CHAPTER 5 McDonald’s in Japan: Changing Manners and Etiquette Emiko Obnuki-Tierney ‘The Golden Arches, a ubiquitous symbol of “late capital jam" and the fragmentation of life in the fast lane in the United States, have found a home in Japan—another society where the apparently unlimited growth propelled by capital jam has given rise to an explosive rate of change in daily life. In this chapter I will reexamine some of the assumptions implicit in current discussions of the globalization process by focusing fn the introduction and growth of MeDonald’s in Japan. In panicular, I think we must shift our attention from the obses- sion with consumer behavior and focus instead on how new commodities become embedded in culture. Throughout Asia, for example, fast food is not simply a commodity; itis also a representation of “the West” or “America.” How does Me- Donald's stand for Americana as perceived by the Japanese? Also, what are the unanticipated effeess of a particular com- rmodity, such as the McDonald's hamburger, a it becomes part of Japanese culture? My focus in tis chapter, therefore, is not confined to the nature of MeDonald’s as a particular form of In, Golden Archea Bast Edited by James L. Watson Stanford Universsty Press 1997162. Emiko Obnuki-Tiemey food, but also with the effects of fast food on Japafese table manners and lifestyles in general. ‘MeDonald’s in Japan ‘MeDonald’s was introduced in Japan in 1971 by Den Fujita, then a Univensty of Tokyo student. He began with five res. taurants and 2 $13 million investment during an economic ‘boom in Japan. By 1985 the business had grown to such an ex- tent that on New Yeat’s Day a McDonald’s near the Tsuru- gaoka Shrine in Kamakura set what was then a singleday, sin- leoutlet, world sales record of $47,871. In that same year, McDonald's was ranked number one in total sales among Ja- pan’s service companies. By 1986, the chain had expanded to 556 restaurants, amounting to a $766.5 million empire. Every ‘month that year the Japanese consumed 12,000 tons of Ameri- can beef and 15,000 tons of Idaho potatoes: in 1991, annual sales rose to $1.6 billion, with 860 restaurants.’ By 1994, when the fieldwork for this study was conducted, McDonald's Japan had expanded to 1,048 outlets, with its branch below the Han- shin Department Store in Umeda, Osaka, at the top in terms oe MeDonald's has made a practice of targeting locations noted for high real esate valve, such as Ginza in Tokyo, where the first outlet opened.” Other restaurants are situated near major train stations and often have very litte frontage space and lim- ited seating space. The premium in such locations is on con- venience, not comfort. ‘The Japanese menu includes the standard fare one would find in any American McDonald's, but, in an effort to increase sales, Japanese McDonald’ restaurants have experimented with different food items such as Chinese fried rice (MacChao), eur- ‘MeDonala's in Japan 163 tied rice with chicken or bee, fied egg burger (called eukimi- ‘bigé, or “moon-viewing burgee”), sib burgers, hotdog burgers, shrimp burgers, and chicken-tatsuta (a soy-sauceflavored chic- keen sandwich)’ Bacom-lereuce burgers were the featured item during the summer of 1994, So far, the only locally inspired item that has become a permanent feature of the McDonald's ‘menu is the teriyaki burger. (In July 1994, on a flight to To- kkyo, L interviewed a man who worked for the Mitsubishi Au- tomobile Company and was returning from a tour of branch offices in the United States he insisted that food in the Japa- nese McDonald's was much tastier than its American counter- part. After some discussion it became clear that, to him, Me- Donald’s meant teriyaki burgers and the taste he craved was soy sauce) Other items served in Japan that are not found in ‘most American outlets include iced coffee, iced oolong tea, hot colong tea, com soup, café au lit, and bacon-potato pie. ‘MeDonald’s as a Snack In Japan there isa vast array of foods served with rice that may qualify as “fast foods,” ahough it is not always easy to determine which items fit this clasifiation since Japanese cu- sine has two characteristics that make it posible for almost any dish to become a fast food. Firs, except for soup, Japanese foods are usually served at room temperature. Although rice ‘st be piping hot at the dinner table, it is eaten at room tem- perature in lunch boxes or in the form of rice balls. Second, the Japanese characteristcaly serve their “courses” all a once. ‘Therefore, lunch boxes (bent) are a natural extension of meals eaten atthe table. Bento are enormously popular and ate sold in department stores, supermarkets, and grocery stores, as well as by vendors who sell them from minivans and cars parked in164 Emiko ObnukicTiemey busy office areas. Prices range from ¥250 to ¥2500;" decent tasting bent6 average around ¥500’ Because of the popularity cof Bent, some foreign fast food companies have begun selling boxed lunches. For example, in the fall of 1992, Kentucky FFried Chicken started an expensive line of bento Tunches, claiming that they contained “the best” rice (akitakomach) and fish." Even nilway stations sell their own ekiden (station lunches), ranging in price from ¥350 to ¥2,000."" ‘MeDonal’s has not posed a serious challenge to this lnnch market, Despite its phenomenal success, say interviews as well as published magazine articles all testify that McDonald's food concedes: “McDonald's has gained ample recognition among Japanese consumers. However, our image is that of a light-meal restaurant for young people. We are not regarded a place for adults to have dinner.” ‘A young man from Mino, near Osaks, explained the sina! tion. Any food with bread is not considered “filling,” and so for lunch he and his university frieads look for donburi te- shoki—a large bow! of tice topped with various ingredients. He prefers rice burgers (a slice of meat, fish, or vegetable sand- wiched between bun-shaped rice patties) to hamburgers. In his opinion, hamburgers are only a snack to be eaten between meals. An article in a popular magazine, entitled “Hamburgers as a Habit and Gyiidon (a large bowl of rice with beef and sauce ‘on top] fora Fall Stomach,” develops this theme.” The author points out that young working men are not lured by the pros- pect of lunchtime hamburgers. On Sundays, when the same ‘young men take their families out fora light mea, they often fend up at McDonald's for lunch. "Daring the period of this research (summer 1994) the exchange sate wat USS1=4103 ‘McDonald's in Japan 165 In this sense, therefore, McDonald’ is competing with only 4 limited number of traditional fast foods, those made with noodles and other nontrice items. Udon (noodles made from ‘wheat flout) are considered the original fastfood of Japan, and ‘were enjoyed by city dwellers of Osaka and Edo (Tokyo) ome 200 years ago." The second most popular type of noodle are sobs (buckwheat noodles) The fist soe shop appeared ia the ‘mid-seventeenth century in Edo as a snack place.” Soba shops boomed in popularity during the Teikyo period (1684-88)."*In 1860 there were 3,763 soba shops in Edo, excluding stret ven dors.” Ramen, made from wheat and originally introduced from Chins rank third in popularity among Japanese noodle dishes. Udon and soba are not just fast foods they can even be haute cuisine ifthe noodles, the sauce, the seaweed, and the garnishes are of high quality and served in exquisite containers. At exclu- sive restaurants, the'price can go as high as 12,500. Ramen, however, remain low-las, regardless ofthe quality of noodles (Other recently imported foreign foods, such as Kentucky Fried Chicken, are treated more like meals than snacks, per- haps because chicken seems less alien than hamburgers to the Japanese. Pizza is also treated differently from MeDonald’s ‘standard fare. Japanese pizzas—topped with octopus, squid, com, and pineapple—are considered a party food for young people. It is also significant that pizza ean be shared, a feature conspicuously absent in McDonald's fare. The chain known as, Mos Burger, which has become popular in recent years, is McDonald's strongest competitor. Mos Burger serves its own version of burgers—a sloppy-joestyle concoction of mest and chili sauce on a bun. The chain aso introduced rice burgers,166 Emiko Obnuki-Tierey which consist of meat, fish, or vegetable sandwiched between bbun-shaped wedges of pressed rice. The Mos Burger chain is especially popular among Japanese young people. Outlets are located in busy areas, often near universities, but not, for ex- ample, in the fashionable Ginza district of Tokyo.” Why Is McDonald's Food Considered a Snack? ‘The perception that McDonald's hamburgers are_a soack and not a meal is a phenomenon that contributors to this vol- ume discovered not only in Japan but also in Beijing, Hong Kong, Taipei, and Korea. Before we jump to the conclusion that these are identical cross-cultural parallels we must examine the meanings conveyed by meat and bread, the two basic is- gredients of McDonald's hamburgers, in Japanese culture as compared to other Asian cultures. The Japanese share the basic rice diet of all East Asian peoples, but have been unique in their abstemious attitude toward meat, at least offically, uatil quite recently. Shortly after the introduction of Buddhism (from India via Korea) in the sixth century, the doctrine of mercy for all living beings was translated into a legal prohibition against the co sumption of landdwelling animals. Since then the “offic diet of the Japanese has consisted of fish and vegetables. With the development of an agrarian cosmology that became hege- monic during the early modern period (1603-1868) and ex- tended through the Mei period (1868-1912), rice and the pad- dies it grew in became metaphors for Japanese cultural iden- sity, and later, for Japanese national identity.” Tn contrast, Westemers were represented in the Japanese imagination as meat eaters. From a Japanese perspective, meat ‘was the distinguishing characteristic of the Western diet, and ‘MeDonald’s in Japan 167 thus of “barbarian” cultures. Japanese discourse about “the other” took the following form: self is to other as rice is to ‘meat. Certain reformers favored an unabashed imitation of the ‘West and advocated the abandonment of rice agriculture and the adoption of raising animals for mext. They argued that as long as the Japanese continued to eat only rice, fish, and vege- tables, thei bodies would never become strong, enough to compete with meateating Westerners.” Advocates of this radi- cal view alo asocated a det dominated by rice with country bbumpkins and uncivilized habits. The Japanese even gave the name “a civilized bowl of rie” (kaika donburis kaike = civi- lized) to a new dish consisting of beef or pork pieces sauteed ‘with onions, added to a sauce made with eggs, and served over a large bow of rice ‘Other Japanese leaders opposed imitating the West and ar- tgued for the superiority of the rice diet and the importance of rice agriculture. In 1854 an event was staged for the second visit of Commodore Perry, during which sumd wrestlers lifted heavy sacks of rice (Romedaward) in front of these delegates, cone of whom had asked why “the Japanese” were so strong. A ‘wrestler named Hitachiyama replied that the Japanese were in deed physically powerful because they ate rice grown on Japa- nese soil. Even though the Japanese began to eat meat during the Meiji period, it was never consumed in quantity until after World War Two. A rapid increase in mest consumption oc- curred during the 1970s and 1980s, expecially among younger people. McDonald's thus appeals primarily to this postwar peneration. Bread, by contrast, was introduced at the end of the nine- teenth century in Yokohama and has been enormously popu- Jar in Japan. Japanese consumers have become as discriminat-168 Emiko Obnuki-Tiemey ing about bread as they are about rice* Those who can afford the highest-quality foods buy bread only from well-known bakeries with German of French names. When it was first in- troduced, however, the hamburger bun itself was entirely new to the Japanese, in shape, taste, and use. ‘The frst Japanese meal to be “invaded” by foreign foods was breakfast, with bread replacing rice. Ronald Dore argues that this takeover began in 1951, when housewives welcomed the idea of having bread for breakfast, which freed them from the necessity of rising early to cook morning rice. Today many ‘urban Japanese would not think of eating rice at breakfast.” ‘The popularity of bread is remarkable given that baking is not a traditional method of cooking in Japan (indeed, most Japs- nese do not own ovens). Furthermore, bread is consumed pri- sarily at breakfast; even sandwiches are not popular. ‘While most other Japanese meals stil include rice, the quan- tity has gradually declined. This is due to an increase in the consumption of side dishes—meat, ish, vegetables—rather than a substitution of bread for rice.” Nonetheless, an evening, meal jout rice would be the Japanese equivalent of having sand- wiches for dinner in the United States. McDonald's efforts to incorporate new dishes, such as MacChao (Chinese fried rice) and curried rice, are no doubt due to the realization that “many Japanese just don't feel satisfied unless they eat rice with their dinner.” ‘The deciding factor that makes hamburgers a snack in Japa- nese eyes is therefore the absence of rice. In both Chinese and Japanese cultures, rie stands for food in general and is of ‘enormous symbolic valu, inthe same way that bread is in the United States (as exemplified by such expressions as “bread- winner” and “bread-and-butter issue”), But Japan differs from ‘MeDonala’sin Japan 69 the rest of Asia in that the presence of meat acts as an addi- tional deterrent to considering hamburgers a true meal, espe- ally for older Japanese. Food and Commensality One of the most important aspect of food is its role, both in ritual and in daily lif, in bringing people together, in giving ‘them a sense of community. By sharing food, and especially by cating the same kinds of food together, people form the bonds of social relationship. In this respect the role of rice in the Japanese diet is paramount. While all other dishes are served individually, cooked rice is delivered to the table in a common container (usually wooden) and ladled out to each diner, usu- ally by the female head of household. The symbolic impor- tance and power of this servers expressed by the wooden spat- ula, which belongs to her alone.” The phrase ongji kama no rmesbi o kuw (to eat from the same pot of rice) succinelly ex- presses the ida that those who share rice become “we.” In this respect, MeDonald’s hamburgers are the opposite of rice, since they are meant to be exten individually and are dif cult to share, (tis for this reason that pizza, another food that is designed for sharing, is popular asa party food for young people but hamburgers are not.) The physical arrangement of ‘most McDonald's restaurants further deemphasizes commen- sality: The original outlet at Ginza 4chOme had neither tables nor seats. Although it has moved to larger accommodations at Ginza 8-chome, it sill has only 22 seats. Atached to both side walls are narrow counters, one with seven seats, the other with five, Here clients ea facing the wall—in fact, the counters are 0 narrow and the wall so close iis difficult not to bump one’s forehead against the wall when eating, In the center is another170. Emiko Obnuki-Tiemey narrow counter with ten stools. During my two visits in Aw gust 1994, only one young couple sat at the center counter, talking and enjoying each other's company; the remaining cus- tomers were alone, eating in silence, The McDonald's at Hlankya Umeda in Ozaka is wedged into a small storefront containing a long, narzow counter against the back wall with zo seating whatever. Customers in this facility must stand to fat: Most are alone, eating 2s fast s possible, although a sign states that there is seating upstairs. Ifnot in meaning thea ia form, these McDonald's are exact counterpars of the standup noodle shops («achitab) loated on the platforms of busy tain stations, providing quick meals to people who dash in, suxp down a bow! of noodles, and then run for the trai. Tn fact, ad- joining the McDonald's in Osaka isa tachiobs shop. McDon- 2ld's is also a popular venue for young men who bolt breakfast, con their way to work.” Other MeDonald’s restaurant in Japan provide more eating space for consuiners. These are often designed witha relatively stnall area on the first floor for ordering and service, with seat- ing provided on the second and third floor. Even in these st- tings, however, there are more stools (facing narrow counters against walls of facing windows) than chairs and tables. During one of my ste visits (fo the McDonald's in Roppongi, a fash jonable Tokyo neighborhood), several young men of high- Sehool age were eating on the second floor. Although they ‘were sitting on stools overlooking the street, they managed to create a sense of commenslity in spite of the physical ar- rangements, Other customers, however, ate alone—including tone woman who sat with her back to the room and talked on the phone throughout her entire meal. (Pubic phones have been installed at many MeDonald’s restaurants) In short, ‘McDonal'sin Japan 174 young people may convert MeDonal’s into a place to enjoy cach other's company, but for the majority of adult Japanese, McDonald's is simpy fastfood, “fuel” fora busy workday. Dring an interview with a Japanese sociologist, I was told that McDonald’ also eaters to high-school and middle-school seudents, as well as to mothers with small children. He ex- plained that there are no other resturants where these cus- tomers can spend two or three hours together talking.” It is also obvious that many clementary-school children treat Me- Donald's as snack centers where they relax between their regu- lar school and cram school; they, too, stand alk for long pe- lode, There appear to be few efforts by management to move these sudents out in favor of other customers. McDonalds is decidedly nota venue for an upscale clientele. ‘The only men in business suits T observed in Japanese outlets were foreigners Infact, the aforementioned interviewee who works for Mitsubishi said that it would be awkward for him vo enter McDonald's while he is wearing a business suits if he wants a hamburger at work, he sends an onnanako (office “irl to ge it for him. Similarly, he would not eat in a*tand- ‘up noodle shop” while dressed for work. One of the most radical changes in Japanese society during the past two decades isthe growing economic power of young, people, without whom McDonald's could not have made such inroads into the food market. Young people—up to high- school age—once ste exclusively at home; today even children 2 young as seven or eight frequently eat out. Students now hhave spending money, acquired from parents, parctime jobs, or both. Tn the past decade, par-time work for extra money has become commonplace asong Japanese youth. Most im portant, dating-a postwar phenomenon—now begins in mid-472 Emiko Obnuki-Tierey dle school. To give but one example to illustrate the pervasive: ness of the youth culture, I noticed a counter selling beepers, called “pocket bells” (poke bern), at the Takashimaya depart: ‘ment store in Osaka in September 1994, They also transmit shore messages, such as the name and telephone number of the caller, To my astonishment, the primary customers for beepers ‘were not doctors or brokers but young people who did not ‘want to miss a telephone call from their friends. Although the purchase of a beeper officially requires parental consent for buyers under the age of 18, beepers are extremely popular among teenagers. The ownership of “pocket bells” symbolizes rot only the economic power of Japanese youth today, but also their changing culture. Despite the much-touted “exam- ination hell” that begins in kindergarten, many children are no longer as enslaved to schoolwork as their parents were. A pow- erful peergroup culture has emerged, and McDonald's success is duc, in part, to this new phenomenon.” Constructed Americana Despite founder Den Fujta’s claim that McDonald's was ‘not promoted as an import (“from America"),” the company has clearly capitalized on the fact that it is associated with ‘American culture. Fujita did, however, depart from the “subur- ‘ban approach” that characterizes MeDonald’s in the United States by locating his frst restaurant on Ginza, the most fash- ionable street in Japan. He placed another outlet in the Mit- sukoshi department store, which is not only the oldest but also the most prestigious of all Japanese department store." The location of these two restaurants helped create an image of Me- Donald's as a prime example of Americana, as imagined by Japanese people whose understanding of United States culeare ‘MeDonala’s in Japan 173 is limited, Furthermore, the fact that McDonald's opened in fashionable locations helped convince young people that eating while standing—an act chat violates Japanese table manners—is chic. During the summer of 1986, in an extra effort to drams- tize McDonald's American identity, Fujita sponsored a visit by the full troupe of the Broadway musical “42nd Street,” which played a one-month run in Tokyo.” How do Japanese consumers perceive McDonald’? Some of them identify the restaurant with American culture, of, to be specific with Americana as constracted by the Japanese. A good ‘example of this phenomenon is Mgoy, a Japanese language ‘magazine produced by MeDonale’s for local customers it pub- lishes cover illustrations sent in by readers.” The October 1994 cover depicts 2 woman with blonde hair, green eyes, star shaped sunglases and earrings, and flesh-colored stars on her cheeks, The male artist, Morito Masahiko (a 39-year-old shop owner) attempted to “create the image of an Ameticantype ‘woman with stars and pop [culture).” Ik is worth noting here that the mental image most Japanese conjure up when they think of grin foreigner) is @ person with blonde hair and blue eyes." A popular children’s song contains the ine "My blueeyed doll was bora in America and ‘came to a port in Japan.” This representation, which emerged during the early twenticth century, continues to be the domi- nant image of Westerners, despite the fact that millions of Japanese have come into contact with Westerners of varying physical types. The picture on the cover of Mijay thus epito- ‘izes Americana—a cultural image filtered through the lens of popular Japanese consciousness174. Emiko Obmuki-Tierney ‘The Catburger Saga While both managers and millions of Japanese consumers associate McDonald's with the positive aspects of American culture, there is a negative side as well, as exemplified by nyan big densetsu (the lore of the catburger). The story, a form of tosbi densetse (urban folklore), frst emerged in 1973 and spread among female high-school students in Tokyo: several girs al legedly saw the skins of eats being dried behind a McDonald’s restaurant." In 1975, another version circulated on Tokyo and ‘Yokohama college campuses; it told of a boy who had wan- dered into a kitchen at McDonald's where he saw numerous ‘at heads, the implication being that hamburgers are made from cat meat. The apocryphal story concludes with the boy being bribed with a ¥10,000-note to keep quiet about his dis- covery.” This urban legend circulated among students for a hile, but soon died out. ‘McDonald’ is not the only target of this type of urban lore. Earthworms were supposedly seen in Mos Burger’s buns. Ken- tucky Fried Chicken and the local fast food chains, Lotteria and Domdom, have all been similarly targeted. Animals associ ated with these foods include not only cats and worms but frogs and South American rats. A recent story circulating among Japanese youth claims that there is a factory in Austra- lia which grows earthworms asa food export. Infact almost all foreign fast foods have been the victims of these kinds of ru- ‘mors, including Chinesé convenience foods such as dumplings (oyéza) and even ramen, which are of Chinese origin but have been thoroughly “domesticated” in Japan. One urban legend haa it that the reason ramen taste so good is that the broth is sade from crows." The negative aspects of McDonald’ asso- ciation with the United States persist among many Japanese ‘MeDonala’s in Japan 175 consumers, A woman in her late twenties, with whom I struck up a conversation on a train from Tokyo to Yokohama in Au- gust 199, said that she rarely eats at McDonald's. She ex: plained that McDonald's was “not nutritious,” and one “can- not trust” what the company puts into the hamburgers, as evi- dlenced by their “chemical tse.” ‘Her emphasis on “chemicals” in McDonald's food makes an uuacanny parallel co the views fostered by the opponents of foreign rice importation during the early 1990s. Pressured by the United States and the inevitable conclusion of GATT ne- sotiations, the Japanese rice lobby argued that foreign grain wwas contaminated by insecticides and processing chemicals. Consumer groups became intensely involved in checking for- ign rice for such contaminants and demanded that the gov- cemment investigate the processing methods for all imports.** ‘They also opposed the government's plan to mix imported and domestic rice, which would, in their view, adulterate “pure” Japanese rice with “impure,” chemically tainted, foreign rice.** ‘These campaigns had a wide-ranging effect on Japanese con- sumers, who were moved to defend domestic rice and local ag- riculture; many people equated Japanese rice with their self- identity, which is assigned the value of “purity.” Rice plants were said to purify Japanese air and water.” It is little wonder that McDonald’, the quimessence of foreign food in many eyes, would find itself drawn into these symbolic dues. ‘McDonald's and Changes in Table Manners So far my discussion of McDonald's in Japan has been con- fined to its reception and cultural associations, I would now like to consider not just what the food represents, but how it is eaten. When food consumption is a social act, manners are of176 Emiko Obnuki-Tierney amount importance. Perhaps the most striking element of MeDonald’s inodiction to fopan ie that it encouraged the Japanese to eat differently—that is, to change their able man- The famous Lain teats by Prasmus, De ciliate moran rium (On city i len, poblihed in 1530, waa “Ic is impolite to greet someone who is urinating or defecating. wn A walled person should aay avid exposing withost necessity the parts to which nature has attached modesty. If necessity compels ths, it should be done with decency and re- serve." The civilizing process in Japan took a quite different tur: urination in public places was quite commonly practiced by people from diferent social clases. In cighteenth-century Kyoto even women wate in ple quite fly. # ror o the 1964 Olympics, the Japanese government issued a plea to tes not to ean in pee tad fo omen nto Seed in open settings because “foreigners are coming, and they tight think the Japmnese are uncivilized” Unlike the Euro. ‘American culture in which male genitals and women's breasts are at all times charged with religious and erotic meanings, the Japanese dissociate the sexual function of these body parts at other times. But with goverament pressure, breatfeding in public has virtually disappeared. The male habit of urinating in public has not, although itis less common than it used to be ‘Of much more significance to the Japanese concept of ciuil- itd are table manners, which have proved far more resistant t0 change. The traditional rules of the game are as follows: One ‘must not touch food with one’s hands when eating, and one must not eat while standing. The frst rule derives from the n0- tion that hands are, by definition, dirty, even after washing ‘McDonald's in Japan 177 Hands touch all sorts of things and thus are always contami: nated. Symbolically, hands stand for a liminal space demarcat. ing the clean inside—the body, the selfrom the dirty out side. Chopsticks, used since the early Heian period (794. 1185)" are by definition clean and thus, except for a few cal. torally identified foods, one must use chopsticks, even when sting soup noodles. Many Japanese find it dificult 10 eat sandwiches with their bare hands. To accommodate these sen. sibilities, sandwiches are often served cut into small piece, ‘with toothpicks for handling. Conversely, there are culturally prescribed foods that Japa- nese must eat with their hands. For example, nigirizushi (inegared rice balls with raw fish), although usually esten with chopsticks, are handled with the fingers when they are of expe cially high quality. Onigiri (rice ball), eaten primatly for lunch, are commonly eaten with the hands. Note, however, that when most Japanese use their hands for eating, they cleanse them (culturally speaking) first with ashibori, or wet towels. In fact, Japanese food outlets often include ofefuki (Gand-leaning towelettes) with their packaged products, ire. spective of the nature of the food. Concems about the ritual impurity of hands, especialy the lefe hand, are almost univer: sal” Ta the United States, too, people who handle food for a living are required to wear rubber gloves. Conrad Kottak ppoints out that the fast food chain he studied in New York City assured customers that “their food was never touched by human hands" MeDonald’s impact on the taboo against eating with one’s hhands has been limited, Most Japanese I observed during the summer of 1994 stl ate their hamburgers in the paper wrap-178 Emiko Obnuki-Tierney ping, in such a way that their hands did not directly touch the food. Some people explained ehis practice as simply a means of keeping ketchup and other liquids from dripping on them, but the effect is stl that their hands do not dizectly touch the food. Furthermore, I did not see a great increase in the use of hhands when eating other foods. The first rule of Japanese table cetiquete, therefore, seems to have been affected little by the introduction of McDonald's “The second taboo, thou shalt not eat while standing, has re- ceived a direct hit from McDonald's. “Eating while standing,” called tachigi, has had negative connotations in Japanese cul- ture for centuries. It derives from the notion that one of the ‘main distinctions between humans and animals is tha the lat- ter eat while standing. Also, the ban is part of a more general taboo against performing various acts while standing. Ku rmakura cites a passage from a classic, Nibonshoki, dated 720 ‘D., in which putting things down, talking to a superior, pouring wine, etc, while standing were considered an extreme breach of etiquette, requiring the offender to commit suicide.” During the tea ceremony, in which the most elaborated form of manners is observed, one must kneel even to open a door. “The term tachigai first appeared in 1898 in the novel Genmu Shujaku by Izumi Kyoka (1873-1939), a wellknown waiter [Nagai Kafu (1879-1959), another famous novelist, character- ized Chicago as “the place where people grab food and eat while standing” in his Amerika Monogatari (tories about America), published in 1908. Kafu’s observation cleazly indi- cates how the custom of achigui is seen as a marker of foreign- ers, “the other,” in contrast to the Japanese. Proper Japanese table manners include sitting on one’s legs on the floor (tz) ‘MeDonald’s in Japan 179 and eating ata low table, McDonald's hamburgers and french fries, a well as piza and Kenwucky Fried Chicken, ate “finger foods" chat require neither plates nor tables. In fat, 38 noted above, the first McDonald's in Japan had no seats. In short, fast food restaurants, as epitomized by McDonald's, fostered. table manners that are the polar opposite of traditional Japa- nese etiquette (Other changes in public manners can be traced to the intro- dason of frig prods For intance Coen ol ad cl soft drinks inspired the cultural sanction against rappa nomi, or drinking like one is Blowing a trumpet (rppa)—imbibing d rectly from the botle or can, Like tachign, “trumpeting” was 4 negatively marked form of public behavior. Today, however, people do occasionally drink directly from the botle or can, although this behavior is confined to young people in certain contexts, notably in fastfood restaurants ‘Another change in esting habite stems from the large-scale intrusion of ice eream into th fast food seene. Ice cream con somption was limited in prewar Japan, in par because many Japanese ae lactoseintolerant, but also because ofthe Japanese taboo against cold foods and drinks, even in summer. These disadvantages were compounded by the fact that people mus cat ie eam cones by opening their mouths wide and licking with their tongue. Traditional Japanese etiquette calls fr the consumption of food in small amounts, opening one's mouth as discreetly as possible. Women expecially are expected to cover their mouths with their hands when eating or laughing, Although many women use spoons to eat ice cream, younger people today often consume it like Americans, with their ‘ongues—much to the distress of traditionalists180. Emiko Ohnuki-Tierney All the modifications in table manners mentioned above have been inspired or reinforced by Americanstyle fast food. But these changes did not occur overnight; even before Mc- Donald's, manners had become increasingly informal, What paved the way for this transformation in behavior was the in- troduction of chairs—a foreign importation that eroded the foundation of traditional etiquette, the practice of siting on ‘one’s legs.” Global Versus Local Cultures As Daniel Miller points out, “the global” includes “every- thing from full gospel black churches and Miami brand names to youth music” that originates in Africa and the Caribbean. More often than not, however, the cultural phenomena that are considered global are those that originate in the United States or Western Europe. In the traffic of the global and the local, ll societies are not equal ‘The academic preoccupation with consumer culture has blinded us to other significant dimensions of the globalization process. Goods are embedded in their culture of origin; their introduction into a different culture is more than a simple im- portation of commodities. In the ase of McDonald's, the local ‘Gapanese) construction of American culture has had a signif cant impact on how hamburgers are perceived. Despite nation- alism, which feeds on various manifestations of anti-Amer- icanism, almost every country in the world looks toward “America” as a model to emulate. But the Americana that is created for this purpose often bears litle resemblance to the cultural system(s) prevailing in the United Seats. T continue to be amazed by the image of America and Americans held by many of my fellow countrymen and coun MeDonald’sin Japan 181 trywomen, Even intellectuals who are attuned to world affairs believe that the United States is a country where socal hierar- chies do not exist and individuals can achieve high status simm- ply through the exercise of their own ability. The myth of a classless society, held dear by many Americans as well, is wide- ly accepted in Japan. “America” is seen as an alternative to the hierarchical local society, which is characterized by conformity and the need to exploit personal connections to succeed. Thus the image of America asa social paradise persists in Japan, es- pecially among young people—the segment of the population ‘that frequents McDonald's most often. From the perspective of the “civilizing process,” McDon- ald’s and other transnational food chains have helped to create ‘an entirely new concept of manners, The transformation proc- cess was a complex one: manners and fashion began to merge. ‘The new manners appeared first in fast food outlets—away from home—where it was fashionable to behave in new, fconoclastic ways. At home, traditional manners remained paramount and changed at a much slower pace. In the public sphere the “new” forms of etiquette gradually became the norm; the fashionableness of eating fastfood wore thin as the restaurants became a routine feture of everyday, working life. ‘The search for fashion—the new, the exciting, andthe exotic— moved to other domains of Japanese popular culture. Mean- while, McDonald's has become curiously “loca.” Fujita rel ishes the story of Japanese Boy Scouts who, when traveling abroad, were pleasnly suprised to find s McDonalds in Chi- cago. ‘The irony in this story of cultural interchange is that the jmpact of McDonald's fond has been minimal. MeDonald’s re mains, in the eyes of most consumers, a “snack”; it has most182 Emiko Obnuki-Tierney assuredly not replaced traditional Japanese dinners or even lunches. And yet, MeDonald’s and its many rivals and imita tors have had a profound impact in the revolution of public ‘manners. This transformation is particularly significant in a so- ciety—present-day Japan—that cherishes interpersonal rlation- ships and civil behavior. AFTERWORD Swallowing Modernity Sidney W. Mintz ‘The findings ofthese diverse esays are compelling. That so ‘many people should have so quickly become enthusiastic con- sumers of foreiga, largely unfamiliar foods flatly contradicts « conceunquestioned stereotype. Most East Asian peoples were thought of as being unchanging and conservative—viewing everything foreign as barbaric, mean, unworthy of cultural borrowing, These essays eloquently reveal just how wrong such generalizations can be. But they also make clear that the cases described differ significantly from one another. At the same time, the ethnographic detals they provide lead us to ask different specific questions. As a case, Korea stands out; Sang- ‘mee Bak shows that the newly popular stereotype—"Me- Donald’ always succeeds"—must be qualified. But the Korean case is certainly not an entire “failure” from McDonalt’s point of view. Its difficulties in Korea do not invalidate its successes there; nor are all ts Asian successes exactly alike. On a larger canvas, such materials when viewed together provoke us into raising far broader issues related to human ext- ing habits. Such isues have to do with nutrition, of course. But they also invite reflection about the range of the human taste aesthetic, which seems so wide when viewed upon a world230 Notes to Pages 161-65 Chapters 1. 1 use Fredric Jameson's term here in a nontechnical way and without all the atendant conceptual properties with which he en dows it. Jamesoa, Postmodernism; or, The Cultural Logic of Late Cap talism (Ducham, N.C: Duke Univ. Pres) 2. Mare Frons, ‘Den Fujte: Bringing Big Macsand now Brosd- wway-to Japan,” Business Weck, Sept 1986, p. 3. 3, Busines sia 25(21): 6-7 (Oct. 1993) 44 Feons, “Den Fajen” p. 83 5. Nagami Kishi, “Two Decades of Golden Arches in Japan,” To sey Busnes Tadey60(8) 38-40 (1992), . 3. 6. Atsuo Tanaka, “Taku auto to ieba hazusena fisitohudo chein apo" (The “must” lis for takeout: report on fst food chains), Hae ako We 46: 45-47 Quly 199) p. 46. 7. Initially at Ginza 4chéme, Mitsokoshimae, it has now moved sear the Ginza 8.chome, close tothe subway station, 8. See Basins Aria, 1993. 9, Audi, Ot 26, 193 10. Bi. 11, Paal Noguchi, “Savor Slowiy: Ekiben—The Fast Food of High-Speed Japan,” Ethnology 33(4): 317-40 (1994), p. 319. "2, Quoted in Kishi, "Two Decades of Golden Arches i Japan,” 0 P'S Jikan, “Shikan to shite no hanbigh to manpohan no gyidon” (Hamburgers asa habit and gyiddon [a large bowl of rice ‘with beef and sauce on top] for a full nomach, Jil Jiken, May 5, 1994, pp. 32-33. 14, Hisso Nagayama and Akihiko Tokue, “Udon,” Look Japan (0994): 25 15, Naomichi Ishige Sbokuzaku no bunkasbi (Cultural history of the dining table) (Tokyo: Bunge Shunj, 1976), p. 223. 16, Sachi Marya, Chishingura tome naniba (What is chishin sua) (Tokyo: Kedansha, 1984), p. 16. 17, Ishige, Shokwzaku no bunkashi, pp. 223-24 18, Emiko OhnukiTierney, “The Ambivaent Self of the Com temporary Japanese,” Cultural Anthropology 5: 196-215 (1990) Notes to Pages 165-68 231 19, See ibid for an interpretation ofthe film Tampop, in which ramen ate the focal poi. 20. They are not located right in the center of Tokyo, but they are close enough. For instance, there isan outlet at Ebisu and one at Taba 21, Some people continued to eat meat dishes, however, although they “converted them into flowers by renaming them, ‘Thus the ames of lowers were given to animal meats sch as cherry bloe soms for horsemest and peony for wild bose. Harada offers historical records to show that the Japanese ate meat more often than is gener ally assumed. Nobuo Harada, Rekishi no nak no kome to nike: sho Ieumotn to tomnd sabesu (Rice and mest in history: food, emperor, snd discrimination) (Tokyo: Helbonsha, 199) 22. See Ohnuki-Tierey, Rice at So Japanese dents through Time Princeton, NJ. Princeton Univ, Pres, 1993) 23. Tsuncharu Tsukuba, Besos, nibuioku no banned (Civil izations of rice consumption and meat consumption) (Tokyo: Nikon Hes Shuppankai, 1986 [1969), pp. 109-12. 24, Ibid, p. 113, Some scholars view Taukubs's work 2s too deep- ly embedded in nibonjinron (Cheores about the Japanese), 2 semi scholarly, semivjournalisic genre of writings about the Japanese that isokten chauvinistc. Tus his work a a ethnographic soerce. 25. Nibon kakugo dajten (Dictionary ofthe Japanese langage), 5, 381 26. Taukubs, Beisboku, pp. 102-9. For details of this section, ee ‘Obnuki-Tiemey, Rea Sf 27. A man in his late fortis who is an editorial writer forthe ‘Asahi newspaper told me during visit to New York that although hhepreers McDonalds, his children prefer Mos Burgers. 28, For details of how the Japanese use bread, see Naomichi shige, Sbokuj no bunmeiran (Eating and culture) (Tokyo: Chol ronth, 1982), pp. 22-23, 28. Ronald P. Dore, City Lif in Japan (Berkeley: Univ. of Cale fornia Press, 1958) p. 69; for detail sce Ohnuki-Tierney, Rie at Self, pat 530, For details see OhnukicTerney, Rice at Sl, pp. 20-2. 51. Kishi, “Two Decades of Golden Arches in pan,” p. 4.232. Notes to Pages 169-73 32, For detalls see Ohnuk Tierney, Rice a Sf pp. 94-56. 33, In Japan today, most young, uamarred workiog women con- tinue to live at home with their parents. Thr practice eliminates their need to breakfast outside cher home. Young unmarried men, however, typically live in company dormitories, some of which do ‘not provide breakfast. The ones that do usualy offer the rational Japanese breakfast, although for several decades many urban families have been eating toa, egg, and salad (often made of shredded cab- bage) and coffe or tea for breakfast. For those who prefer a "Wes tern* breakfast, the alternative to eating in the company dorms is MeDonald’s or the many colee shops. Breakfast often comes a set seal for less than ¥1,000, and incides porto salad, hot dogs, ham- burgers, and other tems unfamiliar to Westerners as breakiast foods. 534. De. Imada is a profesor of sociology at ‘Tokyo Kogyo Dai eke, 35. This phenomenon incidentally relates to a more general one— changes i the sytem of cultural valuations of jobs. Some that used to be ranked as lower-class jobs, such as wating tables, were never performed, even temporary, by middle- or upperclas people. ‘There have been many changes of this nature asthe class ructure has become les rigid and many more middle and upperdass women have enered the job market. 36. Marian Burros, “Eating Well New York Times, Ap. 13, 1994 37, Rosemary Safranck, “The McDonalds Recipe for Japan,” Jn- tert 2(10 7 (Oct. 1986) 38, Many colleagues and fiends told me that companies and indi- viduals chose this sore to send gifts from at annual giftexchange times. Lately it has become customary to choose a store to send out sls to designated individuals instead of delivering them in peron. 39. Frons, “Den Fujita" p. 53 40. Both MeDonala’s and Mos Burgers circulate these magaines, to which customers submit their essays. 41, My mother’s family imported French food into Yokohama My father was in the export business, so she came in contact with forcigners of various physica types throughout her life. Yet after T came to the Urited States, my mother kept writing to. warn me agains falling in love with a man with blue eyes. [Nowes to Pages 174-78. 233 42, Hikaru Suto, “Nyanbigh denstsa no nazo™ (The puzzle of the catburger lore), Henako Wet 45:47 Guy 1990. 4, Kumakur loo, Profesor a the National Museum of Ethno ogy in Japan and KindichiHidsho, Profesor a KySria Univ both personal communications, May 1994 “4, Saito, “Nyan-bigs” 48, Hiroshi Shimogato, Zoku okome to bunks (Rice and culture, cont) (Osaka: Zen Onaka Shohisha Dactai Renrakuka 198), pp. To-P8; Asai Oc. 30,193; Nov. 12,193. 46. Asai, Nov. ti 12, 17-19, 193, For more delle trent of this subject, sce OhnvkiTieney, Rice at Sol and “Serucare, Event and Historical Metaphor: Rie and Identities in Japanese His. tory,” Journal ofthe Royal Anthroploical Insitute 30) 1-27 june 1995). 47, Inoue, *Kome no hanashp. 103; and Okabe Saburo, Saburo is Dizecor of the Science and Technology Division of the Liberal Democratic Pany and a member ofthe Howse of Councilors, Pub- lished inthe Record of Sangin Gaimu linkai Kaigzoku, No. 5 (de ing the 118th session ofthe Diet) p.7. 48. Quoted in Norbert Bliss, The Ciiiing Proces (Oxford: Blackwell, 19941939), p. 106, 4. Taishi Inoue and Naomichi aig, eds, Shobaj sbd no shied (Concepts behind eating mannen) (Tokyo: Domesu Shuppan, 190), po. 50. Emiko OhnukiTirney,Hnas and Culture in Contemporary pan: An Anthropological View (Cambridge, Eng: Cambridge Univ. Pres, 1984), pp. 28-3 51. Chopsticks were recovered from the ste of the imperil palace forthe preceding Nar period (646-794), bu at from the serround- ing towns Sahar’ remarks in Inove and shige eds, Sho, p.73) 52. Robert Herts, Death andthe Right Hand (Glencoe, i Free Pres, 1960 [190781909 in French 53. Conrad Kotak, “Rituals at MeDonai’” Jornal of America Caer 12): 370-86 (978), p. 374, 54. Isao Kumakura, “Znrkindsi no shokji sao to ihik® (Table manners and their concepts before the modern period} in Tnoue and Tahige eds, Sboaj, p. 108234 Notes to Pages 178-86 55. Nihon kobngo daijiten 13, p67 56. Motoko Murakami, “Gendsin no shokji manikan” (Thoughts on contemporary eating manners), in Inoue and Ishige, de Shop. 3 57. What is called traditional Japanese etiquete wally refers to the ‘Opusawarecyi® of Opsawara School, which originated in the ‘early Muromachi period (1392-1603) (Nihon kokugo daijiten 3, p. 311} Murakami, “Gendajin” 5. Daniel Miler, “The Young and the Resles in Trinidad: A (Cae of the Local andthe Global in Mass Consumption,” in Roger Silvertone and Ere Hh, eds, Conueming Technologic: Mee and Information in Domestic Spaces (London: Routledge, 1992), pp. 163 82 (xe especially pp. 179-80), ‘9. Rosemary Saiane, “The MeDonala's Recipe or Jpan”p. 7 Afierword 1. Not quite, of course. MeDonali’s India, for example, special dass in veptarian foode and mutton burger But the feeling that MeDonaid's endows countries with something they previously lacked ie wery widespread. The president of McDonali'slternational ‘aye "Tle there counties want McDonald's a symbol of ome thing economic maturity and thar they aze open to foreign ine ‘rettents I don' think there ia country out there we haven got ten inquiis from. Thave a parade ofambacadors and wade represen: tstves in here regularly t0 tll us sbout their country and. why McDonali's would be good forthe country” Thomas L Friedman, ‘New York Ties, De. 8, 1996, p. EIS. 3. Goody bat argued perevaively hat there restated societies where food doer not figare asa coelicent of rank or privilege. It say seem strange that there are peoples inthe word even in soci ties with diferent levels of privilege, who do aot use fod ws «badge of rank, but that is his finding Jack Goody, Cooking, Cuisine and lass (Cambridge, Eng: Cambridge Univ, Pres 198), Spier de- scribes a North Afican Tuareg group, the Kel Ewey, who do not enploy food to mark special evens, ocasions, or socal dfeences G. Sper, “Lob der nfachen Mabey” in A: Wielacher, New mann, and H. J. Teuteberg, eds., Kulturthema Essen (Berlin: Akade- [Notes to Pages 186-91 235, mie Verlag, 1993), pp. 193-210. These cases rise imporane questions for the comparative student of food, 3, See, for example, Robert P. Multhauf, Neptune Gift (Bal- timore:Johas Hopkins Univ. Pres, 1996 1978), 4. See J. Clutton Brock, The Walking Larder (London: Unwin Hyman, 198). 5. Multhauf, Neptune's Gif I is often mentioned that the erm “salary” comes from the Latin tlarium, the money given to Roman, soldiers buy sl. 6. See, for example, Sidney W. Mintz, “The Caribbean 25 2 So- iocultural Area,” Cahiers d'Histoire Mondiale 9 (8: 912-37 (1966); and Jordan Goodman, “Excitanti; or, How Enlightenment Europe Took to Soft Drugs,” in J. Goodman, P. Lovejoy, and A. Sherratt, ‘eds, Consuming Habits (London: Routledge, 1995), pp. 126-47. 7, Joha Burnet, Plenty and Want (London: Thos. Nelson, 1966), pit. ©. R. Fay, Engl Economic History since 1700 (Cambridge, Eng: Cambridge Univ. Pres, 1948), p. 147. 9. The distinction (between “come from” and “originate i real snd important. Food plants, for example, have been croming oceans for millennia, and both plants and animale figured importantly in (Old World-New World exchanges. Such cokigens as wet potatoes pomoes betta) ad snsize (ex may) have provoked gene com troverses over origins, chronology, and ageay. But there are enor mous difeences between such serilr proce of change and what happened, with relative swiftner daring the socalled Age of Discov: ery, particularly a the West exablised ts own centers of sbtropi- Gal production. Cf Sidney W. Mite, “Cafarslars The Subcalare of 4 Rural Sugar Plantation Proletariat in J. H, Steward e al, The Peo ple of Puerto Rico (Urbans: Univ. of Minos Pres 1956), pp. 314-417; Mints, Swectns and Power (New Yorks Viking Penguin, 1985), and J Goodman, “Exctantia” 10,8. Venkat Narayan, “McDonaldization of India, or Vice Vera” india Pat, Now. 1 1996, p.B3. “Because most people do not ‘est beef and por in India, McDonald's isnot serving aby tems made ‘of thes in it restaurant hee. That maker tthe fis such extery in it global chain.”