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The Great Indian Land Rush

Sandhya Jain

19 July 2011

Vijayvani

The Indian entrepreneurial and middle classes have fueled a great land rush, even
land grab, all over the country, causing acrimony and heartburn, at times even
bloodshed. Over the past decade, farmers havvijae been pressured to part with
fertile multi-crop land for industrial, urban development and infrastructure projects,
triggering fears that crony capitalism is becoming the virtual law of the land.

Special Economic Zones which gave promoters mega land banks for commercial
profiteering were a scandal, but mercifully faltered before public wrath. In my view,
agricultural land must never be alienated in the interests of the nations long-term
food security. Contemporary market rates, however high, can never compensate for
loss of fertile land for a factory that may shut down, while farmer families fritter
their so-called gains on non-remunerative items.

Last month, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh promised a new land acquisition Bill in
the monsoon session of Parliament. The Centres proposed national land use policy
moots a 10-year blanket ban on purchase of multi-crop farmland and ban on
polluting industries in its vicinity, and earmarking adjacent land for grazing, rural

housing and agri-based activities. This could restore the vitality of Indian agriculture
which has suffered serious neglect over the past decades, and is far superior to the
National Advisory Council proposal that Government acquire all land required for
projects and give owners six times the registered value. This is simply not on, as
registered values can be really low in ancestral properties.

Actually, we cannot conflate industrial development with growth. Despite huge

concessions to industry, growth has been exploitative and has not solved the
problem of unemployment or poverty. There are few permanent jobs; mostly wage
or contract labour, without employee benefits. Ironically, even NGOs are promoting
only wage labour. Hence, we must challenge the West-given wisdom that India
should double its city population by driving people out of villages to live in slums
and seek low, erratic wages in sunrise sectors.

Fortunately, West Bengal, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh and Orissa have changed their
attitude to land acquisition. Bengal passed a bill to return to Singur farmers the land
acquired by the Left Front government for an industrial project, though the courts
have stayed the process for now. Orissa last month halted land acquisition for South
Korean Poscos proposed $12 billion steel plant after thousands of villagers, women
and children, prostrated themselves on burning sands to resist occupation of their
land.

In UP, after the Supreme Court quashed acquisition of 156.3 hectares of land in
Shahberi village, Noida Extension, a chastened chief minister promised not to
acquire land for private projects again. Hitherto, (mis)using a colonial law, the land
was acquired for industrial purposes, after which the land use was altered and the
land resold to builders for constructing malls, multiplexes, and houses. The High
Court has similarly quashed acquisition of 170 hectares at Gulistan village, Greater
Noida. But unrest persists in Bhatta Parsaul in Gautam Buddh Nagar, and Chandauli
village in Varanasi where 121 hectares of fertile Gangetic farmland has been

notified for a cultural/city hub.

In Chattisgarh, the son of a minister conned tribal farmers of their land in JanjgirChampa district for a corporate groups 1200 MW power plant. Appointed public
relations officer, the young man travelled in a government vehicle with the local
patwari and allegedly intimidated some families to sell their holdings to him. As
section 165 (6) of Chattisgarhs land revenue code of 1959 does not permit sale of
tribal land to a non-tribal without the district collectors permission, the ministers
son, being a tribal himself, helped the company dodge this law.

The game was exposed as the company paid for the land by cheque, and the
power-of-attorney vested in its project director. About 13.65 acres had been
purchased before local protests forced the state industries department to stay the
approval given to the power company to buy land, and the collector cancelled the
sales and ordered return of land to the original owners.

Two things are notable about this corporate-political nexus. One, some of the land
was bought at one-third the stipulated minimum rate for single crop land under the
state rehabilitation policy of 2010, thereby grossly shortchanging the farmers. Two,
farmers were deprived of rehabilitation benefits like employment because the land
was sold (technically) to a tribal, not a company.

We may also make mention of another dangerous trend - of religious land grab. For
several months, an illegal mazaar (grave) has sprung up in the Green Belt along
Sardar Patel Marg in the heart of the capital, across Himachal Bhavan. The Police

must surely have noticed it, because they moved to prohibit citizens from stopping
to feed monkeys there! In fact, there is a small board on a tree pointing to the
mazaar.

A concerned citizen brought this to the notice of the Additional Commissioner of

Police, who ordered the local police station to remove the illegal encroachment and
arrest the offenders. Instead, he was soon shunted out; the mazaar remained
untouched was soon joined by a pucca masjid. The tree now sports two boards!
Further, travelling along the elevated corridor of the Airport Metro line, one can spot
two masjids in the Green Belt, one near Dhaula Kuan station and the second shortly
before Shivaji Stadium.

These mosques are not visible from the road. But it is unbelievable that such
massive structures could be built, either in the prohibited Green Belt, or anywhere
in the city, without the consent of the political leadership (are you listening, Ms
Sheila Dikshit), the municipal authorities, and the police.

As Mumbai is once again racked by serial bomb blasts, which the Union Home
Minister admits are terrorist attacks, we must ponder if there is a sinister design
behind the erection of concealed, gigantic mosques in the capital. In fact,
intelligence agencies must urgently avail of GPS facilities to locate such secret illicit
mosques in green belts all over the country; investigate the sources of their funding
and the motives behind their rise; and remove the offending structures without ado.

All those complicit in this covert construction activity must be dealt with harshly

according to the law. The Supreme Court and the various High Courts would do well
to ensure compliance with the rule of law and resist the temptation to pamper
minorities at the cost of honest and innocent citizens.
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