SCRIPTA CLASSICA.

RADU ARDEVAN SEXAGENARIO DEDICATA

BOOK EDITED WITH THE FINANCIAL SUPPORT

OF THE ROMANIAN NATIONAL AUTHORITY FOR SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH
(ANCS)

B AB E -B OL Y AI UNIVERSITY, CLUJ -NAPOCA

D EPART MEN T OF AN CIE NT HISTORY A ND ARCHAEOLOG Y
CEN T RE FOR ROMAN STUDIES

SCRIPTA CLASSICA.

RADU ARDEVAN SEXAGENARIO DEDICATA

Editors:
Ioan Piso
Viorica Rusu-Bolinde
Rada Varga
Silvia Musta
Eugenia Beu-Dachin
Ligia Ruscu

MEGA PUBLISHING HOUSE

CLUJ-NAPOCA
2011

Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naionale a Romniei

SCRIPTA CLASSICA : Radu Ardevan sexagenario dedicata /
editors : Ioan Piso, Viorica Rusu-Bolinde, Rada Varga, ...
Cluj-Napoca : Mega, 2011.
ISBN 978-606-543-196-6.
I. Piso, Ioan (ed.)
II. Rusu-Bolinde, Viorica (ed.)
III. Varga, Rada (ed.)
082.2 (Ardevan, R.)
902 (498) (082)
904 (498) (082)

COPYRIGHT: 2011, MEGA PUBLISHING HOUSE & THE AUTHORS OF THE ARTICLES

DTP: Andreea Macavei

Cover: Romeo Crjan
Plates and figures: Silvia Musta

MEGA PUBLISHING HOUSE

Cluj-Napoca
e-mail: mail@edituramega.ro
www.edituramega.ro

CONTENTS

Ioan PISO
Laurum lauro digno . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Livio ZERBINI
Amicitiae memor. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

Tabula gratulatoria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
List of publications of Radu Ardevan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17
Abbreviations. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25

ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES
Giulia BARATTA
Il paradosso di Eutropos: sulliconografia di ICVR VI 17225. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Vitalie BRC
Sarmatian bronze cauldrons in the Sarmatian environment between Don River
and the Carpathians . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
Corneliu BELDIMAN, Diana-Maria SZTANCS, Ioan Carol OPRI
Data about the antler objects from Capidava . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
Dorel BONDOC
Bust representations in bronze of the god Mercurius at the Lower Danube . . . . . . . . . 71
George BOUNEGRU
Roman cemeteries from Apulum. Demarcation and chronology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79
Ana CTINA
Reprsentations de la scne du festin funraire sur les monuments de Potaissa . . . . . . . 89
Daniela CIUGUDEAN
Ringschnallencingulum-type belts from Apulum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
Dan ELEFTERESCU
A mould for casting ornamental bronze buttons discovered at Durostorum (Ostrov). . . . 115
Florin FODOREAN
Landscapes of Roman Dacia. Potaissa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121
Constanze HPKEN, Szilamr Pter PNCZL
Verzierte Importglser aus Porolissum. Neufunde aus Gebude C3. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135

Silvia MUSTA
A Roman panthershaped bronze vessel handle from Porolissum
(Moigrad, Slaj County, Romania). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141
George NUU, Mihaela IACOB, Natalia MIDVICHI
Two enamelled finds from Troesmis (Moesia Inferior). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151
Radu OTA
From Beauty to Wisdom: votive statues of Venus, Minerva and an unidentified Goddess
from Apulum. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159
Mariana PSLARU
Wasters from Roman pottery workshops at Potaissa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
C. Sebastian SOMMER
AbusinaEining an der Donau archologische Quelle, rmische Ruine,
denkmalpflegerisches Problem, Ort der Vermittlung?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183

EPIGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL STUDIES

Alexandru AVRAM
Marginalien zu griechisch beschrifteten Schleudergeschossen (I). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
Carmen FENECHIU
Narrating Dreams in the Annals. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
Marc MAYER I OLIV
Sobre Tcito, Historias, 1, 24, y la posible remuneracin de los pretorianos
en el reinado de Galba . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207
Gza ALFLDY
Ein gallischer Adliger in Aquincum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 211
Mihai BRBULESCU
History of epigraphic research regarding Potaissa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 221
Doina BENEA
Einige Bemerkungen zu den Militrkonflikten mit den freien Dakern
und den jazygischen Sarmaten zur Zeit des Commodus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 231
Romeo CRJAN
Le statut juridique de Potaissa sous Septime Svre et Caracalla. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239
George CUPCEA
Veteran settlement and Colonia Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247
Monica DRAGOSTIN
Les tribus romaines en Dacie. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257
Alexandru DUDU
Les communauts rurales de la Dacie romaine et leurs gnies. Quelques inscriptions
de Aquae et Micia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 267
Sara FACCINI
Le iscrizioni a carattere religioso presso i campi dala della Dacia Porolissensis. . . . . . . . 275

Gian Luca GREGORI

A proposito dei due tribunati militari del senatore bresciano Marco Nonio Macrino . . . . 283
Manfred HAINZMANN
Anmerkungen zur MarsLatobiusWidmung (CIL III 5320 und 11721) aus Flavia Solva . . 289
Felix MARCU
Spes in Deo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299
Florian MATEI-POPESCU
A Greek inscription from Tomis (MNA l 419). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 307
Bogdan MUSCALU
L. Caesennius Sospes, an amicus Domitiani?. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 311
Ioan PISO
Note sur cinq bornes milliaires de Dacie. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321
Dumitru PROTASE
Fragmente zweier rmischer Militrdiplome aus Dacia Porolissensis. . . . . . . . . . . . . 331
Coriolan Horaiu OPREANU
The building inscription of the fort at Boroneul Mare (Covasna County) . . . . . . . . . . 339
Ligia RUSCU
About T. Flavius Valentinus of Oescus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 345
Antonio SARTORI
Vacuum loquitur . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 351
Mihai SSRMAN
Eine neue Grabinschrift aus Potaissa. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361
Atalia TEFNESCU-ONIIU
Social relations of the soldiers in Roman Dacia (I). Heirs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 365
Ovidiu ENTEA
Some remarks on Palmyreni Sagittarii. On the first records of Palmyrenes
within the Roman army . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 371
Rada VARGA
Cives Romani Latinive cives? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 379
Javier VELAZA
Signum argenteum cum bomo: los problemas de un hpax epigrfico. . . . . . . . . . . . . 387
Ekkehard WEBER
Epigraphische Hflichkeit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 393
Livio ZERBINI
Una panoramica sulle citt romane della Dacia e del bacino danubiano . . . . . . . . . . . 403
Lietta DE SALVO
Costantinopoli citt sovrana nella visione di Temistio. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 411
Nelu ZUGRAVU
La diarchia dei fratelli nella tarda antichit: modelli mitici e storici:
i diarchi valentiniani. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 419

Juan Ramn CARB GARCA

Per arma Getis. La inscripcin del Gran Maestre Jean de La Valette en Malta
y la identificacin entre turcos y getas en el siglo XVI. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 425
Irina NEMETI, Sorin NEMETI
In ecclesia pro ara. On Roman wandering stones from Romanian churches. . . . . . . . 435

NUMISMATIC STUDIES
Andreea DRGAN
Monetary circulation in urban and rural contexts of Roman Dacia in the 3rd century AD.
General and specific patterns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 447
Cristian GZDAC, Corneliu GAIU, gnes ALFLDY-GZDAC
Die Fallstricke der numismatischen Zeugnisse. Das Auxiliarkastell von Arcobadara
(Iliua, Kreis Bistria-Nsud, Rumnien). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 459
Constantin INEL
Coins within the funerary context of the Roman necropolis from Apulum Stadion . . . . 465
Virgil MIHAILESCU-BRLIBA
New data concerning the hoard of Roman denarii from Buda. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 475
Mihai MUNTEANU
A study on CONSECRATIO coins issued at middle of the 3rd century AD. . . . . . . . . . 481
Emanoil PRIPON
An aureus discovered at Jac (Slaj County, Romania) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 491

SCRIPTA CLASSICA.
Radu Ardevan sexagenario dedicata
Cluj-Napoca 2011 311319

L. CAESENNIUS SOSPES, AN AMICUS DOMITIANI ?

Bogdan MUSCALU

Abstract: L. Caesennius Sospes is a special character considering his senatorial evolution. He starts
his career during the Flavian dynasty, continued afterwards through the Antonine one. The main records
are: the CL III 6818 (ILS 1017) inscription, dated in 96 AD of Pisidian Antiochia, the military diploma
of Pissarevo from Thracia, dated on the 19th of July 114 and a diploma with a unknown discovery place,
dating from the3rd or 4th of May 114. R.Syme concluded that the evolution of the career of Sospes can also be
placed upon hazard, this representative of the Casennius family evolving into a typical senatorial career until
96 AD, to which a consulate should have followed. The assassination of Domitian and his name being tied
to the Flavian dynasty prolonged the acceding in his position as a consul with almost 20 years. In our study,
we pursued three epigraphic references and the theories enunciated by historians so far regarding the subject
in question. The discovery of new inscriptions, that may offer us information regarding L. Caesennius Sospes,
couldilluminate missing pieces of the career of this enigmatic character.
Keywords: senatorial career; Caesennius family; amicus Domitiani; expeditio Suebica et Sarmatica.

L. Caesennius Sospes is a distinguished character considering his senatorial evolution. He starts

his career during the Flavian dynasty, continued afterwards through the Antonine one. His rise in
the hierarchy of the Roman Empire led to the creation of certain writings and disputes between
theresearchers of Roman History.
The main records are: the CIL III 6818 (ILS 1017) inscription, dated in the AD 96 of Pisidian
Antiochia, the military diploma of Pissarevo from Thracia, dated on the 19th of July 1141 and a diploma
with a unknown discovery place, dating from the 3rd or 4th of May 1142. A few studies of foreign
researchers can be annexed.

The CIL III 6818 (ILS 1017) inscription:

P F STEL SOS
TI FETIALI LEG AUG
PRO PR PROVINC GAL
PISID PHRYG LVC ISAVR
PAPHLAG PONTI GALA
PONTI POLEMONIANI
1
2

Paunov, Roxan 1997, 269279.

RMD IV 226; ILD 2527.

312 Bogdan MUSCALU

ARM LEG LEG XIII GEM

DONAT DON MILITARIB
EXPEDIT SVEBIC ET SARM
COR MVR COR VALL COR
AUR HAST PVR TRIB VE
XILL TRIB CVRAT COLO
NIOR ET MVNICIPIOR PRAE
FRVM DAND EX S C PRAETOR
AED CVRVL Q CRET ET C
TRIB LEG XXII PRIMIGEN
IIIVIR A A A FF
THIASVS LIB
The document loosely deals with imperial history. The committee is the freedman Thiasus
who places an inscription for his patron, the general L. Caesennius Sospes. The last two functions
held by L.Caesennius Sospes offer certain precise perspectives. We propose the following reading of
theinscription, keeping into account the former readings of St. Gsell, H. G. Pflaum and W. M. Ramsey:
P(aeti) F(illio) Stel(latina tribu) Sos[pi]ii, fetiali, leg(ato) Aug(usti) pro pr(tore)
provinc(iarum) Gal(ati), Pisid(i), Phryg(i), Luc(aoni), Isaur(i), Paphlag(oni), Ponti
Galat(ici), Ponti Polemoniant, Arm(eni) leg(atus) leg(ionis) XIII Gem(inae) donat(o)
don(is) militarib(us) expedit(ione) Suebic(a) et Sarm(atica), cor(ona) mur(ali), cor(ona)
vall(ari), cor(ona) aur(ea), hast(is) pur(is) trib(us), vexill(is) trib(us), curat(ori) colonior(um)
et municipior(um), pr(fecto) frum(ento) dand(o) ex s(enatus) c(onsulto), prtori, d(ili)
curul(i), qu(stori) Cret() et C[yr(enarum)], trib(uno) leg(ionis) XXI[I] Primigen(i), III
vir(o) a(uro), a(rgento) a(ere) f(lando) f(eriundo) Thiasus lib(ertus) [posuit].
The beginning of L. Caesennius Sospess career3 was a favourable one. In AD 79, Sospes appears
as one of the tresviri monetales, after the vigintivirate, which is not mentioned, fact which shows that
he originates from a senatorial family, the first level of cursus honorum4. S.Hillerbrand mentions that
the function he holds after the vigintivirate is the one of tribunus militum legionis XXII Primigeniae,
garrisoned in Mainz. This is followed by the first senatorial magistracy, the Quaestor Cretae et Cyrenarum
and the aedilis curulis5.
The praetura to which he defers in 88 AD gives L. Caesennius Sospes the possibility of an
important function6.
What is surprising is the extraordinary magistracy of de praefectus frumenti dandi ex S.C.,
which is why the inscription caused a series of controversies. The aforementioned post was abolished
by Claudius and reinvented by Nerva, ergo the erudite H. G. Pflaum doesnt know such magistrates
during the years 54 and 96 AD7. Sospes is the first member of a senatorial family that holds the
position of praefectus frumenti dandi, this being a step in obtaining the proconsulate8. H.Dessau,
W. M. Ramsey, G. E. F Chilver and R. Syme are the partisans of the idea that the magistracy
reappeared during the reign of Domitian9. An example would be L. Catilius Severus (suff. 110,
cos. II, 120), who held this magistracy, was promoted to praefectus aerarii Saturni which led him
straight into the position of consul10.
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10

PIR1 III, S 567.

CIL III 6818; Hillebrand 2006, 162.
Cf. Hillebrand 2006, 163.
Syme 1977, 38.
Berchem 1939, 72, 74; Pflaum 1954, 441, 449; Bagnall, Drew-Bear 1973, 225, note 35.
Syme 1977, 49.
ILS 1017; Ramsay 1924, 192; Chilver 1949, 10; Syme 1977, 43, 49.
ILS 1041.

L. Caesennius Sospes, an amicus Domitiani ? 313

In Sospess cursus honorum, consul in 114 AD, there is a mention of the fact that he was
thecommander of the XIIIth Gemina legion and decorated in this station leg (at.) leg. XIII Gem. donat.
don. militarib. expedit. Suebic. et Sarm. cor(ona) mur(ali), cor(ona) vall(ari) etc. by the emperor. Sospes
pursued a typical senatorial career until he was named legatus legionis XIII Gemina. The issue of thename of
this emperor caused many controversies. The text from the diploma is interpreted thus by H.G.Pflaum:
legatus legionis XIII Geminae (exercitus Daciae), donatus donis militaribus expeditione Suebica et Sarmatica
(imperatoris Traiani, antea ignota) corona murali, corona vallari11.
Sospes, the commander of the XIIIth Gemina, a legion stationary in Pannonia until its departure
in campaigns against the Dacians during the reign of Trajan, received decorations specific for a praetorian.
The Roman Emperor is not named in the inscription from Antiochia, but it has been concluded that he
was Domitian12.
The inscription dedicated by the freedman Thiasus raised issues with Sospes being called curator
coloniorum et municipiorum. This title is unique during the Flavian dynasty and the earliest certification of
a curator civitatis, probably dating after the war of 92 AD. This title refers to the Italic cities, being a civil
function held by the person in question. A number of researchers, including E.Ritterling, Th.Mommsen,
St. Gsell, R.Syme and Y. Le Bohec assign Domitian with the creation of the curatorcivitatis function,
these officials having the task of helping the city in handling its problems13. Domitians action has a major
role in the evolution of equestrian careers during the emperors Trajan, Hadrian and even Septimius
Sever, H. G. Pflaum recognizing the primordial role of Domitians reign14.
After all these positions, Sospes is named governor of Galatia, after he was named iuridicus and
legatus legionis XIII Geminae, being tied to the praetorian rank in Cappadocia Galatia in 94/95 AD,
after the death of consul Anistius Rusticus15. Sospess interim lasts a year at most, in the divided region
Cappadocia, this taking place in 94 AD, according to some researchers, and the position surpassing
legatus Augusti pro praetore is the one of praetorii iurii dicundo16. If he were to be remembered with
thetitle of legatus Augusti, he would have only been iuridicus, but in this case, Sospes is a governor17.
One may deduce two things from the inscription. Out of supererogation towards his patron,
Thiasus names eight regions in the inscription, Armenia Minor included, but not Cappadocia.
IftheCappadocia region was accidentally left out of the inscription, Sospes would have been the ruler
of a consular region as a praetorian, taking the place of the deceased Antistius Rusticus. A second
alternative, proposed by R.Syme, would be the division of the region in two large parts, shortly after
thedisappearance of Rusticus. The explanation would be that in the inscriptions that record the governors
and iuridici-ces careers, Cappadocia lies in the front of the inscription, being followed by Galatia18.
Cappadocia, the region that should have been the main territory included by Thiasus, is missing
from the inscription of Pisidian Antiochia. This may be explained by the fact that it may have been
divided for a short period of time, during a famine or plague19. Martial remembers the moment when
Rusticuss ash was brought to Italy Cappadocum saevis Antistius occidit oris Rusticus20.
11
12

13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20

Pflaum 1953, 307309; Pflaum 1954, 431 sqq.

Ramsay 1924, 19092; Syme 1977, 38; Th. Mommsen and H. Dessau saw L. Caesennius Sospes as the leader
ofthecampaign against the Sarmatians and Suebians from the reign of Domitian; Piso 1993, 217, note 24; seeGsell
1893, note 90: Sos [pi]ii, fetiali, leg(ato) Aug(usti) pro pr(aetore) provinc(iarum) Gal(atiae), Pisid(iae), Phryg(iae),
Luc(aoniae), Isaur(iae), Paphlag(oniae), Ponti Galat(ici), Ponti Polemoniant, Arm(eniae) donat(o) don(is) militarib(us)
expedit(ione) Suebic(a) et Sarm(atica), cor(ona) mur(ali), cor(ona) vall(ari), cor(ona) aur(ea), hast(is) pur(is) trib(us),
vexill(is) trib(us), curat(ori) colonior(um) (sic) et municipior(um), prae(fecto) frum(ento) dand(o) ex s(enatus) c(onsulto),
praetori, aed(ili) curul(i), qu(aestori) Cret(ae) et C[yr(enarum)], trib(uno) leg(ionis XXI [I] Primigen(iae), III vir(o)
a(uro), a(rgento) a(ere) f(lando) f(eriundo).
Syme 1977, 43; Le Glay et alii 2006, 243.
Pflaum 1950, 5054, 60, 97; Oliver 1953, 974.
Pflaum 1954, 431; Syme 1977, 40; Sherk 1979, 166168; Vervaet 2002, 283318.
Ramsay 1926, 117.
Ramsay 1924, 192; Syme 1977, 40.
Syme 1977, 40; Syme 1984, 234, note 33.
As evidence of this difficult period stays cursus honorum of L. Antistius Rusticus (cos. suff. in the year 90 AD) and his edict
denouncing food thieves and profiteers in the hunger season cf. A 1925, 126.
Martial, Epigrammaton Libri de Spectaculis, IX, 30, 1.

314 Bogdan MUSCALU

Thiasus, the freedman, who dedicates the inscription to his patron, includes Armenia Minor,
which should have stood next to the Cappadocia region. Keeping into account what happens in 69 AD
in Britannia, the division of Cappadocia Galatia would make Sospes, the ruler of Galatia, include
theeight territories mentioned in the inscription under his rule, while the ruler of the XIIth Fulminata
region of Melitene would act as governor of Cappadocia21. This logic would exist only if there was
adivision of Cappadocia and Galatia, due to urgencies or negative events. Cassius Dio gives information
of such cases occurring in certain famine or plague periods22.
We are aware of the fact that Trajan divided in AD 114 the frontier area, Cappadocia and Armenia
Minor, as a temporary measure. Some authors date Sospess interim in Galatia in 113, to the arrival of
the new governor M. Iunius Homullus23. But the said arrangement has no geographical or military logic
and thus we assume that adding Armenia in Thiasuss inscription was his mistake. R.Syme concludes that
thedivision of Cappadocia Galatia took place due to a emergency of necessity that wasnt supposed to
last long. Naming a praetorian as governor must be seen as a step in finding a consul fit for the position24.
Considering the Pisidian Antiochia inscription, we find that after his interim in Galatia, Sospes
takes a religious position, the fetialis one, member of a clerical group composed of 20 members. Weassume
that he held this position while Thiasus makes the inscription, ergo we may date it on 9596 AD25.
After holding these magistracies, Sospes accedes receiving a possible consulate in 9798AD.
Theassassination of Domitian and the rising of the Antonine will be rather unfortunate for thecharacter
in question. L. Caesennius Sospes will become consulate in 114, according to the present known
epigraphic mentions.
R. Syme suggests that a delay of Sospess consulate is due to the assassination of Domitian, which
explains the long period between his involvement in expeditio Sarmatica and his naming in the position
of consul suffectus in 114. This is supported by many opinions: Sospes is included in the 43 imperial
rulers of senatorial origin, known to have ruled regions in the time of Domitian an amicus Domitiani26.
Sospessfamily name is tied to the Flavian dynasty whose last emperor suffered a damnatio memoriae.
Recently, C. C Petolescu examined the two parts of the military diploma that appeared
in RMD, IV, 226, kept in Rmisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Mainz (inv. O. 41827).
Itrepresents a copy of a constitutio dated in 3rd or 4th of May 114 for the veterans of the Dacian
army by Q. Baebius Macer, governor of the region during the reign of Trajan27. In this diploma,
thetwoconsuls, C.Clodius Nummus and Sospes are mentionated, these being identical to the ones
of aThracian diploma of the same year.
In the military diploma of Pissarevo from Thracia, dated for 19th of July 114 (RMD I, 14),
two consuls are mentioned, C.Clodius Nummus and Sospes, who we know since the year 96 AD 28.
The diploma was discovered at approximately 20 km away from the Roman city Nicopolis ad Istrum, regio
Nicopolitana, before 1945. There are no records regarding its activity between 96 and 114. Ev. Paunov
and M. Roxan renew the assumptions regarding Sospess career, considering the version of R. Syme
favourable in front of the one of H. G. Pflaum. Those two diplomas merely mention the two consuls.
General L. Caesennius Sospes is part of the Caesennius family. His father, L. Caesennius Paetus, was
consul during the reign of Nero (62 AD)29 in Galatia, after Domitius Corbulo. He was sent in Armenia by
Nero to watch over Corbulo, but is defeated by the Parthians and surrendered near Rhandeia in AD 6230.
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30

Stout 1926, 4950; Syme 1977, 42.

Cassius Dio, Istoria Roman, LXVII, II, 6.
Cappadocia division took place in 112 or early 113, the former governor Quadratus Bassus returning to Rome, remaining
as interim L. Caesennius Sospes cf. Sherk 1979, 166167; Piso 1993, 27.
Syme 1977, 42; Syme 1989, 250, note 4, cf. ILS 1039 from Pisidian Antiochia.
Syme 1989, 243. Legatus Augusti pro praetore provinciae Galatiae regionumque finitimarum cf. Hillebrand 2006, 162163.
It is about 43 senators from the approximately 600 known in the reign of Domitian, cf. Jones 1993, 4849, 5355.
RMD IV 313; RMD IV 226; ILD 12, 2527.
Paunov, Roxan 1997, 269279.
Degrassi 1952, 17.
Tacitus, Annales, 15, 620.

L. Caesennius Sospes, an amicus Domitiani ? 315

As governor of Syria under Verpasian, Paetus annexed Commagene in 7231. In the same year, one of his
sons, L. Iunius Caesennis Paetus, is mentioned, who served in the army under the command of a consulate
ruler32 and who becomes consul ordinarius in 79 AD 33. The Caesennius inscriptions in Rome only show
theStellatina tribe, which indicates the Tarquini, with important representatives mentioned by authors
such as Cicero, Martial, Salustius, Appian and others, or married to representatives of imperial families34.
During the Parthians attack, a younger son of Paetus was taken with his mother in the citadel
Arsamosata. The citadel was assaulted by Parthians castellum quo imbellis aetas defendebatur35.
This could only have been Sospes, whose age we assume to be around 4 years old, being mentioned later
on as praetor in 88 and legatus legionis in 92 AD. The event marked the boy or his family life, being
commemorated through its cognomen. The word sospes is an elevated and poetic one, not frequent in
prose, Plinius stating that its related to the dedications or prayers for health/the safety of the emperor36.
It is quite rare as a cognomen, being held my some representatives of the Caesennius family. Caesennius
Sospes37, L. Caesennius Sospitianus38, A.Iunius Pastor, L. Caesennius Sospes or A.Iunius P. f. Fab(ius)
Pastor, L. Caesennius Sospes39, Clodius Sospis40.
The character identified as the younger son of Paetus humbly keeps his fathers name, which
is also observed in the Antiochia inscription L. Caesennius P(aetus). F(illi). Sospes. Regarding
theparental gal in his brothers name, older probably (15 years apart), the praenomen Iunius appears
L.IuniusCaesennius Paetus, this being omitted in the inscriptions in Rome and Puteoli41.
Our attention is drawn to another aspect during Trajans campaign against the Parthians,
thefirst captured citadel was Arsamosata, near Rhandeia, where Paetus shamefully surrenders in 62AD42.
Aswe have seen, Arsamosata is the citadel in which the child L. Caesennius Sospes and his mother were
sheltered by Caesennius Paetus, during the Roman-Parthian war in the 62 AD. After more than 50 years
after this event, Sospes becomes consul, in the year in which Armenia is invaded, the emperor Trajan
appealing to the past to glorify his actions43. Two ancient authors relate the speech of the Roman general
Caesennius Paetus44, words that can be found in Trajans proclamation: se tributa ac leges et pro umbra
regis Romanum ius victis impositurum45.
Returning to the position of Sospes of legatus legionis XIII Gemina and the discussions regarding
expeditio Suebica et Sarmatica, we support the fact that the expedition is the one during Domitians reign,
during which the character in question is granted the dona militaria. Most researches believe it was
Domitian who decorated Sospes. After the events with the Dacians in 8589 AD, Domitian will seal a
treaty favourable for Decebal in 89, through which the Dacian king becomes rex amicus populi Romani.
Cassius Dio describes the entire ceremony, sealed through appelatio. By the treaty, Decebal would receive
31
32
33
34
35
36
37

38
39

40
41
42
43
44
45

Flavius Iosephus, Bellum Iudaicum, VII, 220.

Perhaps Domitius Corbulo is the consular who takes command of the three legions of Paetus, after the disaster occurred
in Armenia.
Tacitus, Annales, XV, 28, 2; Degrassi 1952, 23; AE 1973, 141, L. (Iunius) Caesennius Paetus, is mentioned in
theinscription from Puteoli, PIR2 C174.
CIL VI I 3937; Syme 1977, 44; Settipani 2002, 18.
Tacitus, Annales, XV, 10, 3; 12, 1.
Pliny the Younger, Panegyricus, LXVII, 5: Egit cum diis, ipso te auctore, Caesar, respublica, ut te sospitem incolumemque
praestarent.
ISM V 063: I(ovi) O(ptimo) M(aximo) / et Iunoni Reg(inae) / pro salute{m} / M(arci) Aur(eli) V(e)ri et L(uci) / Veri
Aug(ustorum) et sua / civis R(omanis) et Bessis / cons(istentibus) vico Ulme(to) / Fl(avius) Germanus / mag(ister) vici / posuit
de suo / VII Kal(endas) Iulias Ponti(o) / La[e]li[a]n[o Ca]e[sen]ni[o] / [Sospite co(n)s(ulibus)].
CIL XIV 2162, mentioned the haruspex L. Caesennius Sospitianus.
Consul ordinarius in AD 163 (how show us the inscription of Brixia) his name showing an early adoption and not a
testamentary one in CIL VI 1435. It was defended by Pliny in a trial contra potentissimos civitatis atque etiam Caesarisamicos,
cf. Plinius, Epistulae, I, 18, 3; Syme 1968, 149; Chioffi 2005, 68.
Soldier in the vigiles from the time of Septimius Severus cf. CIL III 6793 (in the city of Lystra).
PIR2 C174.
Cassius Dio, LXVIII, 19. 2.
Syme 1977, 44.
Tacitus, Annales, XV, 6, 4.
Cassius Dio, LXVIII, 20, 3.

316 Bogdan MUSCALU

builders, engineers and Roman instructors, but mostly subventions. Domitian however obtained either
an ally or the neutrality of the Dacians and possibly an attack base against the Iazyges46, avoiding thus a
war on two sides. The treaty signing was forced by the setting of the Danubian front at the outburst of
a part of the Upper German army and the tensions with the Marcomans and Quadi47.
In the beginning of 92 AD, an Iazyges Sarmatian incursion violently attacks Pannonia, destroying
the legion XXIst Rapax. In the same time, the Suebi tribes from Bohemia and Moravia attacked the Empire
borders. Five Roman vexillatio fought in Bellum Suebicum item Sarmaticum48. Must face with a SarmaticSuebic combined forces, Domitian charges with the army of the provinces Moesia and Pannonia, personally
attending the Pannonia war. A Roman vexillatio will act against the Iazyges, marching through Decebals
Kingdom, meaning that the Dacian king was respecting the 89 peace treaty49. After an eight months
absence, he returned to Rome in January 93. The emperor will not celebrate a complete triumph, but an
ovatio50, possibly a sign of unfinished problems at the Middle Danube. Following the wars with the Dacians
in 8589, the Roman defensive policy was fundamentally changed. Together with the two legions that
was protecting the Pannonic region (legio XIII Gemina at Poetovio and legio XV Apollinaris at Carnuntum),
they brought the legions: legio I Adiutrix in 85 (at Szeremseg and moved in 89 AD at Brigetio) and legio
II Adiutrix pia fidelis in 86 (initially stationary in Srem, but moved in Aquincum). We mustnt forget
the legio XXI Rapax, present on the borders near the Sarmatians in 90 AD, but destroyed in the events
of 92 AD 51. To these, a large number of auxiliary troops are added: probably six alae (one milliaria) and
1213cohortes52, as we can see in the years 101102 in Pannonia Inferior reigned by Trajan. This shows us
a gathering of troops for combining a third Roman campaign by Domitian but which is ruled by Nerva in
97, ending with the defeat of the Marcomans and Quadi53.
For the Roman Empire, Domitians Danube wars were the most powerful conflicts with the
neighbours. They proved that dangerous situations can determine the destruction of the Middle Danube
alliance system. A Dacian victory enabled the Suebi and Iazyges to not fulfill their obligations with the
allies of Rome. Also, this was a serious precedent and the Romans couldnt afford two massive wars near
the Danubian borders54.
I. I. Russu considers expeditio Suebica et Sarmatica of the military diploma from Antiochia
of Pisidia, which mentions Sospess cursus honorum, as being the one from 107108 AD55.
46
47
48
49

50

51
52

53
54
55

Opreanu 1998, 35.

Nemeth 2007, 145.
Strobel 1989, 104; Griffin 2000, 5859, 6364; Wilkes 2000, 580581.
AE 1903, 358 = ILS 9200, Baalbeck-Heliopolis: C. Velio Sa[i]vi f(ilio) Rufo p(rimi) p(ilo) leg(ione) XII Ful(minatae)
praef(ectus) vexillariorum leg(ionis) I Adiutricis, II Adiutricis, III Augustae, VIII Augustae, VIII Hisp(anae), XIIII Gem(inae),
XX Valeriae Vic(tricis), XXI Rapac(is) trib(unus) coh(ortis) XIII urb duci exercitum Africi et Mauretanici ad natione
quae in Mauretania comprimendas do[n]is donato ab imp(eratore) Vespasaiano et imp(eratore) Tito bello Judaico corona
vallar(i) torquibus fa[le]r[is] armillis item donis donato corona muralis hostis duobus vexalis duobus et bello Quadorum,
Marcomanorum, Sarmatorum adversus quod expeditionem fecit per regnum Decebali regis Dacorum corona murali
hastatis duobus vexillis duobus, proc(uratori) Imp(eratoris) Caesarsis Aug(usti) Germanici provinciae Pannoniae et Dalmatiae,
item proc(uratori) provinciae Raetiae ius gla[d]ii. Hic missus in Parthiam Epiphanem et Callinicum, regis Antiochi filios, ad
imp(eratorem) Vespasianum cum ampla manu tributariorum reduxit, M(arcus) Alfius M(arci) f(ilius) Fab(ia tribu) Olympiacus,
aquilife(r), vet(eranus) leg(ionis) XV Apollinaris. In this inscription, the name of the Emperor was left voluntarily forgotten
cf. IDRE II 406, 422424, with all the bibliography; Luttwak 1976, 100.
Suetonius, De Vita Caesarum, Vita Domitiani, VI, 1: Expeditiones partim sponte suscepit, partim necessario: sponte in
Chattos, necessario unam in Sarmatas, legione cum legato simul caesa, in Dacos duas, primam Oppio Sabino consulari oppresso,
secundam Cornelio Fusco, praefecto cohortium praetorianarum, cui belli summam commiserat. De Chattis Dacisque post varia
proelia duplicem triumphum egit. De Sarmatis lauream modo Capitolino Iovi rettulit.
Lrincz 2003, 25.
This fact was observed in the period before Daco-Roman Wars of 101102 and 105106. These auxiliary forces, along
with Legio X Gemina pia fidelis stationed to Aquincum were being at the command of a governor of praetorian rank.
Theirmission was to protect the border of Pannonia Inferior against the Sarmatian Iazyges.
The presence of five legions in Pannonia is unusual and indicates a Roman concern for this area cf. Duanic, Vasi 1977,
291304; Strobel 1989, 104; Jones 1992, 153155.
Strobel 1989, 111; Nemeth 2007, 147.
Russu 1973, 4849; IDR I 106, 125.

L. Caesennius Sospes, an amicus Domitiani ? 317

Thisassumption cannot be proven56. H. G. Pflaum connects Sospes with the same events and even
later, with the Sarmantian war in 117118 AD 57.
Information regarding this Roman general is kept in inscriptions and military diplomas that may
be connected with military events from the Middle and Lower Danube, at the end of the 1st century and
the beginning of the 2nd century AD.
The historians who oppose to Sospess participation in expeditione Suebica et Sarmatica during the
reign of Domitian are based on some parts of SHA Vita Hadriani, placing the event in 107108 or even
11711858 and even on the names of the Roman general as praefectus frumenti dandi and curator civitatis,
but in this period, legio XIII Gemina was not stationated in Pannonia, but in Dacia at Apulum59. R.Syme
concluded that the evolution of the career of Sospes can also be placed upon hazard, this representative
of the Casennius family evolving into a typical senatorial career until 96, to which a consulate should
have followed. The assassination of Domitian and his name being tied to the Flavian dynasty prolonged
the acceding in his position as a consul with almost 20 years. Trajans campaign in the East brings Sospes
in our attention by naming him consul suffectus in 114, serving the goal and glorifying Trajans actions.
Considering the subject in question, R.M. Goetz gives interesting comparisons and explanations
regarding the term amicus Caesaris and the evolution of certain characters, belonging to Domitians
entourage, after his assassination. The term friends (amicus Caesaris) does not only refer to Concilium
Principis or to the people close to the emperor, but also to those involved in the imperial power by
supporting the Rome regime. Taking the Nero model as correspondence, R. Syme revealed that all
governors of provinces are included in the category of amici. Naturally, not all of them agree with the
regime, but out of political intelligence, they take advantage of the states needs of well trained people
in certain fields. This can be loosely seen in the case of Domitian, these amici principis are inherited from
Vespasian and Titus (who were moderate and reformative emperors). Most of the Flavian supporters come
from the army60. In opposition with the general career of M. Cornelius Nigrinus Curiatus Maternus,
L. Caesennius Sospes is not suppressed by the new emperor; he reappears after a period of obscurity61.
We can assume that Sospes would have been a regular consul, even without epigraphic information.
Even though he was persona gratissima under Domitian, this shouldnt have had repercussions over his
56
57
58
59
60
61

IDR III/1, 10; W. Eck sustains that both H. G. Pflaum and I. I. Russu were wrong, considering also R.Symes hypothesis
as the correct cf. Eck 1980, 3168.
Pflaum 1954, 431 sqq.
SHA, vita Hadriani, 6, 6; 6, 8; Pflaum 1954, 431, 435.
IDR I 106, 125; Russu 1973, 4849.
Goetz 1978, 1416.
G. Alfoldy and H. Haffman are considering M. Cornelius Nigrinus Curiatus Maternus, an important general of Domitian,
who had an impeccable career and was Trajans rival. As general, he was the most decorated soldier during the Dacian wars,
ahero of Domitian in the Danube conflicts, a capable and extremely necessary man to the regime and also a favourable friend
of the emperor. Due to his closeness to the emperor, there are no more records of him after Domitian receives damnatio
memoriae. He originated from Liria (Sudan) and was adopted by the sophist Curiatus Maternus (from whom hereceives
the name and the senatorial rank). He started his military career under Nero as a tribune in legio XIIII Gemina and under
Vespasian and Titus is active in the legion of Britannia. He becomes tied to the legion in Germania Superior where he pacifies
the region with the legio VIII Augusta, then in 7982 he becomes governor of Aquitania. He becomes consulate in October
83 (cos suff.) and finally gets observed on the Dacian front as governor of Moesia. He is distinguished in direct battles,
being decorated twice with dona militaria at the end of 86 and 89. After the year 89 or 90, after a stationary as governor
of Moesia for 5 years, he is demobilized, and then, in 94 or 95 he is named governor of Syria, the most militarized region.
It is unknown what position he held in 9095, but the same thing suffered A.Bucius Lappius Maximus in the same period.
The latter is in the graces of the emperor, as Cocceius Nerva. They are the privileged of the regime. Someassume that
due to his high popularity and his notoriety as an excellent military, Nigrinus Curiatus Maternus became dangerous for
theemperors image as was thus placed as a reserve for a while, so his professional achievements could be forgotten. Nervas
rise to power is fatal to Nigrinus Maternus, because as he is the most powerful and capable vir militaris, commanding
the most powerful region, Syria, it is his prerogative to rise to the throne of Rome, his activities and achievements
recommending him. But he is immediately left aside and Nerva, to protect himself from a hit by the Eastern army,
adopts Trajan and befriends the senators of Gaulish origin from Licinius Suras entourage. We may say that Nigrinus
Curatus Maternus receives a quasi damnatio mamoriae, as his friend Domitian, which is fed by new political realities that
are opposed to him. With Trajans rise to power, there are no more records of him; he was probably helped in physically
disappearing, in order to assure the political peace for Optimus Princeps cf. Goetz 1978, 5861, 64.

318 Bogdan MUSCALU

career under Antonine dynasty, especially since he was a capable and experienced general. As a counterargument, regarding R.Symes and B. Joness theory, we may add that in the category amici Domitiani there
were the future emperor M. Ulpius Traianus, L. Domitius Apollinaris, T. Pomponius Bassus, Q. Glitius
Atilius Agricola and other people whose careers will evolve during the Antonine dynasty.
The emperor Trajan is known as a good strategist and organizer. Military-wise, there is living
proof in the preparation for the wars with Decebal or with the Parthians, when he places capable people,
with high names, to rule regions and armies.
The assumption that must be stated regarding the above: Sospes may have participated in
theTrajans Dacian wars, as a decorated general in the previous Domitian wars, where he proved himself
to be a good military man. E. Nemeth has observed that in the Domitian-Trajan period, many senators
and knights who have first fought in the wars against the Dacian and Iazyges under Domitian, also
fought on the Dacian battle front, with Trajan. The author concludes that naming senators of knights
in important positions in Pannonia or Dacia in crisis situation does not represent a career scheme,
butknowledge regarding the barbaric region or population. It is clear that the experience and knowledge
were important when the military or political situation required it62. Due to lack of clear epigraphic
mentions, these actions of Sospes remain assumptions.
The discovery of new inscriptions, that may offer us information regarding L. Caesennius Sospes,
could illuminate missing pieces of the career of this enigmatic character, as R. Syme called him in
hishomonym work.
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Bogdan Muscalu
West University, Timioara
Centre of Historical and Archaeological Studies Constantin Daicoviciu
muscalu_bogdanemil@yahoo.com