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How to Start?
Before you start writing an essay, you need to decide three things. What are you writing about? What do you imagine will be reading your essay? What do you want to tell them? A popular kind of essay is to offer your reader an opinion or argument. You can write a successful essay by starting off with a plan. The key to doing a successful essay is to break the writing down into short, simple steps.
Essay is liberal writing Essay are not general knowledge There is limit on words and thoughts (analytical, not emotional) It is test of understanding not knowledge Some candidates do have feeling that philosophical topic are more paying. In fact, it is true to some extent but the more relevant thing is that marks are not given on the choice of the topic, but on the presentation of the topic. In the other question papers where the state of selection is maximum 100% there in the essay paper it is 600% (1 out of 6). The reason is that the examiner does not want the student leaves this question. The misfortune is that facility of option that has given to you as a blessing, the same becomes a curse for you, if you have not accepted in the correct way. When the liberties are too many, then the chances of confusion increase. In GS the facts are more important than style of expression whereas in the essays along with the facts, the expression style is also important. In the essay your general understanding is being examined while in GS your general knowledge is tested. Actually there is no opposition between knowledge and understanding. The M.Sc student of Agriculture has the knowledge related to agriculture while the farmer has understanding.
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While reading, he essay should not appear to have been written on the basis of facts, rather the facts were written according to the essay.
Easy and simple Use less of exaggerated style Use minimum difficult words Tightness in the language Do not repeat the same thing Present all aspects Political, Social and Economic etc. Legible handwriting Underline important points Change the paragraph, wherever you feel that are thought / idea has been completed.
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12. Increasing Computerization Would lead to the Certain of Dehumanized Zociety. (2006) 13. Attitude makes habit, habit makes character and character makes a man. (2007) 14. How has satellite television brought about culture change in the Indian mindset? (2006) 15. Urbanisation and its hazards. (2008) 16. Globalism vs. Nationalism. (2009)
Values Based
1. Compassion is the Basis of All Morality. (1993) 2. Our deeds determine us, as much as we determine our deeds. (1995) 3. Truth is lived, not taught. (1997) 4. Truth religion cannot be misused. (1997) 5. Value-based science and education. (1999) 6. The march of science and the erosion of human values. (2001) 7. Modern Technological Education and human values. 8. Search for Truth can only be a spiritual problem. (2002) 9. Spirituality and Scientific temper. (2003) 10. The focus of health care in increasingly getting skewed towards the haves of our society. (2009) 11. Are our traditional handicrafts doomed to a slow death? (2009)
Education Based
1. Restructuring of Indian Education System. (1995) 2. Literacy is growing very fast but there is no corresponding growth in education. (1996) 3. Irrelevance of the classroom (2001) 4. Privatisation of Higher Education in India. (2001) 5. What is real education? (2005) 6. Education of All Campaign in India: Myth of Reality. (2006) 7. Is an egalitarian society possible by educating the masses? (2008)
Philosophy Based
1. He who Reigns within himself and Rules his passions, Desires and Fears, is more than a King. (1993) 2. Youth is a blunder, Manhood a struggle, Old age a regret. (1994) 3. A useful life is an early death. (1994) 4. When money speaks, the truth is silent. (1995) 5. The modern doctor and his patients. (1997) 6. The pursuit of excellence. (2001) 7. If youth knew, if age cold. (2002) 8. The paths of glory lead but to the grave. (2002) 9. There is nothing either good or bad but thinking makes it to. (2003) 10. The Lure of Space. (2004) 11. The hand that rocks the cradle. (2005) 12. Independent thinking should be encouraged ring from the childhood. (2007) 13. Discipline means success, anarchy means ruin. (2008) 14. Good fences make good neighbours. (2009) 15. Geography may remain the same; history need not. (2010)
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1. Economic Growth without Distributive Justice is bound to breed Violence. (1993) 2. The Challenges before a Civil Servant today. (1994) 3. Politics, Business and Bureaucracy-a fatal triangle. (1994) 4. Politics without ethic is a disaster. (1995) 5. Need for transparency in Public Administration. (1996) 6. Greater political power alone will not improve womens plight. (1997) 7. The misinterpretation and misuse of freedom in India. (1998) 8. The language problem in India: Its past, present and prospects. (1998) 9. Reservations, politics and empowerment (1999) 10. How should a civil servant conduct himself? (2003) 11. Judicial Activism and Indian Democracy (22004) 12. Justice must reach the poor. (2005) 13. Is autonomy the best answer to combat balkanization? (2007) 14. Role of the media in good governance. (2008)
Current Based
1. The emerging Global Order, Political and Economic. (1993) 2. Ecological considerations need not hamper development. (1993) 3. Computer: The Harbinger of a Silent Revolution. (1993) 4. Multinational CorporationsSaviours or Saboteurs. (1994) 5. Restructuring of the U.N.O. to reflect present realities. (1996) 6. New cults and godmen a threat to traditional religious. (1996) 7. Judicial activism. (1997) 8. The world of the twenty-first century. (1998) 9. Resource management in the Indian context. (1999) 10. The cyberworld: Its charms and challenges. (2000) 11. The countrys need for a better disaster management system. (2000) 12. The implications of globalisation for India (2000) 13. My vision of an ideal world order. (2001) 14. The Masks of New Imperialism . (2003) 15. Water Resources should be Under the Control of the Central Government. (2004) 16. Terrorism and world peace. (2005) 17. Food security for sustainable national development. (2005) 18. Protection of Ecology and Environment is Essential for Sustained Economic Development. (2006) 19. BPO boom in India. (2007) 20. Special Economic Zones: Boon or Bane. (2008) 21. Should a moratorium be imposed on all fresh mining in tribal areas of the country? (2010)
Any judge/MP who seeks immunity from truth under the cover of the robe robs the right of We, the People of India, the sovereign of Bharat. The Court is an open book & if the Bench seeks an iron curtain between its economic interest & Litigant community, it is violative of Glasnost (the policy of openness & transparency). Democracy is an open book & if any public functionary seeks an iron curtain between its own interest & the public, it is violative of Glasnost. In our murky world of gloom, greed & agony, our duty is to save the country of means of a compassionate recipe & dedicated endevaours.
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hope....is defined by a farmer who ploughs his land when drought conditions prevail,by the blind who learn colors,young girl who steps into mamas high heels. In the beginners mind there are many possibilities, in the experts mind there are few. Democracy is slow, painful but definite process. Look at the sky. We are not alone. The whole universe is friendly to us and conspires only to give the best to those who dream and work Sri Saraswati, Sri Lakshmi, Dri Durga are the deities of learning, Wealth and Valour. This is the highest from of empowerment of women in India from vedic times. e have not invaded anyone. We have not conquered anyone. We have not grabbed their land, their culture, their history and tried to enforce our way of life on them (Quotation by Abdul Kalam). Why are we, as a nation so obsessed with foreign things? Is it a legacy of our colonial years? We want foreign television sets. We want foreign shirts. We want foreign technology. Why this obsession with everything imported? The ballot is stronger than the bullet. Let us draw inspiration from our great wise men of the past and the intellectual leadership of the present and make the world exclaim. The Wonder that is India. You must not lose faith in humanity. Humanity is an ocean; if a few drops of the ocean are dirty, the ocean does not become dirty. Man has been uniquely endowed in that he can contemplate on his mortality & sadly if we do not soon realize that it is no longer a question of either development or environment but harmonius development or doom, we may find that we should be the first species to orchestrate its own extinction.
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However, it does not have adequate resources commensurate with the large number of complaints that it receives. CVC is a very small set up with a staff strength less than 200. It is supposed to check corruption in more than 1500 central government departments and ministries, some of them being as big as Central Excise, Railways, Income Tax etc. Therefore, it has to depend on the vigilance wings of respective departments and forwards most of the complaints for inquiry and report to them. While it monitors the progress of these complaints, there is delay and the complainants are often disturbed by this. It directly enquires into a few complaints on its own, especially when it suspects motivated delays or where senior officials could be implicated. But given the constraints of manpower, such number is really small. CVC is merely an advisory body. Central Government Departments seek CVCs advice on various corruption cases. However, they are free to accept or reject CVCs advice. Even in those cases, which are directly enquired into by the CVC, it can only advise government. CVC mentions these cases of nonacceptance in its monthly reports and the Annual Report to Parliament. But these are not much in focus in Parliamentary debates or by the media. Experience shows that CVCs advice to initiate prosecution is rarely accepted and whenever CVC advised major penalty, it was reduced to minor penalty. Therefore, CVC can hardly be treated as an effective deterrent against corruption. CVC cannot direct CBI to initiate enquiries against any officer of the level of Joint Secretary and above on its own. The CBI has to seek the permission of that department, which obviously would not be granted if the senior officers of that department are involved and they could delay the case or see to it that permission would not be granted. CVC does not have powers to register criminal case. It deals only with vigilance or disciplinary matters. It does not have powers over politicians. If there is an involvement of a politician in any case, CVC could at best bring it to the notice of the Government. There are several cases of serious corruption in which officials and political executive are involved together. It does not have any direct powers over departmental vigilance wings. Often it is seen that CVC forwards a complaint to a department and then keeps sending reminders to them to enquire and send report. Many a times, the departments just do not comply. CVC does not have any really effective powers over them to seek compliance of its orders.
2. WOMEN
National Policy for Empowerment of Women(2001) The principle of gender equality is enshrined in the Indian Constitution in its Preamble, Fundamental Rights, Fundamental Duties and Directive Principles. The Constitution not only grants equality to women, but also empowers the State to adopt measures of positive discrimination in favour of women.
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Within the framework of a democratic polity, our laws, development policies, Plans and programmes have aimed at womens advancement in different spheres. From the Fifth Five Year Plan (1974-78) onwards has been a marked shift in the approach to womens issues from welfare to development. In recent years, the empowerment of women has been recognized as the central issue in determining the status of women. The National Commission for Women was set up by an Act of Parliament in 1990 to safeguard the rights and legal entitlements of women. The 73rd and 74th Amendments (1993) to the Constitution of India have provided for reservation of seats in the local bodies of Panchayats and Municipalities for women, laying a strong foundation for their participation in decision making at the local levels. India has also ratified various international conventions and human rights instruments committing to secure equal rights of women. Key among them is the ratification of the Convention on Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) in 1993. The Mexico Plan of Action (1975), the Nairobi Forward Looking Strategies (1985), the Beijing Declaration as well as the Platform for Action (1995) and the Outcome Document adopted by the UNGA Session on Gender Equality and Development & Peace for the 21st century, titled "Further actions and initiatives to implement the Beijing Declaration and the Platform for Action" have been unreservedly endorsed by India for appropriate follow up. The Policy also takes note of the commitments of the Ninth Five Year Plan and the other Sectoral Policies relating to empowerment of Women. The womens movement and a wide-spread network of non-Government Organisations which have strong grass-roots presence and deep insight into womens concerns have contributed in inspiring initiatives for the empowerment of women. However, there still exists a wide gap between the goals enunciated in the Constitution, legislation, policies, plans, programmes, and related mechanisms on the one hand and the situational reality of the status of women in India, on the other. This has been analyzed extensively in the Report of the Committee on the Status of Women in India, "Towards Equality", 1974 and highlighted in the National Perspective Plan for Women, 1988-2000, the Shramshakti Report, 1988 and the Platform for Action, Five Years After- An assessment" Gender disparity manifests itself in various forms, the most obvious being the trend of continuously declining female ratio in the population in the last few decades. Social stereotyping and violence at the domestic and societal levels are some of the other manifestations. Discrimination against girl children, adolescent girls and women persists in parts of the country. The underlying causes of gender inequality are related to social and economic structure, which is based on informal and formal norms, and practices. Consequently, the access of women particularly those belonging to weaker sections including Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes/ Other backward Classes and minorities, majority of whom are in the rural areas and in the informal, unorganized sector to education, health and productive resources, among others, is inadequate. Therefore, they remain largely marginalized, poor and socially excluded.
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culture. Like the explanations, the definition of the term culture also is wide-ranging. Culture has been defined in broad terms as a design for living or a set of mechanisms plans, recipes, rules, roles, constructions or what may be described in the computer terminology as programming for social behaviour. Both the definitions point out to the vitality and significance of culture in society. Culture points out to the human way of adapting to the environment, a design for living acquired through learning. Culture is achieved or acquired and not innate or ascribed. It is obtained through human socialisation the continuous and ongoing process of interaction and learning through which we acquire a personal identity and social skills to adjust and develop. The content of this process of acquisition carried forward from one human collectivity to the next. In other words, culture is transmitted from one generation to another. It should be noted that what kind of individual we become is strongly influenced by enculturation the immersion in a culture to the point where that particular design for living seems only natural and given inevitably. Most of us do not question our cultural practices and do not view them critically because they are naturally ours and are not external to us. Every individual is accidentally born into a family and he/she acquires a culture as the member of that particular collectivity. Because the cultural traits are specific to and identifiable within a given community, there cannot be a generalised and universal judgement on the desirability or undesirability of any cultural element or practice. In other words, cultural system is available only to its members and outside agents cannot judge the appropriateness of a culture by standards external to that culture. Justification for or critique of a culture and its practice can meaningfully emerge only from within. Culture is generally typified as material and non-material culture although that distinction has some notional overlapping. The many different sections that make up a groups design for living - from sophisticated science and technology to toys and childrens games; from great works of art and music to kitchen utensils; from sacred ceremonies and worshipping acts to customs like shaking hands or saying namasthe; from beliefs about what does and does not taste good; even sex - all are shaped by learning all through life. Learning is of central importance in cultural acquisition as noted earlier. The degree of this learning determines the rate and extent of understanding culture and related course of action within the group. Thus, culture defines the way of life of the individual. Of all the learning applications, acquiring religion has a very special place in individuals life. This provides a position to the individual in his/her social functioning within the group. Therefore, a sociological discussion on religion invariably leads to an elaborate discussion on culture and the reciprocal relationship between these two important elements of society. Culture consists of all the shared products of human society, both the objects and subjective elements. Culture influences all aspects of individuals living in society. In fact, as Parsons pointed out, the social system and cultural system cannot exist independent of one another and any such distinction is made only for the sake of abstraction and analysis. Culture forms the platform for all other social institutions including, family, kinship, science, economy, polity, and religion.
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to the use of the general public.Thus, the article does away with caste discriminations and Article 16 guaranteed equality of opportunity in matters of employment. Article 25-to 30-guarantee freedom of religion, of culture and language. Article 30 also guarantees to minorities the right to establish their own educational institutions. These Articles from 25 to 30 are extremely significant as far as minority rights are concerned, the minorities could be religious or linguistic. Though our constitution is secular, originally the word secularism did not occur in it. It was during emergency in mid-seventies that the words secular and socialist were added and India was described as secular and socialist republic. But the words secularism or secular were not defined. According to H.M.Seervais Constitutional Law of India , Realizing that the words secular and socialist required to be defined, the 45th amendment bill (which became the 44th amendment) proposed an amendment of article 366 by inserting definitions of the words secular and socialist. However, this amendment was not accepted by the Council of States. Consequently the words secular and socialist have remained undefined. But a footnote to this gives the proposed amendment defines secularism thus: Article 366 of the Constitution shall be renumbered as clause (2) of that article and before clause (2) as so numbered, the following clause shall be inserted, namely, (1) in the preamble to the Constitution the expression secular means a republic in which there is equal respect for all religions. Thus, we see the words secular and secularism remain undefined in the Indian Constitution.Secularism in the Indian Constitution connotes that: (1) the state, by itself, shall not espouse or establish or practice any religion, (2) public revenues will not be used to promote any religion, (3) the state shall have the power to regulate any economic, financial or other secular activity associated with religious practice (Article 25(2) (a) of the constitution);
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Moral Pluralism Moral pluralism refers to the existence of thoughtful, contrasting interpretations of moral matters. The use of moral principles, such as those discussed in this chapter, does not lead to one clear and certain conclusion. For example, a committee might adopt these principles and yet conclude differently about the morality of capital punishment. Schools of thought exist in virtually all areas of human inquiry, including the range of moral issues. Nonetheless, the principles outlined above provide a reasoned framework for moral discourse, a distinct alternative to relativism.
6. EDUCATION
Yashpal Committee Report A university is a place where new ideas germinate, strike roots and grow tall and sturdy. It is a unique space, which covers the entire universe of knowledge. It is a place where creative minds converge, interact with each other and construct visions of new realities. Established notions of truth are challenged in the pursuit of knowledge. To be able to do all this, universities have to be autonomous spaces. They are diverse in their design and organization, reflecting the unique historical and socio-cultural settings in which they have grown. This diversity reflects the organic links that they have with their surroundings, which are not only physical but cultural as well. Through research and teaching, they create, evaluate and bring about advances in knowledge and culture. The principle of moral and intellectual autonomy from political authority and economic power is ingrained in the very idea of the university. This autonomy ensures freedom in research and training and it is expected that the governments and the society would respect this fundamental principle. Teaching and research have to be inseparable, because the task of the university is not only to impart knowledge to young people but also to give them opportunities to create their own knowledge. Active and constant engagement with the young minds and hearts of the society also implies that the universities are to serve the society as a whole, and in order to achieve this, considerable investment in continuing education is essential. The slow but increasing democratization of higher education in India has meant that the university is no longer the preserve of the children of the elite, or of the educated / professional middle-class. As more youngsters from a different segment of society enter the universities, they look at higher education as a means to transcend the class barriers. Consequently, university education is no longer viewed as a good in itself, but also as the stepping-stone into a higher orbit of the job market, where the student expects a concrete monetary return, and consequently in this perception, the university of today is expected to be in tune with the emerging needs of the society. Even so, graduates should be sufficiently exposed to interdisciplinary experiences, which can sustain them when the demands of a particular job market changes.
7. PHILOSOPHICAL ESSAYS
In India Democracy is way of Life For us in India, democracy is not just a way of life, it is the way of life. For our nation the defining principle has been and will always be Unity in Diversity. This is the idea of India. Our unity has been forged through the institutions and values of democracy. Indeed the fundamental premise behind our governance system is that every Indian is a free person. We seek salvation for ourselves through the framework of an open society and an open economy. Today, it is with pride as an Indian that recognize the extent to which our democratic experience is regarded abroad with admiration. India is a multi-religious and multicultural society. Democracy and the respect for fundamental human freedoms and for the rule of law do provide a congenial environment for development. Democracy is a method of government by persuasion and discussion. The core of democracy is choice. Democracy is incompatible to any form of idea e.g. socialism, collectivism,or capitalism. Democratic society is always open to ideas and views.It entertains plurality of ideas and arrives at an agreed line of action by comparing them, ironing
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out the difference and forming a composition.The word Socialism was purposely avoided though many of the tenets of socialism were included as the DPSP. The constitution must allow future parliaments to function freely without being tied to a particular political agenda. All parliaments must be allowed the freedom to choose and adopt the best in the prevailing circumstances. The Preamble to our constitution says, We the people of India, having solemnly resolved to constitute Indiainto a Sovereign Democratic Republic It has been further said in the preamble itself that Indian democracy will secure to all its citizens social, economic and political justice, liberty of thought, expression, belief and faith and equality of status and opportunity. In the past it guaranteed only political rights, but now it is also striving to secure economic rights as well. Abraham Lincoln in his famous speech at Gettysberg described democracy as government of the people , by the people ,for the people. Democracy is slightly more than that. Apart from political it is social also. It envisages not only a democratic form of government but a society in which there is free exchange of ideas and each individual enjoys the same status in society. Democracy is a way of life in India .It has grown deep roots. The making of democratic India was not only result of an ideological preference ,but a pragmatic understanding of ground realities. There is no doubt that the present age is the age of democracy, and it has developed into a very strong movement all over the world. Even the Communist countries, which reject the basic western philosophy of democracy, call themselves peoples democracy. India not only survived but flourished as a democracy. An important aspect of the Indian democratic resilience is the ability to adapt and accommodate to changing realities. In a democracy ,economic reforms are an exercise in political persuasion and management and yet our direction remains clear as also our determination to deepen the reform process. Many countries have been unable to resist the temptation of achieving certain economic goals at the cost of effectively curtailing the right of dissent and the freedom of expression .But in India the democratic spirit been instrumental in creating change. The triumph of Indian democracy was that it accommodated the sentiments behind the secessionist tendencies and provided solutions within the framework of the Indian union.The Indian people have used their democratic prerogative to mandate a coalition government in New Delhi- when this happen ,many observers at home and abroad jumped to the conclusion that India was on the brink of instability and would soon become ungovernable. Almost all the parliamentary democracies of the Europe have passed through coalition systems to arrive at stable two-party systems ,even now, several European countries are governed by coalitions. Pt. Nehru 's prescient caution to the political classes of our country when he said that more than external aggression ,the greatest threat to India's unity and independence would be he rise of communal politics and religious politics. Liberty,Equality and Fraternity generally in all constitutions of the whole world.But Justice is unique feature of our constitution.Democracy succeeded so far because of visions of the leaders and democratic temper of the people but distortions continues when whole state get hijacked during election days. Democratisation of country's political and government institutions with greater representation of the rural population and weaker sections of the Indian society.The expansion of literacy and the experience of electoral politics spread over the last five decades have qualitatively raised level of political consciousness and socio-eco expectations among the people.There is lack of charismatic leadership and national appeal cutting across considerations of caste,religion, language regional and ethnic afflictions.National parties have to depend on coalition arrangement changed the sociological and economic impulses of domestic politics. Democracy is slow ,painful but definite process.All political parties remain completely committed to democratic institutions.India has a non-political permanent civil administration and military establishment.Conviction among the people that contradictions emanating from the diversities and pluralities have to be resolved through democratic means.For a democracy to be truly great,people must not only have the freedom of choice -not between the bad and the worse,but between the best and the better.
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and devolution are simply the technical methods of efficient administration. The meaning and scope of decentralisation are much wider and deeper. It is a process of democratisation of political power and thereby aims at achieving democratic values in practice. To make the distinction more clear Panchayati Raj is an example of deszntralisation. State governments in India demanding for more powers, amounts to devolution. The District Collector, being vested with authority over development departments in the district is an example of deconcentration. The Commissioner of Police delegating powers to permit holding of public meeting to the Assistant Commissioner of the concerned area is an example of delegation.
IMPORTANCE OF DECENTRALISATION
Development--Administration is basically oriented towards speedy socioeconomic transformation. Hence, throughout the developing world there is universal concern now to design new forms of administration to match the needs of development. Decentralisation has been looked at as a singularly useful mode of administration to deliver the public services from convenient local centres close to the clients' locality. Bringing administration to the doorstep of the citizen and establishing a direct relationship between the client and the administration have been the driving force behind dectiilralisation in most of the developing countries. The urge for decentralisation has come from many sources. Firstly, it has been prompted by the need to deliver the basic public goods like food, housing, water from local units of administration as soon as possible. Secondly, most people in the developing countries live in rural areas which are away from the National Capital located in distant urban area. Administration has to 'penetrate' the rural areas and link these up with the nation as a whole. Thirdly, in many countries sociological diversities manifest themselves in ethnic, linguistic and religious differences. Administration needs to be decentralised in response to regional diversities. Fourthly, regional and local resources can be utilised for area development purposes, only if administration would move out to the regions and localities. Decentralisation, therefore, facilitates local planning and development with the help of local resourcks. Fifthly, decentralisation has its own value in political and administrative terms. Politically, local participation in development activities, with intensive responses paves the way for meaningful articulation of local demands. Planning, thus, becomes much more realistic and receives ready political support. From the administrative point of view, local capability to govern local areas increases through sustained participation in local decisionmaking. Decentralisation is expected to release local energies and enlist local support for development activities. In the process, the local community can steadily attain political and administrative maturity.
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government is thus a major political commitment. In the absence of such commitment, devolution to subnational governments, including self-governing bodies, will remain more in law than in practice. This leads to what Fesler has called 'illusory decentralisation'. Both Panchayati Raj and municipal government in India represent to a considerable extent this sort of faqade devolution. The administrative approach to decentralisation is motivated by efficiency criterion. Enhancement of administrative rationality becomes necessary. When field administrative units are set up through a process of deconcentration, the measure is considered appropriate for field level decision-making and prompt problem solving. In this process, administiative units might come up at many levels between the locality and the central (state) headquarters. With more and more demand for specialised functions, multiplicity of functional departments would appear at the field level. The administrative situation gradually presents a picture of polarisation between general area-based administrative demands and specific function-centred claims of particular functional departments. Currently, district administration in India is faced with this problem of area-function duality. Decentralisation in administrative terms may not therefore always guarantee 'clarity of authority and orderliness of operations'. To promote such operational principles, conscious attempts are needed to readjust from time to time the conflicting claims of area and functions in deconcentrated field administration. Finally, the dual role approach, as Fesler puts it, is a kind of rehearsal of the area function dichotomy in a new setting. Decentralisation is placed within a larger context of development and change, as distinguished from maintenance of status quo. Conceived in administrative terms, the dual role approach seeks to highlight the conflict in field administration between tradition and change. Most field administrative systems were evolved in an earlier era mainly to maintain the established order, to collect revenue and to keep things from going wrong. Almost all the developing countries that have inherited the colonial field system are seeking to bring about speedy social and economic change. As a consequence there has been a radical change in the functions of field administration. To quote Fesler, "The intent is to change established ways of doing things so as to carry economic and social. development forward rapidly. This contrasts with the status quo orientation of a field system geared to maintenance of the established order and may conflict with the personal orientation of field generalists so chosen and trained as to identify themselves with the classes, families, and other groups who constitute the 'establishment'." Resolution of conflict between two different orientations in field administration calls for adaptation of decentralisation to changing circumstances. The theme is not unfamiliar to Indian administration in general and to district administration in particular.
TYPES OF DECENTRALISATION
Four different types of decentralisation can be identified, viz., administrative, functional, political and geographical. Administrative decentralisation refers to decentralisation of authority to the lower officials in the administrative hierarchy of organisations. It may also mean decentralisation powers or functions to the subordinate units. Functional decentralisation implies that the functions are decentralised to the specialised units or departments like education or health. We are all aware that Panchayati Raj agencies are units of decentralisation wherein political powers of decision making are decentralised from state governments to panchayats, samitis and zilla parishads. Finally, in geographical decentralisation, the powers and functions of headquarters decentralised to the field departments of the state government, which are fhrther decentralised to their field officers at the regional and district levels. This facilitates quick decision-making keeping in view the local requirements.
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in the charge of Government officials, the Members of the Governor's Executive Council. The Act of 1935 for the first time introduced a federal form of Government and conferred 'Provincial Autonomy' on the provinces subject to certain safeguards. This process of decentralisation of powers from the central government to the provincial governments was deliberately pursued during British rule for a variety of reasons such as administrative convenience, political pressure generated by the national freedom struggle, and the need for political accommodation of the elite and the intelligentsia. There was another kind of decentralisation effort noticeable during the colonial rule: the policy of setting up local self-governing bodies in urban and rural areas. It is this form of decentralisation at the grassroots level that continues to raise doubts and debates even today, and this 'decentralisation debate' has assumed considerable significance in recent times for two important reasons: first, poverty alleviation and social justice have become a major political agenda; institutional decentralisation, in this context, is being debated. Second, the Panchayati Raj institutions have been languishing in most states; absence of a constitutional guarantee has been diagnosed as the cause of Panchayati Raj decay. The mode of constitutional protection of Panchayati Raj became a debatable proposition since the proposal was first mooted by the previous Government. Pre-Independence Period The decentralisation debate during colonial rule can be traced to the famous Ripon Resolution of 1882. To train the Indians in the art of governance, to enable them to learn from experience and to open up avenues for political participation of the educated class, Ripon strongly advocated the cause of decentralisation of administration through the establishment of local self-governing institutions. The British administrators were not prepared to accept the Ripon thesis as they questioned the competence of Indians to manage local administration and feared a general weakening of field administration under a local self-government regime. The debate was essentially over the choice of values: democracy or efficiency. With the rising tempo of freedom struggle, the imperial policy had to however willingly concede Indian demands for self-government and participation in administration. Post-Independence Period The second phase of the decentralisation debate in post-Independence India was staged on the floor of the Constituent Assembly. Panchayati Raj was an important component of Mahatma Gandhi's vision of future India in which economic and political power would be decentralised and each village would be self-reliant economically. It was in accordance with the wishes of the Mahatma Gandhi that Article 40 of the Constitution of India was adopted stipulating that "the state shall take steps to organise village panchayats and endow them with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to finctions as units of self government." Dr. B.R. Ambedlaar, however, had a different view of the Indian rural society. He argued in the Constituent Assembly that the Indian social structure at the village Cevel was hierarchical, oppressive and insensitive to change. In his view, it would be dangerous to give powers to the panchayats as he thought that would mean giving powers to the prevailing rural power structure which would work to the detriment of the harijans and the rural poor. Two contrasting views about decentralisation had thus surfaced in the Constituent Assembly; a visionary stand point of decentralisation and a realistic view of decentralisation. Any scheme of decentralisation presupposes a harmonious society. As Dantwala has observed: "In an unequal society, democratic or decentralised political or planning mechanisms do not succeed in ensuring genuine people's participation." The Galidhian vision of village society is a normative model that serves the purpose of a guidepost. But the reality of rural life and the experiences of Panchayati Raj in India seems to have' largely confirmed the belief of Dr. Ambedkar. It is interesting, in this context, to note the observations of the Asoka Mehta Committee on Panchayati Raj Institutions: "Panchayati Raj institutions are dbminated by economically and socially privileged sections of society and have as such facilitated the emergence of oligarchic forces yielding no benefits to weaker sections." The decentralisation debate has its roots at the conceptual level. The concept of Panchayati Raj has been far from clear and as the Asoka Mehta Committee commented: "Some would treat it just as an administrative agency; others as an extension of democracy at the grassroots level; and still others as a charter .of rural local government."
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The bureaucracy-democracy debate over decentralisation which is a.4 old as the Ripon reforms of the late nineteenth century has been rehearsed in recent times as well. When it came to entrusting local developmental responsibilities, most state governments opted for their official field machinery and virtually bypassed the Panchayati Raj institutions. As the Asoka Mehta Committee reported, some of the state governments would postpone the holding of elections or supersede the Panchayati Raj institutions for one reason or the other. "The lukewarm attitude of the political elite at higher levels towards strengthening of the democratic process at the grassroots was generally the crux of the matter." Recent Trends in Decentralisation Even with our development planning experience of more than four decades, there is no sign of abatement of poverty and social injustice in the form of oppression of the harijans and the rural poor. One important reason for this state of affairs that has been widely acknowledged in centralised administration and planning and languishing popular institutions at the grassroots level. At the end of 1985, this point was clearly brought out by the G.V.K. Rao Committee on Administrative Arrangements for Rural Development (CARD). The Committee emphasised the importance of local initiative in local development and recommended revitalisation of the Panchayati Raj institutions. Research findings revealed that the developmental process had gradually been bureaucratised and divorced from the Panchayati Raj institutions leading to what has been aptly termed as "Grass without Roots". To quote one study: "The basic reason for the failure of rural development and poverty alleviation programmes is the exclusion of the people from participation in the development process and the abandonment of the institutions of democratic decentralisation and the related electoral process." The G.V.K. Rao Committee came out with a blue print of a decentralised system of field administration with Panchayati Raj playing the lead role in local planning and development. Another novel decentralisation plan below the state level has been advocated by Nirmal Mukherji through devolution of politica! powers to directly elected "district governments" in India. Such a decentralisation plan will of course virtually affect the Panchayati Raj structure from the district to the the other committee to bemoan the languishing of grassroots democracy is the L.M. Singhvi Committee on Revitalisation of PRIs for Democracy and Development (1986). The Panchayati Raj institutions, as the Committee has observed "have become moribund and ... they have been denuded of their promise and vitality". To revive Panchayati Raj, the Committee recommended that "local self-government should be constitutionally recognised, protected and preserved by the inclusion of a new chapter in the Constitution". This has since been achieved through the 73rd Constitutional Amendment, 1992, that accords Constitutional status to Panchayati Raj Institutions. At the same time, municipal bodies have been accorded Constitutional status under the 74th Amendment, 1992.
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domain. Because of the hold of the political parties, and the practice of the local politicians being 'nominees' of the politicians at the state and national level, the very purpose of decentralisation gets defeated. Socially and culturally also if the society is paternalistic this concept of paternalism also gets transferred to the administrative structures. And this results either in the superior officer acting like a patriarch habituated to giving orders to the officials at the local levels or conversely the officials at the lower level resent every order, or decision or even suggestion on part of their superiors as undesirable imposition. The very spirit of decentralisation of power lies in the fact that we recognise that there are levels of decision-making and at each level we have personnel competent enough to take decisions at their level. The success or failure of decentralisation, therefore, to a very great extent depends on the mentality and attitude of the superior authorities towards their subordinate authorities; whether or not it is based on trust and confidence. The process of decentralising powers to the lower levels of governance had been going on since the preIndependence days. The motives, assumptions and political-administrative compulsions have, however, differed from age to age. Since Independence, India has been experimenting with decentralisation and development. The establishment of Panchayati Raj institutions, on the recommendations of the Balwant Rai Mehta Committee (1957), was a landmark in the history of decentralised development. For a variety of reasons, the Panchayati Raj institutions could not play the desired role and in most states the institutions languished for want of political production and administrative and financial support. Reports of commissions and committees and many research studies have pointed out the danger of continued neglect of the grassroots institutions, both for the health of Indian democracy and for bringing about meaningful local development with active popular participation. The Constitutional amendments - 73rd (for Panchayati Raj) and 74th (for Municipal Bodies) - have since been enacted, granting Constitutional status to local government. The 'decentralisation debate' has assumed considerable significance in recent times for various reasons as discussed in this Unit. There is the need to deepen democracy. People at the grass roots level need to be "empowered". And, above all, participatory development is possible, and becomes a reality only with decentralisation. In this Unit allattempt was made to discuss the approaches, types of decentralisation, evolution of the system of decentralisation in India. It also highlighted the recent trends, and hnctioning of institutions of decentralisation in India and factors impeding decentralisation. Autonomy to Panchayats Within the Constitutional framework, Panchayats is a State subject. Under Article 243G, State legislatures may endow Panchayats with powers and authority to enable them to function as institutions of self-government and plan and implement schemes for economic development and social justice including on matters listed in the Eleventh Schedule. As per Article 243A a Gram Sabha may exercise such power and perform such functions as the legislature of a State may, by law, provide. States vary in the extent to which they have devolved powers to the Panchayats. Ministry of Panchayati Raj (MoPR) has constantly urged the Union Ministries and States/UTs to devolve functions, funds and functionaries (3Fs) to the Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs) and strengthen Gram Sabhas. MoPR has issued advisories to the States on Panchayat finances, manpower for the Panchayats, effective devolution of the 3 Fs through Activity Mapping and effective functioning of the Gram Sabhas. Under the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), the Gram Sabhas in the Scheduled Areas are empowered to safeguard community resources and the customary way of life. Gram Sabhas have been given the right to be consulted with respect to land alienation, resettlement and rehabilitation and grant of mining licences for minor minerals. In addition, the Gram Sabhas have been given ownership of Minor Forest Produce (MFP), control over sale and manufacture of intoxicants, control over money-lending, power to restore alienated land and control over functionaries in the social sector. While the nine PESA States have amended their Panchayati Raj Acts in accordance with PESA, several subject laws relating to mining, forests, money-lending, excise, etc. remain inconsistent with PESA. MoPR has given detailed guidelines on 21.05.2010 to the PESA States on effective implementation of PESA.
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MoPR has issued a detailed advisory dated 19 January, 2009 to Central ministries and States on the role and responsibilities of the Panchayats and Gram Sabhas in CSSs. The Backward Regions Grant Fund (BRGF) administered by MoPR as an Additional Central Assistance (ACA) to States is planned and implemented by the Panchayats and Urban Local Bodies. The BRGF provides untied funds for meeting development needs that are identified through decentralized, participatory planning in which the Gram Sabhas have a key role. No funds are provided directly to the Panchayats by MoPR. Apart from periodically reviewing the working of the PRIs with the State Governments, MoPR prepares State of the Panchayat Reports (SoPRs). Under the Panchayat Empowerment and Accountability Incentive Scheme (PEAIS), MoPR assesses the extent of devolution of 3 Fs by the States as per a Devolution Index, prepared through an independent agency. From 2011-12, the scheme has been expanded to include the assessment of Panchayat performance. It has been noticed that despite the Constitutional stipulations, the functioning of the Panchayats is hampered due to inadequate devolution of 3Fs. Capacities of the Panchayats as well as Gram Sabhas need to be strengthened considerably in terms of infrastructure, manpower, ICT etc. Under schemes like BRGF and Rashtriya Gram Swaraj Yojana (RGSY), MoPR provides support for various capacity building activities. States are also incentivized under the PEAIS to devolve 3 Fs to Panchayats.
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