolns qualities of greatness. Johnson was deeply racist, out
of touch with Northern public opinion and incapable of dealing with Congress. In the months after the war ended he established new
governments in the South, controlled entirely by whites. They enacted a
series of laws to circumscribe the freedom that African Americans had
come to enjoy. Known as the Black Codes, these measures granted former slaves virtually no civil rights and made it a crime for black workers
to refuse to sign coercive labor contracts.
To Republicans, the Black Codes seemed designed to use the power
of the state to restore slavery in all but name, and Congress decided that
Johnsons policy needed to be changed. Claiming authorization under
the 13th Amendment, it passed, over the presidents veto, the Civil
Rights Act of 1866, one of the most important laws in our historythe
origin of our modern legal concept of civil rights. It declared that a person born in the United States is an American citizen (thus invalidating
Dred Scott), and spelled out rights to be enjoyed by all citizens, regardless of race. Essentially, these were the rights that would enable blacks
to compete in the marketplace as free laborersto own property, testify
DECEMBER 2015
45
Picturing RECONSTRUCTION
Black caricatures lled
cartoon depictions of
the Reconstruction-era
South. Here, Massa
White is forced to
work his land while his
former slaves move on.
A rumor that black U.S. soldiers

had killed white policemen in
Memphis in 1866 touched off
two days of rioting that left 46
blacks and two whites dead.
46
GRANGER, NYC; OPPOSITE: TOP: CORBIS; BOTTOM: GRANGER, NYC
Thomas Nast skewers

the Democratic Party
in 1868, depicting
loutish Irishmen, former
Confederates and corrupt
moneymen who conspire
against black rights.
DECEMBER 2015
47
The right of citizens of the United States to vote

shall not be denied or abridgedon account of race,
color, or previous condition of servitude
in court, sue and be sued and be protected against invidious discrimination by public authorities and under state laws, like the Black Codes, and
local customs. The law said nothing about the right to vote, then still a
highly controversial issue. (At the time only ve Northern states allowed
black men to vote on the same basis as whites.)
Of course, a law can be repealed, so the Republican majority put
these principles into the Constitution with the 14th Amendment, the
most important single change to that document since the Bill of Rights.
The amendment guaranteed birthright citizenship and equality before
the law, and it prohibited the states from depriving any person of liberty. The language is vague, intentionally so. Unlike the Civil Rights Act,
the amendment does not list specic rights. It is a statement of general
principle, leaving it to Congress and the courts to work out the meaning
of equality and liberty.
The idea that all Americans should enjoy the same legal rights is so
ingrained today that we may fail to realize what a radical departure it
was when Congress approved the 14th Amendment in 1866. The word
equal is not in the original Constitution (except regarding states having the same number of senators). The 14th Amendment says noth-
Josiah Thomas
Walls, a former
slave and Union
Army veteran,
was elected to
Congress from
Florida in 1870.
He was the last
African American
to represent
Florida until 1992.
ing about raceit applies to all Americans.

It made the Constitution what it has become
in our own time, a vehicle through which aggrieved groups, extending well beyond the descendants of slaves, who believe that they have
been denied equality or liberty can take their
claims to court. (For example, this past June,
the Supreme Court relied on the 14th Amendments guarantee of equal liberty that cannot be
abridged by the states to affirm that gay Americans have a constitutional right to marry.) The
14th Amendment did not grant black men the
right to vote; that would be accomplished with
the 15th Amendment, ratied in 1870.
In a Senate speech about the enforcement
of the 15th Amendment, Republican leader Carl
Schurz noted that the constitutional revolution of Reconstruction marked a signicant
change not only in the denition of citizenship
but in the federal system. Each of the three
amendments empowered Congress to enforce
its provisions, a radical change in relations between the states and the federal government.
The Bill of Rights, the rst 10 amendments to
the Constitution that guarantee our basic civil
liberties, begins with the words Congress shall
make no law. It prohibits the federal government, but not the states, from abridging basic
rights such as freedom of speech, the press and
religion and the right to a speedy trial. Its language reects the view, widespread in the revolutionary era, that the main danger to liberty
lies in a too-powerful federal government.
The Civil War and the destruction of
slavery, however, crystalized in the minds of
Northerners the idea that the states, not the
federal government, needed to be restrained
from violating citizens rights. The 13th, 14th
and 15th amendments made the national government for the rst time in our history what
Charles Sumner, the abolitionist senator from
Massachusetts, called the custodian of freedom. During Reconstruction, Congress used
this authority to try to protect blacks from vio-
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS; OPPOSITE: NORTH WIND PICTURE ARCHIVES/ALAMY
The Military
Reconstruction Acts
of 1867 enabled
black men in the
South to vote for the
rst time. As former
Confederates regained
political power, black
voting rights were
taken away.
DECEMBER 2015
49
A period cartoon
mocks the
recalcitrance of
Southern whites.
lence in the South and to overturn discriminatory state laws and local practices. In the 20th
and 21st centuries, the Supreme Court has
gradually used the 14th Amendment to incorporate the Bill of Rightsthat is, to require
the states as well as the federal government to
abide by provisions of the rst 10 amendments.
As a result, when aggrieved groups seek legal
protection for their rights against violations by
local authorities, they can appeal to the federal
courts. This would be impossible without the
Reconstruction amendments.
Even before the ratication of the 15th
Amendment, Congress in 1867 extended the
right to vote to black men in the South, inaugurating the period of Radical Reconstruction.
New governments, dominated by the Republican Party, came to power throughout the South,
with black men for the rst time in American
history voting in large numbers and holding
public office. These governments created the
50
Souths rst statewide systems of public education, sought to rebuild the

shattered economy, enacted civil rights legislation and tried to protect the
rights of black laborers on plantations. Black men served at every level
of government, from 16 members of Congress (including two senators) to
state legislators, sheriffs, school board officials and justices of the peace.
Most power remained in the hands of white Republicans, but the fact
that some 2,000 African-American men held elected positions of political
power during Reconstruction was a remarkable change in the American
political system, the rst example of interracial democracy in our history.
nfortunately, despite the expansion of civil and political

rights, these state governments failed to effectively address
the economic plight of impoverished former slaves. Their
quest for landthe famous 40 acres and a muleto provide
an economic foundation for their new freedom was not fullled. Still, it
was not Reconstructions failures but its success in challenging the entrenched tradition of white supremacy that inspired a wave of violent
opposition. Homegrown terrorist groups like the Ku Klux Klan launched
a campaign of violence that succeeded in undermining many of the new
state governments. Meanwhile, as Southern propaganda against the Reconstruction governments found a nationwide audience, Northerners
in the 1870s retreated from the ideal of equality, and after an initial effort to suppress violence, the national government stood aside. One by
one, the Reconstruction governments fell. As a result of a bargain after
the disputed presidential election of 1876, Republican Rutherford B.
Hayes claimed the White House and disavowed further national efforts
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS; OPPOSITE: CORBIS
to enforce the rights of black citizens, while

white Democrats controlled the South.
By the turn of the century a new system
of white domination had been put in place in
the South. Its pillars included racial segregation, the disenfranchisement of black voters,
a severe cutback in public funding for black
education, a rigidly segmented labor market in
which most good jobs were reserved for whites
and, at the systems outer edge, extralegal violence. Between 1890 and 1950 more than 3,000
people were lynched in the Southern states,
the vast majority African American.
Jim Crow, as this comprehensive structure
of inequality was called, was a regional system.
But the abrogation in the South of the Reconstruction amendments could not have happened without the Norths acquiescence. The
Supreme Court interpreted the amendments
in such a way as to render them meaningless
for black Americans. The court declared racial
segregation compatible with the 14th Amendments guarantee of equality before the law,
and measures like poll taxes and rules requiring prospective voters to demonstrate understanding of state constitutions allowable
under the 15th, even though these essentially
eliminated the black vote in the South. For decades the court used the 14th Amendment not
to protect the rights of American citizens but
to shield corporations from regulation by the
states. While violated with impunity, however, the three amendments remained on the
books, sleeping giants in the Constitution, to
use Charles Sumners phrase. In the mid-20th
century, they would be awakened by another
generation of Americans, who led the struggleoften called the Second Reconstruction
that nally destroyed the Jim Crow system.
As the United States enters the 150th anniversary of Reconstruction, it is worth recalling
this history, both as an inspiring example of
the struggle for racial equality and as a warning
that constitutional rights are not self-enforcing. Even today, despite the enormous changes
that have taken place in the last half-century,
the legacy of 250 years of slavery and nearly
a century of segregation continues to haunt
American life. +
Eric Foner is DeWitt Clinton Professor of History
at Columbia University and the author of many
works on American history, most recently Gateway
to Freedom: The Hidden History of the Underground Railroad (W.W. Norton).
RADICAL REPUBLICAN
On January 22, 1861, Ohio congressman, lawyer and lifelong abolitionist
John Bingham argued against the slave states attempt to amend the
Constitution to protect forever the practice of owning humans: With
uplifted hand, I deny that any State of this Unioncan rightfully deprive
any citizen of his guarantied [sic] privileges. And I further deny, in the
name of the American people, that any State can rightfully let loose in
our midst the demon of discord, to breathe upon us from his shriveled
lips famine, pestilence and death, to blast our elds, and dele our
hearths and altars with the blood of fratricide.
After the Civil War, Bingham served on the Joint Committee on
Reconstruction that documented the pervasive abuse of Unionists
and blacks in the South by unrepentant Rebels. He saw a need for a
constitutional amendment to empower the federal government to
protect the basic rights of citizens against abuses by state authorities.
You must amend the Constitution. It cannot be otherwise, said
Bingham in a February 28, 1866, speech. Restore those States with a
majority of rebels to political power, and they will cast their ballots to
exclude from the protection of the laws every man who bore arms in
defense of the Government. The loyal minority of white citizens and
the disfranchised colored citizens will be utterly powerless. There is no
efcient remedy for it without an amendment to your Constitution. A
civil action is no remedy for a great public wrong and crime.
With Binghams help the Reconstruction committee drafted the
14th Amendment: No state shall make or enforce any law which shall
abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States;
nor shall any state deprive any person of life, liberty, or property,
without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its
jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. Bingham
borrowed the concepts of due process and equal
protection of the laws from the Magna Carta, and
by substituting person for man, he gave
the proposed amendment power to redress
far more than just racial discrimination.
Despite opposition from President Andrew
Johnson, the amendment passed Congress and
was sent to the states on June 13, 1866;
it was ratied July 9, 1868.
Sarah Richardson
In addition to his
work on the 14th
Amendment, John
Bingham was
a special judge
advocate in the
trial of the Lincoln
assassination
conspirators.
Vida Milholland was

arrested July 4, 1917,
while picketing the
White House for the
right to vote. She spent
three days in a District
of Columbia jail.
How Long Must

We Wait?
Alice Paul wanted action on votes for women, so
she took her demands straight to the top
by J.D. Zahniser
On June 21, 1917, Lucy Burns of Brooklyn and Katharine Morey of Boston were
arrested in front of the White House. Their crime? Obstructing traffic. They had
stood on the Pennsylvania Avenue sidewalk with a banner imploring President
Woodrow Wilson to take action. Two months after America declared war on Germany, picketing the White House seemed disloyal to an awful lot of people, perhaps even treasonous. The two women stood silently, yet their banner mocked
Wilsons April call to make the world safe for democracy; Burns and Morey
thought democracy should begin at home. They wanted the most fundamental
right accorded citizens in a democracy: the right to vote.
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS (2)
The 1917 White House picketing campaign,

orchestrated by Alice Paul, was an audacious
nonviolent political demonstration that drove
the 70-year-old votes-for-women movement to
a fever pitch. The campaign also ignited a national debate about Americans civil rights in
time of war. Controversial in its day and for 50
years thereafter, the 1917 picketing is now regarded by historians as an outstanding example
of the power of political protest, and Alice Paul
is seen as its brilliant strategist. The passage of
the 19th Amendment in 1920, which secured
the right to vote for American women, can be
directly linked to the White House pickets.
Alice Paul, circa 1918, transformed the

American suffrage movement. Unless
women are prepared to ght politically,
she said, they must be content to be
ignored politically.
DECEMBER 2015
53
Paul chose purple, white

and gold to represent the
NWP. Some American
groups adopted green
from the Pankhurst
suffragettes in Britain.
By 1917 the idea of women voting had

achieved a notable level of acceptance in the
United States. The largest advocacy organization,
the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA), boasted a million members.
Hundreds of local, state and regional suffrage
groups kept the issue alive. Seasoned activists,
however, remembered a dispiriting struggle that
had absorbed three generations of women.
Woman suffrage had long been joined with
questions of civil and social rights. The work
of pioneers like Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucy
Stone and Susan B. Anthony on behalf of abolition led them to reconsider their own status.
From the 1840s, they had urged abolition, while
enduring criticism, ridicule and, in a few cases,
arrest for promoting womens rights. Many felt
victory close at hand for both causes after the
Civil War. Instead, in 1869, when Congress
proposed a constitutional amendment to grant
black men the vote, the suffrage movement
split into two rival groupsone that insisted
on the inclusion of women in the amendment
and one willing to accept that this was the negros hour. In the end, the 15th Amendment
enfranchised black males only, and the rift between the womens groups took two decades
to heal. They nally reunited in 1890 to create
NAWSA.
s the 20th century began, ideas

about the proper female role
were changing along with womens lives. A rapidly transforming
culture and economy had drawn increasing
numbers of middle-class women into higher
education, while working-class women found
new job opportunities in industrial and office
settings. African-American women organized
their own advocacy groups to combat the rise
of Jim Crow in the South and persistent discrimination in the North. But there were few
checks on working conditions or social prob-
54
lems such as low wages, sweatshops and child

labor. As calls for reform multiplied, women
were often the most prominent advocates for
change. By 1900 more and more women came
to see the vote as a way of gaining power to
achieve their wide-ranging goals.
Susan B. Anthony and others had tried in
vain to interest Congress in a woman suffrage
amendment once the 15th Amendment established a precedent for extending the franchise.
However, suffragists did have success in the
states, the traditional avenue for expanded
STOCK MONTAGE/GETTY IMAGES; OPPOSITE: HERITAGE

AUCTION, DALLAS, TX (2)
voting rights. Western states were the most

receptive: Nine states west of the Mississippi
had granted women the vote by 1913. Most suffrage supporters felt more states had to follow
suit to put a federal amendment within reach.
But Alice Paul was one of those who felt the
time for a constitutional amendment was now.
Alice Paul seemed an unlikely candidate
to lead a national movement. A modest young
Quaker from New Jersey, Paul had studied
political science and earned a Ph.D. in sociology before traveling to England to further her
education. There she plunged into suffrage

advocacy with the militant suffragettes led by
Emmeline Pankhurst and her daughter Christabel. The Pankhursts pulled off daring street
protests, which aroused praise and condemnation on both sides of the pond. When the
British government began arresting suffragettes, the Pankhursts refused to back down.
They answered imprisonments with hunger
strikes and capitalized on public shock at the
forced feedings designed to break the prisoners resolve. By her own admission a heart and
A crowd closes in
on White House
pickets in 1917.
Bemused curiosity
sometimes gave
way to violent
confrontation as
mobs physically
attacked the
suffragists and
shredded their
banners.
DECEMBER 2015
55
British suffragettes
used graphic
depictions of their
treatment in prison
to sway public
opinion and force
the government to
change tactics.
soul convert, Alice Paul became one of those

courageous enough to endure repeated incarcerations and the indignities that followed;
her formerly robust health was compromised
for years to come. By early 1910 the struggle in
Britain went on, but a frailer Paul returned to
America with a burning desire to continue the
ght for womens equality.
In 1913 Paul vaulted to national attention
and quickly gained a reputation for bold and
controversial action. In March she organized a
massive suffrage procession for NAWSA down
Pennsylvania Avenueone day before Woodrow Wilsons rst inauguration. Thousands
joined the parade, rejecting the common notion that women marching in the streets for
their rights was a lot like streetwalking for
money. Spectators spat abuse and roughed up
the women, spawning a ood of press coverage and national outrage. A Senate debate
about the event mirrored the national uncertainty about a womans place. One senator suggested that an abused
marcher ought to have been at home. An incensed colleague shouted
back, She had as much right there as any one.
The parade and its aftermath energized American suffragists (who
distinguished themselves from British suffragettes). Paul built on her
apprenticeship with the Pankhursts and proved an ambitious and resourceful leader who fearlessly pushed boundaries. But the question of
timing bedevils all civil rights movements. Is it time to push aggressively or to wait patiently? Although womens roles were changing in
the early 20th century, female reputations were still easily tarnished.
Many suffragists rightly feared that engaging in actions deemed unwomanly could taint their whole lives. So most people in favor of the
vote for women argued for a slower pace, for action within the realm
of social acceptability. It was a special breed of woman who joined in
when a rebrand like Alice Paul urged activists to, for example, accost
the president at public events in 1915 or campaign against his dominant
Democratic Party in 1914 and 1916. When Pauls insistence on brash
Pankhurst-style demonstrations led the more conventional NAWSA to
spurn her efforts, Paul launched her own group, the National Womans
Party, in 1916.
56
By 1917 many Americans, including suffragists, viewed the NWP as confrontational

and quite possibly injurious to the cause. After
the United States entered World War I in April,
NAWSA announced that its members would
turn their focus to supporting the home-front
war effort. Alice Pauls decision to continue
pressing for a suffrage amendment in the face
of war only conrmed the dim view many held
of her Womans Party. Cognizant of the ultrapatriotic fervor that followed the countrys
declaration of war, Paul hastened to assure
doubters that the NWPs continuing activism
was prompted by the highest patriotic motives. After all, American women, following
the Pankhursts, were simply exercising the
sacred right of petition, a foundation of English law harking back to the Magna Carta and
adopted by American revolutionaries seeking
independence.
Even so, many people couldnt gure out why Paul was so focused
on the president, who plays no formal role in amending the Constitution. An amendment passed by Congress moves directly to the states for
ratication. But Pauls political science training led her to believe that
the president could compel his party, which controlled both the Senate
and the House in 1917, to pass a suffrage amendment. She aimed at converting him to her cause; thus far, Woodrow Wilson had expressed only
his exasperation with the NWP. He was among those who dismissed
the silent sentinels who rst appeared at the White House gates on
January 10, 1917, tipping his hat to the ladies as his automobile drove
through the gates or ignoring them altogether.
LIBRARY OF CONGRESS; OPPOSITE: BRITISH LIBRARY, LONDON/BRIDGEMAN IMAGES
he April declaration of war shifted the ground beneath the

pickets. For months, the banner-bearers of the National
Womans Party stood before the White House in all kinds of
weather. Most onlookers and many in the press thought them
silly or misguided; one letter-writer to the Washington Post called the
protest mad banners and bad manners. After war was declared, the
pickets noticed the darkening mood of passersby more attuned to war
drums than woman suffrage. At the presidents behest, in June Congress
passed the Espionage Act of 1917, legislation aimed at tamping down any
political dissent.
Though Paul was urged by many (including her mother) to call off
the pickets, she was determined to provoke the sort of heavy-handed
response that had gained the British suffragettes so much attention. On
June 20 Lucy Burns and Katharine Morey went out with a banner implicitly calling the president a liar for promising to make the world safe
for democracy. We the women of America, the banner read, tell you
that America is not a democracy. The next day, Burns and Morey were
arrested. They refused to pay the ne for obstructing traffic and went to
jail. Each day, more pickets appeared at the White House and the police
continued to arrest them.
Paul managed the considerable publicity surrounding the arrests to
maximize embarrassment for the president. The womens brief trials became forums for debating the legality of the picketing. As picket Mabel
Vernon exclaimed, If you think we were performing illegally for one
hundred and fty days, you should have interfered before the one hundred and fty-rst day. Paul also trumpeted the imprisonment of the
most socially prominent prisoners and detailed for the press the abysmal conditions of the jail. After police jailed 16 pickets on one July day,
high-level political supporters prevailed upon the president to pardon
the women. Paul and the prisoners exulted in this rst public acknowledgment by Wilson of their protest, but railed at the idea that they were
law-breakers in the rst place. One prisoner, Alison Hopkins, insisted
that the pardon in no way mitigates the injustice inicted upon me by
the violation of my constitutional civil rights.
Realizing she had struck a nerve, Paul continued the picketing campaign and reveled in the controversy. She welcomed the support of leftist groups that were also resisting Wilson administration censorship or
repression. Judges gave longer sentences as the summer wore on; by
September they were giving the pickets 30 days and sending women to
the Occoquan Workhouse in Virginia as well as the District of Columbia city jail. Subjected to rancid food and physical abuse and disgusted
with the administrations refusal to designate them political prisoners,
the pickets began a hunger strike, which Paul ramped up for the press.
In October, despite her own fragile health, Paul decided that she too
LIVE THE HISTORY

Sewall-Belmont House & Museum
144 Constitution Avenue NE
Washington, DC
www.sewallbelmont.org
One of the oldest residences on Capitol Hill
and the longtime headquarters of the National
Womans Party, the Sewall-Belmont House
is a major resource for students of womens
history. In addition to hosting conferences,
workshops and other educational programs,
the Sewall-Belmont House & Museum maintains
a large collection of photographs, textiles and
decorative arts.
Alice Paul Institute
128 Hooten Road
Mount Laurel, NJ
www.alicepaul.org
Located in Pauls childhood home, the Alice
Paul Institute pays homage to the activist and
promotes gender equality with a variety of
educational and mentoring programs for girls
and young women.
Turning Point Suffragist Memorial Association
www.suffragistmemorial.org
A campaign is underway to build a memorial
dedicated to the suffragists who were
arrested and imprisoned in the Occoquan
Workhouse in Lorton, Va., in 1917. Working in
conjunction with the Northern Virginia Regional
Park Authority, the Turning Point association
hopes to honor the past and empower the
future as it recognizes the continuing struggle
for equal rights.
More than 100

women who
were arrested
for picketing
were given
this Jailed for
Freedom pin
by the NWP.
DECEMBER 2015
57
Suffrage in
Black and
White
Privileged white women had dominated
the suffrage movement since its inception.
Educated and free from paid work, they
volunteered for reform efforts like suffrage,
which they described as municipal
housekeeping, an extension of womans
natural role. The labor strife and union
organizing of the early 1900s turned many
wage-earning women into suffragists, but
work or family commitments limited their
participation.
The 1917 arrests of the White House
pickets left members of the National Womans
Party with painful decisions. Women with
social status drew the line at going to jail,
and some resigned from the NWP. Black
women could not risk jeopardizing hardwon reputations for probity. Even women
willing to face arrest were sometimes forced
to withdraw by their families or employers.
They have told me thatI must resign from
here rst, unless I can guarantee that I [wont]
be arrested and have to spend Monday or
maybe longer away from the ofce, said
Pennsylvania suffragist Elizabeth McShane.
Aint it erce?
African-American women had largely been
discouraged from participating in suffrage
organizations. The National American Woman
Suffrage Association bowed to the sentiments
of Southern suffragists and excluded blacks,
who responded by organizing groups like the
National Association of Colored Women to
work for suffrage as well as racial equality.
The Quaker Alice Paul initially welcomed
black womens participation in the NWP,
but she soon acquiesced to the argument
that it endangered the suffrage cause.
Some Northern chapters of NAWSA and
the NWP accepted black members, and
Carrie Chapman Catt and Paul kept open
lines of communication with black leaders.
But suffrage was mostly considered a white
womans movement. The modern feminist
movement has also been criticized for failing
to sufciently include minority women and
their concerns.
J.D. Zahniser
58
should be arrested. The banner she carried bore more of Wilsons own
wartime words: The time has come to conquer or submit. For us there
can be no other choice. She was sentenced to seven months in jail.
Wilson, under increasing pressure, had ordered two investigations of
jail conditions by the time of Alice Pauls incarceration. He also acceded
to an attempt by D.C. commissioners to get Paul committed to an asylum.
That effort was stymied only by the refusal of one physician to judge Paul
insane. The dozens of women jailed alongside Paul joined her in a hunger
strike; as in England, forced feeding became the governments response.
After the press instituted a deathwatch on the frail NWP leader, Wilson
nally threw up his hands and ordered all the suffrage prisoners released
just before Thanksgiving 1917. Six weeks later, he declared his support for
a federal suffrage amendment. The end was in sight.
More persuasion and demonstrations became necessary before the
19th Amendment nally passed Congress in June 1919. By that time, women
in 24 stateshalf the countryhad won suffrage. Womens contributions
to the war effort, including working in factories, running farms and serv-
CLOCKWISE FROM TOP: LIBRARY OF CONGRESS; JANICE HALEY/SCHLESINGER LIBRARY ON

THE HISTORY OF WOMEN IN AMERICA, RADCLIFFE INSTITUTE; CORBIS
Paul unfurls a victory

banner with 36 stars
for the number
of states needed
to ratify the 19th
Amendment in 1920.
ing overseas as nurses and ambulance drivers,

also hastened the process. Ratication was swift:
Despite failures in eight states, the amendment
was made law on August 26, 1920, now deemed
Womens Equality Day.
Paul soon moved on to new challenges.
While NAWSA became the League of Women
Voters in 1920, the National Womans Party
persevered on behalf of womens equality.
Paul authored the Equal Rights Amendment
in 1923 and lobbied for its passage for decades.
She founded the World Womans Party in 1938

and was instrumental in securing equal rights
provisions in the 1945 United Nations Charter
and the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human
Rights. The sex discrimination clause in Title
VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 is there because of the efforts of Paul and the NWP.
After the social and political protests of the
1960s and 70s, historians began to reevaluate
the 1917 picketing campaign and Alice Paul. The
accepted historical narrative of woman suffrage shifted, as historians began to recognize
that change often happens from the ground
up, with ordinary citizens compelling national
debates about Americas founding principles.
Rather than the more moderate NAWSA leader
Carrie Chapman Catt assuming the sole starring role, Alice Paul gained increasing attention as a commanding gure who reshaped the
suffrage landscape and spurred victory.
Paul was the only suffrage leader who lived
to see feminism resurge in the 1970s. As the
new generation of feminists searched for womens history, they discovered Alice Paul, took
up the controversial Equal Rights Amendment
and successfully pushed Congress to pass it in
1972. Thirty-ve states ratied the ERA before
Pauls death in 1977, three short of the 38 required by the Constitution. The ERA did not
die with Paul; the quest continues today, with
supporters striving for another prize like the
1920 suffrage victory, which Alice Paul called
not a gift but a triumph.
Above: Marchers
at a 1976 ERA
rally in Springeld,
Ill., pay tribute to
Paul, then 91 and
in failing health.
Below: Paul in
1970, age 85.
J.D. Zahniser is the coauthor, with the late

Amelia R. Fry, of Alice Paul: Claiming Power
(Oxford University Press).
DECEMBER 2015
59
In Pursuit of
JUSTICE
10 Supreme Court decisions
that dened civil rights
The Dred Scott

decision was
welcomed in the
South but touched
off protest in the
North. Scott (left)
was bought, then
freed, by a former
owner in 1857.
The Supreme Court of the United States is a living, breathing, changing entity, and it and the nation continue to evolve.
Any attempt to measure a court decisions importance will
depend on perspectivehistorical, political and social.
Also, to be fair, hindsight may be 20/20. Or, as Justice
Anthony Kennedy said in the recent 5-4 majority opinion
in Obergefell v. Hodges, The nature of injustice is that we
may not always see it in our own times. The generations
that wrote and ratied the Bill of Rights and the Fourteenth
Amendment did not presume to know the extent of freedom
in all of its dimensions, and so they entrusted to future generations a charter protecting the right of all persons to enjoy
liberty as we learn its meaning.
Here are 10 examples of Supreme Court decisions that
limited or strengthened basic civil rights.
HOLDING THE LINE

Scott v. Sandford, 1857:
7-2 Dred
Blacks cant be citizens
Dred Scott, a slave who had spent time in a free state, sought his freedom in the courts. At issue was whether a slave, or the descendant of
slaves, was entitled to rights established by the Constitution. Chief
Justice Roger Taney ruled that the Declaration of Independences selfevident truthsthat all men are created equal; that they are endowed
by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among them is life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happinessdid not apply to blacks. It is too
clear for dispute, Taney wrote, that the enslaved African race were not
intended to be included. Not only was Scott ineligible to sue, the court
decided, but Congress could not prohibit slavery in the territories.
MIDDLE: PRIVATE COLLECTION/PETER NEWARK AMERICAN PICTURES/BRIDGEMAN IMAGES; BOTTOM: PICTORIAL PRESS LTD/ALAMY
by Allison Torres Burtka
7-1* Plessy v. Ferguson, 1896:
A segregated bus
station in Durham,
N.C., 44 years after
the Plessy decision.
FROM TOP: JACK DELANO/FARM SECURITY ADMINISTRATION/LIBRARY OF CONGRESS; CHRIS STEWART/SAN FRANCISCO CHRONICLE/CORBIS; KARL SCHUMACHER/THE LIFE IMAGES COLLECTION/GETTY IMAGES
Separate but equal is OK
*1 abstention
In 1890 Louisiana passed a law requiring separate train cars for black
passengers and white passengers. Homer Plessy, who was one-eighth
black, was imprisoned for sitting in the whites-only car. He argued that
his rights under the 13th Amendment (which abolished slavery) and 14th
Amendment (which overturned Dred Scott and provided equal protection for blacks) had been violated. The Supreme Court decided that separate facilities were ne as long as they were of equal quality. (In reality
the facilities provided for blacks were often inferior.)
Justice Henry Billings Brown wrote, We consider the underlying
fallacy of the plaintiffs argument to consist in the assumption that the
enforced separation of the two races stamps the colored race with a
badge of inferiority. If this be so, it is not by reason of anything found in
the act, but solely because the colored race chooses to put that construction upon it.
v. United States, 1944:

6-3 Korematsu
Japanese internment camps are reasonable
While at war with Japan, the U.S. government rounded up people of Japanese ancestry and put them into detention centers to prevent espionage and sabotage. Fred Korematsu, a U.S. citizen of Japanese descent,
refused to leave his home in California. Justice Hugo Black wrote that
the governments actions were justied: To cast this case into outlines
of racial prejudice, without reference to the real military dangers which
were presented, merely confuses the issue. Korematsu was not excluded
from the Military Area because of hostility to him or his race. He was
excluded because we are at war with the Japanese Empire, because the
properly constituted military authorities feared an invasion of our West
Coast and felt constrained to take proper security measures.
Korematsu
in 1987. The
courts 1944
decision has
been widely
condemned but
never ofcially
overturned.
v. Hardwick, 1986:
5-4 Bowers
States can make homosexual sex a crime
Michael Hardwick, who engaged in a consensual sex act with another
man in his home, was charged with violating a Georgia law that criminalized sodomy. He argued that the statute violated his fundamental rights
under the Constitution, but the court disagreed. The court also shut
down Hardwicks argument that there was no rational basis for the Georgia statute other than the presumed belief of a majority of the electorate in Georgia that homosexual sodomy is immoral and unacceptable,
as Justice Byron White put it in the majority opinion. White concluded,
The law, however, is constantly based on notions of morality, and if all
laws representing essentially moral choices are to be invalidated under
the Due Process Clause, the courts will be very busy indeed. In 2003, in
Lawrence v. Texas, the court overturned Bowers in a 6-3 decision.
Protests for and against the

Bowers decision were held
outside the Supreme Court.
DECEMBER 2015
61
Susette Kelo moved her

house after her property was
seized. As of 2015 the land
has not been redeveloped.
v. New London, 2005:

5-4 Kelo
The government can take your house
A Connecticut citys economic development plan, which included building a complex for Pzer pharmaceuticals, required taking some residents houses and land. Under the Fifth Amendment, the government
can take private property for public use if it provides just compensation. The homeowners argued that their property was actually being
taken for private gain, but the court disagreed. Petitioners contend that
using eminent domain for economic development impermissibly blurs
the boundary between public and private takings, Justice John Paul Stevens wrote for the majority. But, he said, the governments pursuit of a
public purpose will often benet individual private parties.
Justice Sandra Day OConnor dissented: The fallout from this decision will not be random. The beneciaries are likely to be those citizens
with disproportionate inuence and power in the political process. . . .The
government now has license to transfer property from those with fewer
resources to those with more.
BREAKING THROUGH BARRIERS

v. Board of Education, 1954:
9-0 Brown
Separate but equal? Not so fast
In a group of class actions, black children in Delaware, Kansas, South
Carolina and Virginia sought to attend public schools for white children.
The plaintiffs argued that segregating schools by race violated their 14th
Amendment right to equal protection. The court agreed: To separate
[black schoolchildren] from others of similar age and qualications solely because of their race generates a feeling of inferiority as to their status
in the community that may affect their hearts and minds in a way unlikely ever to be undone, Chief Justice Earl Warren wrote in the decision
that struck down Plessy in the public school context. We conclude that,
in the eld of public education, the doctrine of separate but equal has
no place. Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal.
Virginia State Board of Education v.

6-3 West
Barnette, 1943: Students cant be forced to
Three years after Brown,

Elizabeth Eckford was one
of nine black students who
integrated Little Rock Central
High School in Arkansas.
Barnette overturned a 1940

ruling in a similar case that
held mandatory ag salutes
promoted national security.
62
FROM TOP: SPENCER PLATT/GETTY IMAGES; EVERETT COLLECTION INC/ALAMY; CORBIS
pledge allegiance
The West Virginia Board of Education required all public school students to salute the ag; Jehovahs Witnesses who refused on religious
grounds were expelled. The Supreme Court decided that a compulsory
ag salute invades the sphere of intellect and spirit which it is the purpose of the First Amendment to our Constitution to reserve from all ofcial control.
Justice Robert Jackson wrote, If there is any xed star in our constitutional constellation, it is that no official, high or petty, can prescribe
what shall be orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion, or other matters
of opinion, or force citizens to confess by word or act their faith therein.
Along similar lines, in 1969 the court held by a 7-2 vote in Tinker v.
Des Moines that students First Amendment rights were violated when
their school prohibited them from wearing armbands to protest the Vietnam War.
v. Wainwright, 1963:
9-0 Gideon
States must provide attorneys
for defendants who cant afford them
After Clarence Gideon was charged in Florida
with breaking and entering, he asked the court
to appoint a lawyer for him because he couldnt
afford one. The court declined; Florida did so
only for capital offenses. Gideon was convicted and then challenged his conviction, arguing
that denying him an attorney violated his 14th
Clarence Gideon
Amendment rights. In a unanimous opinion
written by Justice Hugo Black, the court agreed
that Gideons right to due process was violated: Our state and national
constitutions and laws have laid great emphasis on procedural and substantive safeguards designed to assure fair trials before impartial tribunals in which every defendant stands equal before the law. This noble
ideal cannot be realized if the poor man charged with crime has to face
his accusers without a lawyer to assist him.
Richard and Mildred Loving

celebrate their Supreme
Court victory over the state
of Virginia, which claimed
interracial marriage disturbed
the peace and dignity of the
Commonwealth.
FROM TOP: BETTMANN/CORBIS; FRANCIS MILLER/THE LIFE PICTURE COLLECTION/GETTY IMAGES; MLADEN ANTONOV/AFP/GETTY IMAGES
v. Virginia, 1967:
9-0 Loving
States cant prohibit interracial marriage
A black woman and a white man who got married in the District of Columbia were arrested in Virginia for violating the states ban on interracial marriage. The trial judge, noting that God had placed the races
on separate continents because he did not intend for them to mix, gave
the couple a choice: Go to jail for a year or leave Virginia and not return
together for 25 years. The Lovings left but sued the state on the ground
that the ban violated their equal protection and due process rights. The
Supreme Court agreed.
Chief Justice Warren wrote, Marriage is one of the basic civil rights
of man.To deny this fundamental freedom on so unsupportable a
basis as the racial classications embodied in these statutes, classications so directly subversive of the principle of equality at the heart of
the Fourteenth Amendment, is surely to deprive all the States citizens
of liberty without due process of law.
v. Hodges, 2015:
5-4 Obergefell
Same-sex marriage is legal in all states
Four same-sex couples from different states took on the hodgepodge
of state laws governing marriage. The plaintiffs argued that state prohibitions against same-sex marriage violated the 14th Amendments
due process and equal protection clauses. The court recognized a fundamental right to marry, as it did in Loving, and said states cant deny
same sex-couples that right.
Especially against a long history of disapproval of their relationships, this denial to same-sex couples of the right to marry works a grave
and continuing harm, Justice Kennedy wrote. As the State itself makes
marriage all the more precious by the signicance it attaches to it, exclusion from that status has the effect of teaching that gays and lesbians
are unequal in important respects. It demeans gays and lesbians for the
State to lock them out of a central institution of the Nations society.
Freelance writer and editor Allison Torres Burtka has seen the Supreme
Court in action during oral arguments while reporting on court decisions.
Demonstrators gather at
the Supreme Court in April
2015 during arguments in
the Obergefell case.
DECEMBER 2015
63
HERITAGE TRAVEL &

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Confederate Memorial Park in Marbury,

Alabama, commemorates the Civil War
with an array of historic sites and artifacts. Experience the lives of Civil War
soldiers as never before.
STEP BACK IN TIME at Camp Nelson

Civil War Heritage Park, a Union Army
supply depot and African American refugee camp. Museum, Civil War Library,
Interpretive Trails and more.
Daveed Diggs (Lafayette), Okieriete

Onaodowan (Hercules Mulligan),
Anthony Ramos (John Laurens) and
Lin-Manuel Miranda (Hamilton).
Alexander Hamilton Is Back

With a Roar
Hamilton: An American Musical
Richard Rodgers Theatre, New York
Who was Alexander Hamilton, the man on the 10-dollar bill, anyway? The 20-year-old whiz
kid who helped George Washington run the American Revolution? The man who cheated on his
wife and then wrote all about it in the newspapers? The brilliant rst secretary of the treasury?
Thomas Jeffersons longtime enemy? The lobbyist who helped to get the U.S. Constitution ratied? The bloody victim of Aaron Burrs hatred?
The answer to all of those questions is yes,
plus, in the Broadway smash Hamilton, hes
the best hip-hop singer and dancer that ever
sashayed his way through a war and created
a nation.
Hamilton, a tremendous musical with book,
lyrics and music by the gifted Lin-Manuel Miranda, who also stars in the title role, opened
off-Broadway at the Public Theater last April.
66
In August it moved uptown to the Richard Rodgers Theatre, where it has

been packing in cheering audiences ever since.
Based on Ron Chernows Pulitzer Prizewinning biography, Hamilton is rock solid in its history: a gripping story of the founding of a country by such titanic gures as George Washington and James Madison. It
is a rip-roaring, modern-day hip-hop musical. But why do people who
wouldnt know Alex Hamilton from Alex Rodriguez love it?
The real achievement of Hamilton is its deep, multi-level portrayal of
the amboyant secretary of the treasury, whose genius created the nan-
REVIEWS
TOP AND OPPOSITE: HAMILTON PRODUCTION PHOTOS BY JOAN MARCUS; RIGHT: ROBERT MITCHELL, COURTESY RINKER BUCK
Edited by Richard Ernsberger Jr.
cial system that has been the foundation of this

country for 226 years. That portrayal is enhanced by the casting of African-American and
Latino actors in the roles of the white founders,
an acknowledgement that the revolutionary
world was more diverse than we think. It works,
and it works well. It is this rich look at a historic
gure, those who loved him, those who hated
him, and the context of the times that makes
Hamilton such a wild success.
Hamilton is superb on all levels. First and
foremost, the play has marvelous acting. Mirandas sleek performance is masterful, and Leslie
Odom Jr. wows as the feisty and thoroughly repulsive Aaron Burr. Christopher Jackson is a
surprisingly good George Washington, a tough
guy to portray anywhere, even on the dollar
bill. Daveed Diggs is absolutely stupendous as
a funkadelic Thomas Jefferson (he also cavorts
across the stage as the Marquis de Lafayette),
and Phillipa Soo and Rene Elise Goldsberry
as the Schuyler sisters (Eliza married Hamilton
and Angelica loved him).
Mirandas Hamilton emerges as an annoying, self-centered and yet brilliant man who
had difficulty getting along with people and,
in the end, made a series of bad decisions that
helped to bring about his sad demise at the
age of 44, shot dead by Burr in a famous duel
in 1804. Director Thomas Kail has delivered
Leslie
Odom Jr.
(Aaron
Burr)
a smooth and enjoyable show, with lots of help from musical director
Alex Lacamoire and choreographer Andy Blankenbuehler. These revolutionaries can dance!
If you can catch Hamilton on Broadway, do so, but if you cant, there
will be many national tours of the show, and, for sure, a movie is on the
horizon. Bruce Chadwick
The Oregon Trail: A New American Journey

By Rinker Buck (Simon & Schuster)
Author Rinker Buck describes himself as a divorced boozehound with a bad driving record and
emerging symptoms of low self-esteem. His brother,
Nick, is a former ski instructor, part-time actor and
carpenter. In the rst pages of his book The Oregon
Trail: A New American Journey, Buck (rightfully) wonders why two middle-aged men decided to spend four
months, side by side, on a butt-breaking wooden seat
maneuvering a covered wagon, pulled by three mules,
from Missouri to Oregon.
His audacious plan was to follow as
closely as possible the old Oregon Trail,
the 2,000-mile route by which thousands
of American settlers migrated west in the
1840s and 1850s. As Buck notes, Naivet is
the mother of adventure.
Readers can be glad the two men went
to the trouble, as The Oregon Trail is early
American history packaged as an entertaining travelogue. Buck extensively researched
the history of the Oregon Trail, which, he
writes, was originally called the Platte River
Road and was a main fur-trapping route to
the Rockies that passed through the Arapaho & Sioux tribal lands in western Nebraska. It wasnt just one distinct route but
veered off in different directions, depending on the destination of the homesteaders,
becoming, for example, the California Trail
for those wishing to head south and toward
the coast.
According to Buck, almost the entire
2,100-mile expanse of the Oregon Trail
even where it has been covered over by
modern highways or railroad trackshas
Rinker Buck
DECEMBER 2015
67
The Bucks muledrawn wagons

survive the climb
up California Hill, a
steep grade at the
South Platte River,
Nebraska.
68
been meticulously charted and marked, with

long, undeveloped stretches now preserved as
a National Historic Trail. Except for two bad
spots of suburban sprawl around Scottsbluff,
Nebraska, and Boise, Idaho, most of the trail is
still accessible along remote farm and ranch
roads. And thats the way the brothers trundled through the West. Rinker usually slept in
the wagon or on the ground while Nick bunked
in barns (with owner permission).
The original trek was arduous and dangerous, of course, what with mountain and river
crossings, bad weather and disease. We get a
sense of the hardships suffered by the settlers
because the Bucks experienced a few themselves during their summer sojourn, including
bad storms, the daily feeding and care of the
mules, wagon breakdowns in the middle of no-
where and getting lost. There was no knowing

what was around the next bend. Going up and
down steep mountain passes with poor braking was risky, but Nicks driving skills spared
the pair from any disasters.
Buck weaves his not-always pretty personal story into the history of the trail, and the trip,
and the combination buoys this book. He is not
afraid to show the reader his awsand when
he and his brother nally reach Baker City, Ore.,
he does not pretend to be a changed man. But
the odyssey did have its benets: My habitual
impatience was suspended to deal with frustration after frustration on the trailand I indulged in a wonderful summer of romance and
grit. Put the soundtrack to the TV miniseries
Lonesome Dove on a music device, and read.
Clarke C. Jones
COURTESY RINKER BUCK
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A Complex Fate: William L. Shirer and the American Century
By Ken Cuthbertson (McGill-Queens University Press)
William L. Shirer had a tumultuous but celebrated careerrst as a newspaper foreign correspondent, then as a pioneering radio broadcaster and, nally, as an authority on Europe. He
spent seven years reporting from Berlin, 1934 to 1941, getting a virtually unmatched look at the
rise of Nazi Germany.
As author Ken Cuthbertson explains in
his richly detailed biography A Complex Fate:
William L. Shirer and the American Century,
Shirer was a competitive and astute journalist
who suffered his share of career knocks, most
notably when he lost his high-prole position
as a CBS news commentator and later got unfairly labeled a communist sympathizer. He
went 12 years without a job before reviving his
fortunes, spectacularly, in 1960 when he produced his magnum opus, The Rise and Fall of
the Third Reich. It became a huge bestseller,
cemented Shirers legacyand enabled him to
keep writing until his death, at age 89, in 1993.
Born in Chicago in 1904, Shirer attended Coe College, where he was editor in chief
of the school newspaper. After graduation in
1925, he and friend worked their way to Europe
aboard a cattle ship. In France Shirer wangled
a job as a copyeditor with the English-language
Shirer (front)
records the fall
of France at
Compigne,
June 1940.
70
Paris edition of the Chicago Tribune and soon after was covering sporting events and celebrity doings on the continent. A front-page story on
Charles Lindberghs landing at Le Bourget Airport got him a promotion,
at age 23, to foreign correspondent for the Tribunes Foreign News Service. Thus began a life of gabardine trench coats and late-night trains.
Bespectacled, prematurely balding, and with his ever-present pipe
clenched between his teeth, Shirer lookedand sometimes actedmore
like an academic than a foreign correspondent, writes Cuthbertson. He
chased the news throughout Europe and beyondeven traveled to India
to report on Mahatma Gandhis efforts to win independence for that
country. The Tribune ran ads trumpeting Shirers scoops before the papers impetuous owner, Robert Colonel McCormick, sacked him for a
couple of minor mistakes. In 1934 the Hearst-owned Universal News
Service hired Shirer to run its Berlin bureauthe start of what he called
his nightmare years, a phrase that became the title of a 1980 book.
In 1937 Edward R. Murrow hired Shirer to help him start the CBS
News radio network in Europe. Shirer was the rst of the so-called
Murrow boysthough Murrow biographer A.M. Sperber has written
that the two men had a unique bond. Among all the CBS colleagues
with whom Murrow worked, Shirer, by dint of his distinguished newspaper career, was his only true peer. In live, shortwave broadcasts to
American listeners, Murrow and Shirer analyzed the Nazi takeovers of
Austria and Czechoslovakia, the invasion of Poland, the Munich crisis.
They built the foundation of CBS News, and in covering the war became stars. When the French surrendered at Compigne in 1940, Shirer
was there, sitting in a eld amid the generals, tapping out his broadcast
report on his trusty Royal.
Shirer returned to New York in 1941, wrote the bestselling Berlin
Diary and became a CBS commentator. He had a sizeable audience, but
by then he and Murrow had drifted apart. When Shirers sponsor, a soap
company, dropped his program in 1947, CBS chief William Paley red
Shirer; Murrow, a company vice president, went along with the decision. Shirer never forgave Murrow for the betrayal. He struggled to earn
a living for years before writing The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich,
followed by several other books, including a three-volume memoir. In a
eulogy after the writers death, historian James MacGregor Burns noted
that Shirer had chronicled some of the most splendid and the most
terrifying events of the [20th] century, and had shaped Americans
views of Hitler, Gandhi and other important historical gures who had
changed our world. For a journalist, you cant ask for more than that.
Richard Ernsberger Jr.
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Polk, a dark horse Democrat, is
the only president who also served
as speaker of the House, a position
in which he enforced a gag rule
that barred antislavery petitions to
Congress between 1836 and 1844.
As president Polk would tread a
ne line, balancing Northern interests by acquiring Oregon as a
free territory with Southern interests in gaining Texas as a slaveholding territory. Polk himself was
a lifelong slaveholder, although his
will stated that his slaves would be
72
freed upon his wifes death.

Over the years, Polks stature
as an extraordinarily effective executive has risen. During his one
term he restructured the Treasury
Department, established the U.S.British boundary for Oregon, went
to war to acquire Texas from Mexico and reduced tariffs on imported goods. By the time he left office
in 1849, the United States had
been enlarged by at least a third.
He would die just three months
later of cholera.
HERITAGE AUCTIONS, DALLAS, TX
Presidential candidate James Polk and running mate

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2015 National Geographic Society

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A WILLIAMSBURG

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