Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Conspiracy Theory
Conspiracy Theory
```Impact/Advantage Answers```
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 125
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
All Impacts
The aff can never solve for any human caused impacts, like war, because all of those
impacts are caused by reptilian mind control - as long as reptilians exist in the world
humans will never have full control of their own thoughts and action
Lewis, professor at Montclair State University and Kahn, professor at Antioch University 5
(Tyson and Richard, 'The Reptoid ypothesis: Utopian and Dystopian Representational MotiIs in David Icke`s
Alien Conspiracy Theory, Utopian Societies, volume: 16 no. 1, 2005, p. 10-11, 6/27/11 CW)
Mirroring a number oI claims made by the political Iar-right, Icke asserts a standard
conspiracy-culture line that the pure Aryan bloodline has ruled the planet throughout history,
though he is unique in developing it in an exocultural direction. In Icke`s mind, Aryan lizards
have been Sumerian kings, Egyptian pharaohs, and, in more recent history, American presidents
and British prime ministers. According to Icke, 43 American presidents, including George
Washington and George W. Bush, are direct reptoid-lineage descendants, and the Queen Mother
herself was ~seriously reptilian (Children 79). In Iact, it is at this point that much oI Icke`s work
has its most enduring interest, by providing historical critique that is at once trenchant political
analysis mixed with what reads like an over-the-top satire in the tradition oI Jonathan SwiIt. 7 In
this respect, Icke`s work includes any number oI accountings oI how world leaders and other
Iamous personalities, in order to satiate their reptilian bloodlust, take part in ritualistic sacriIices
and pedophilic activities that include kidnapping, hedonistic drug parties, and brutal murder. Icke
himselI theorizes that such obscene acts as these typiIy the diIIerence between alien-kind and
humanity and that they are necessary else the Aryan-reptilians lose their temporary human Iorm
and revert to their original reptoid physiognomy. Again Iollowing the prevailing exocultural
explanation, Icke claims that in order to maintain their position oI world domination down
through the centuries, the Aryan lizards have created a secret society known as the Freemasons
or Illuminati. The Illuminati are the grand historical puppet masters, presiding over all human
activities through indirect channels of control and manipulation. From the innermost secretive
'Round Table, a handIul oI reptilian masterminds directs the course oI human events via a
network oI international organizations such as the Council on Foreign Relations, The Trilateral - -
1111Commission, The Bilderberg Group, the IMF, World Bank, and the United Nations (Children
339). The plan is quite simply 'to complete their Iinancial control oI the human race (Children
345). In order to maintain their anonymity and deIlect attention away Irom their ubiquitous
presence in international Iinance and politics, Icke believes that the Illuminati are very interested
in mind control. The media and the Internet are two powerful tools that they have developed to
achieve mind control over the general populace. In Icke`s conspiratorial schema, 'The media, in
turn, get their news` and information` overwhelmingly from official sources, which, like the
media itself, are owned by the reptilian bloodline (Children 260). Commenting on the Internet
conspiracy, Icke writes, 'The Internet is an Illuminati creation and only exists because of
military technology. . . . It allows for the easiest possible surveillance of personal
communications through e-mails, and the websites visited by individuals give the authorities the
opportunity to build a personality and knowledge profile of everyone. It`s about control
(Children 415). The Internet, then, is just another step towards perIect surveillance oI the human
race. The ~most important goal of the Illuminati is, according to Icke, ~a micro-chipped
population (Children 368). Once a microchip is inserted into the human body, each individual
will be tracked using a global positioning satellite. Thus in the 21st century the reptoids have
gone digital, inventing and deploying new information technologies that will further suppress the
truth, expand the scope of surveillance, and restrict individual freedoms.
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 126
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
AT: Russia, China, Terrorism Impacts
Russia, China, terrorism, etc impacts are all just coverup for planetary defense initiatives
by the shadow government
de Gourdon, Editorial Board of the World Affairs 1ournal, 9 (Come Carpentier, 'The Global Crisis
and the Ultimate Secret oI the Empire, Exopolitics Journal 3:2, July,p. 68-9, http://exopoliticsjournal.com/vol-
3/vol-3-2-Carpentier.pdI)sbl
3. Some researchers , especially Michael Salla and his colleagues in the realm oI Exopolitics, Paola arris,
AlIred Lambremont Webre, Stephen Bassett, NASA astronaut Edgar Mitchell, Greer, Victor Viggiani and
others, (supported at least in part by many ~whistle blowers and by various high level government
officials such as the Iormer DeIence Minister Paul ellyer Irom Canada, Admiral Lord ill Norton, Iormer
ChieI oI the British DeIence StaII, French DeIence Minister Robert Galley and General Bernard Norlain,
once ill Norton's counterpart in the French Air Force, the late Colonel Philip Corso Irom the USA, Dr.
Jacques Patenet, Director oI GEIPAN at the CNES (the French NASA), ProI. Jean-Claude Ribes, associate
director oI the National Institute Ior Astronomy and Geophysics, France and Nick Pope who headed the
'UFO Desk at the UK's Ministry oI DeIence) have concluded that certain government agencies,
especially the military-industrial administration symbolized by the Pentagon, linked with the
Intelligence complex led by the CIA and NSA, have accumulated substantial information on the
~alien presence and activity.
Paul Hellyer said as much in his address to the 2006 Exopolitics ConIerence in awaii: ' It appears that
real government has passed from elected accountable representatives of the people to an unelected,
unaccountable elite group of senior government officials and industrial leaders . This is the covert
state that Senator Daniel K Inouye oI awaii described as ~a shadowy government with its own Air
Force, Navy and fundraising mechanism.free from the law itself ... which Lewis Laphan called the
'permanent government as opposed to the visible elected one.
In this regard, the statement made to Clark McClelland, Mission Operations Monitor Ior NASA on 16 July
1969 at Kennedy Space Center during the launch oI Apollo 11 by Senator Barry Goldwater, a long-standing
member oI the select committee on Intelligence, is conclusive: 'The UFO situation is at the highest level oI
national security. Much higher than the Bomb.
The implication is that the aforesaid agencies, known or unknown to the public, have used this
inIormation - and possible access - to further their goals of global domination, justified by the imperative
of planning for ~planetary defence against any and all invaders from space , camouflaged as national
security preparations against a foreign enemy, formerly defined as the USSR and now as China,
Russia and accessorily the international Islamic threat, embodied either by an amorphous terrorist
network such as Al Qaida or by a regional power like Iran. This broadly was the initial conclusion
reached by M W Cooper in his brochure 'The Secret Government - the origins, identity and purpose oI MJ-
12.2
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 127
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
AT: Nuclear War
Aliens will prevent nuclear war from causing extinction because it threatens them too
Salla, recently at American University, Center for Global Peace, 6
(Michael, August 12, , 'Divine Strake vs. Divine Strike` Did Extraterrestrials Deter the Pentagon Irom a
Preemptive Nuclear War Against Iran?, Exopolitics Research Study #11, http://www.exopolitics.org/Study-Paper-
11.htm)
In an article analyzing Velasco`s correlation oI UFOs and nuclear weapons, French UFO researcher, Eric
Julien speculates that the use of nuclear weapons affects the time/space continuum in ways that disrupt
UF/extraterrestrial navigation and propulsion systems.|20| e argues that there is a correlation between
UFO behavior around nuclear tests and 74 alleged UFO crashes documented in Ryan Wood's book, Majic
Eyes Only (2006). This is used to support Julien`s thesis that nuclear testing negatively aIIects UFOs by
impacting the space-time continuum they use to navigate to Earth. In his book, The Science oI
Extraterrestrials, Julien argues that atomic explosions directly impact on the space-time continuum that they
occupy.|21| This suggests that use of nuclear weapons threaten the civilizations of extraterrestrials who
use space-time to travel and to establish bases oI operation on or near the vicinity oI the earth.
Based on historical precedents described by Salas and Dedrickson, it appears that extraterrestrials have the
capacity to deactivate nuclear weapons while either in storage or in Ilight, and to destroy nuclear weapons
while in flight. Consequently, extraterrestrials could give warnings through their communications with
individuals and military oIIicials oI impending action to prevent the possible use of nuclear weapons. If
these warnings went unheeded then extraterrestrials could take a range oI defensive measures based on
their influence over key policy makers and institutions, and their ability to impact on the capacities oI
nations to use nuclear weapons. Such measures could culminate in a coordinated set of extraterrestrial
responses, a Divine Strike`, to prevent the Bush administration launching a preemptive nuclear war against
Iran. These responses may have been communicated and/or displayed, and actively deterred the US
military from pursuing a preemptive nuclear attack against Iran.
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 128
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
AT: Nuclear War
We will be saved from nuclear war in 2012 by aliens
Subramanium, Executive Director of Saksoft, 2004 (N.K., SaksoIt is a leading provider oI InIormation
Management Solutions , 'Remote viewing Tibetan monks see Extra Terrestrial powers saving the World Irom
destroying itselI in 2012 India Daily, http://www.indiadaily.com/editorial/12-26-04.asp, Accessed: 6/22/11, SL)
In 2012, the world will start plunging into a total destructive nuclear war. And at that time something
remarkable will happen, says, Buddhist monk oI Tibet. Supernatural divine powers will intervene. The destiny of the
world is not to self-destruct at this time. ScientiIic interpretation oI the monks` statements makes it evident that the
Extra Terrestrial powers are watching us every step of the way. They will intervene in 2012 and save
the world from self-destruction. When asked about recent UFO sightings in India and China, the monks smiled and said the
divine powers are watching us all. Mankind cannot and will not be allowed to alter the future to that great
extent. Every human being though their current acts in liIe called 'Karma can alter the Iuture lives to some extent, but changing the
destiny in that large extent will not be allowed to that great an extent. Monks also mentioned that beyond 2012 our current
civilization would understand that the final frontier of science and technology is in area of spirituality
and not material physics and chemistry. Beyond 2012, out technologies will take a different direction.
People will learn the essence of spirituality, the relation between body and the soul, the reincarnation
and the fact we are connected with each other are all part of ~God. In India and China UFO sightings have
increased in many Iolds. Many say the Chinese and Indian Governments are being contacted by the Extra
Terrestrials. In recent days most UF activities have been seen in those countries who have indigenously
developed Nuke capabilities. When asked iI these extra-terrestrials will show up in reality in 2012, the answers remote viewers
are giving is: they will reveal themselves in such a way that none oI us scared. They will reveal themselves only iI they have to. As
our science and technology progresses, we are destined to see them and interact with them any way.
According to the remote viewers, our earth is blessed and is being saved continuously from all kinds of hazards
all the time that we are not even aware of. As our technologies progress we will realize how external Iorces saved us.
Aliens will shut down the nuclear weapons
Bloxham, assistant news editor for the Daily Telegraph 10 (Allen, Sept. 27, 'Aliens have deactivated
British and US nuclear missiles, say US military pilots,
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/newstopics/howaboutthat/uIo/8026971/Aliens-have-deactivated-British-and-US-
nuclear-missiles-say-US-military-pilots.html)
One oI the men, Capt Robert Salas, said: "The US Air Force is lying about the national security
implications of unidentified aerial objects at nuclear bases and we can prove it."
e said said he witnessed such an event first-hand on March 16, 1967, at Malmstrom Air Force Base in
Montana which housed Minuteman nuclear missiles.
Capt Salas continued: "I was on duty when an object came over and hovered directly over the site.
"The missiles shut down - 10 Minuteman missiles. And the same thing happened at another site a week
later. There's a strong interest in our missiles by these objects, wherever they come Irom. I personally
think they're not from planet Earth."
Others claim to have seen similar activity in the UK.
Col Charles Halt said he saw a UF at the former military base RAF Bentwaters, near Ipswich, 30 years
ago, during which he saw beams of light fired into the base then heard on the military radio that aliens
had landed inside the nuclear storage area.
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 129
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
AT: Extinction Impacts
Aliens will help us during the tribulation
Daust and Santorossa, psychics, 2000 (Danielle owner oI Global Psychics- and Bob, 'The Intervention: a
time oI tribulation beIore ascension or transmigration Global Psychics Inc., http://globalpsychics.com/enlightening-
you/prophecy/aliens-tribulation.shtml, Accessed: 6/22/11, SL)
Benevolent Aliens - elp Waiting in the Wings
The benevolent aliens will help us clean up the damage done to the earth (they have awesome technologies Ior
this), this will happen from year 2 to year 8, after the year 0 which is the beginning of the tribulation
period (years 0-2). They will be summoned by divine messengers sent to Earth during this time.during the
above years, some will seek to dominate Earth, or what's leIt, but will be unsuccessful, largely because oI what
Iollows...during this period, religions will still be around but humanity will note many spiritual
exchanges with the divine and will wonder what is happening to them; but the exchanges will be pleasant,
much will be spoken about this phenomenon and this is when the divine messengers and the spiritual hierarchies on earth
explain what is to become oI Earth and humanity. This is when humanity will compare "notes" with these other
benevolent entities (there is more than one group here) and see that they were not alone, not only in creation,
but, not alone in appreciation of Creator and the divine hierarchies, which humanity will begin to
explore in this time period. These entities will show humanity how to do this and they will participate
in the years five to eight of the transformation period, so that this awareness may occur in humanity. As
explained, humanity will feel an awakening, they will receive assistance from other benevolent entities.
(Humanity will) begin to see these entities, there will be no fear, for there will be trust, for they will feel
and see the great works of these entities. They are beginning to come, culminating in the years Iive to eight, the coming
transIormation oI mother earth.Exchanges will occur, humanity will Ieel they are about technology, instead, they will be exchanges oI
the spirit. Humanity will learn from these entities what is to come in the spiritual revolution. Then they
will be told about these entities history, Earth's history as they know it, and the revolution which occurred
to the entities and which must transpire on earth. Humanity will be made aware of how nature
evolved. These benevolent entities, will contact earth, for they are of great wisdom, great love, great spirituality,
so that earth will not fear. They will create a reality which will warm the conversion oI spirituality in humanity and total
rehabilitation oI earth. These entities will glow with the energy oI Creator to show humanity all that is possible.
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 130
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
AT: Global Warming
Global Warming is completely fabricated-no risk of species or human extinction
Robinson and Robinson, chemists at regon Institute of Science and Medicine, 97
|Arthur B. and Zachary W, Wall Street Journal, 'Science as Spoken: Global Warming Is a Myth 1997,
http://stephenschneider.stanIord.edu/Publications/PDFPapers/RobinsonAndRobinson.pdI, accessed 6/25/11, K|
The global-warming hypothesis, however, is no longer tenable. Scientists have been able to test it careIully,
and it does not hold up. During the past 50 years, as atmospheric carbon dioxide levels have risen, scientists
have made precise measurements of atmospheric temperature. These measurements have deIinitively shown that
major atmospheric greenhouse warming of the atmosphere is not occurring and is unlikely ever to
occur. The temperature oI the atmosphere Iluctuates over a wide range, the result oI solar activity and other inIluences. During the
past 3,000 years, there have been five extended periods when it was distinctly warmer than today. One oI the
two coldest periods, known as the Little Ice Age, occurred 300 years ago. Atmospheric temperatures have been rising
from that low for the past 300 years, but remain below the 3,000-year average. Why are temperatures rising?
The Iirst chart nearby shows temperatures during the past 250 years, relative to the mean temperature Ior 1951-70. The same chart shows
the length oI the solar magnetic cycle during the same period. Close correlation between these two parameters--the
shorter the solar cycle (and hence the more active the sun), the higher the temperature--demonstrates, as do other
studies, that the gradual warming since the Little Ice Age and the large fluctuations during that warming have been
caused by changes in solar activity. The highest temperatures during this period occurred in about 1940. During the past
20 years, atmospheric temperatures have actually tended to go down, as shown in the second chart, based on very
reliable satellite data, which have been conIirmed by measurements Irom weather balloons. Consider what this means Ior the global-
warming hypothesis. This hypothesis predicts that global temperatures will rise significantly, indeed
catastrophically, iI atmospheric carbon dioxide rises. Most oI the increase in atmospheric carbon dioxide has occurred during the past 50
years, and the increase has continued during the past 20 years. Yet there has been no signiIicant increase in atmospheric
temperature during those 50 years, and during the 20 years with the highest carbon dioxide levels,
temperatures have decreased. In science, the ultimate test is the process oI experiment. II a hypothesis Iails the experimental
test, it must be discarded. ThereIore, the scientific method requires that the global warming hypothesis be
rejected. So we needn't worry about human use of hydrocarbons warming the Earth. We also needn't worry
about environmental calamities, even iI the current, natural warming trend continues: AIter all the Earth has been much
warmer during the past 3,000 years without ill effects.
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 131
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
AT: Global Warming
Global Warming is scientifically impossible-government conspiracy
The Brussels 1ournal, 2/12/2007
|The Brussels Journal, 'Global Warming is a Myth, 2/12/2007, http://www.brusselsjournal.com/node/1899,
accessed 6/25/11, K|
Global warming is a myth and every serious person and scientist says so. It is not fair to refer to the
U.N. panel. IPCC is not a scientific institution: it`s a political body, a sort oI non-government organization oI green
Ilavor. It`s neither a Iorum oI neutral scientists nor a balanced group oI scientists. These people are politicized scientists
who arrive there with a one-sided opinion and a one-sided assignment. Also, it`s an undigniIied slapstick that
people don`t wait Ior the Iull report in May 2007 but instead respond, in such a serious way, to the summary Ior policymakers where all
the 'but`s are scratched, removed, and replaced by oversimpliIied theses. This is clearly such an incredible failure of so
many people, from journalists to politicians. II the European Commission is instantly going to buy such a trick, we have
another very good reason to think that the countries themselves, not the Commission, should be deciding about similar issues. |...|
ther top-level politicians do not express their global warming doubts because a whip of political
correctness strangles their voice. |...| Environmentalism as a metaphysical ideology and as a worldview
has absolutely nothing to do with natural sciences or with the climate. Sadly, it has nothing to do with social
sciences either. Still, it is becoming Iashionable and this Iact scares me. |...| Indeed, I never measure the thickness oI ice in Antarctica. I
really don't know how to do it and don`t plan to learn it. owever, as a scientiIically oriented person, I know how to read science reports
about these questions, Ior example about ice in Antarctica. I don`t have to be a climate scientist myselI to read them. And inside the
papers I have read, the conclusions we may see in the media simply don`t appear. But let me promise you something: this topic troubles
me which is why I started to write an article about it last Christmas. The article expanded and became a book. In a couple oI months, it
will be published. One chapter out oI seven will organize my opinions about the climate change. |...| It is not quite exactly divided to
the leIt-wingers and right-wingers. Nevertheless it`s obvious that environmentalism is a new incarnation of
modern leftism. |...| |W|e know that there exists a huge correlation between the care we give to the environment on one side and
the wealth and technological prowess on the other side. It`s clear that the poorer the society is, the more brutally it
behaves with respect to Nature, and vice versa. It`s also true that there exist social systems that are
damaging Nature - by eliminating private ownership and similar things - much more than the Ireer societies. These tendencies
become important in the long run. They unambiguously imply that today, on February 8th, 2007, Nature is protected
uncomparably more than on February 8th ten years ago or fifty years ago or one hundred years ago
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 132
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
SETI not on right setting
Life does not exist in the same density as humans - that`s why SETI hasn`t found any
results
Lord Ashtar, 2004 (August 19, 2004, 'Our Fleets Are In Position, Ready Yourselves Brother Veritus,
http://www.luisprada.com/Protected/ashtarcommandmission.htm, accessed 6/27/11, SL)
That Earth scientists have not found physical life in the remaining worlds of our Solar system is due
to Earth being the only planet where life unfolds in such dense levels. ther worlds do have life, but in
finer and subtler bodies, which impedes the perception and visibility at the level of the apparatuses and
technological systems with which you count on. Also, dimensions of a higher level to the ones of this
planet cannot be contacted with the eyes of the flesh. Life there passes unnoticed to you and, when you
try to know this with your scientific apparatuses, it is as if you want to photograph smoke. (The worlds
you see in the Third Dimension are like the "shells" leIt by worlds already opened to levels oI superior liIe.)
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 133
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
```Authors Debate```
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 134
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
Peer Review Good
Peer Review key to science
Scott, visiting fellow at Separations Process Research Unit 07
(Allister Scott, January 29 2007 Science Direct 'Peer Review and the relevance oI science http://bscw-
app1.ethz.ch/pub/bscw.cgi/d448195/Scott2007peerreviewFutures.pdI 6/25/11 BLG)
Peer review is not only a routine component of the scientific role, but it is also fundamental to the
institution of science, defended as symbol and guarantor of the autonomy of science. Thus peer review is
built so deeply into the brickwork of science that many refuse to examine and improve it, fearing that
any significant change would weaken the entire edifice. In some minds, to question peer review is to
question science itselfSince this thought Irom Chubin and ackettand possibly Ior the reasons they identiIywe do not seem
to have made much progress in studying the practice oI peer review. My investigations oI the procurement oI relevant` science have led
me inexorably to the topic oI peer review, and to some critical perspectives on how peer review, as usually practised, inIluences the
priorities and decision-making processes oI researchers and research organisations. The question oI how science can be made more
relevant to the needs oI society is increasingly central in science-policy debate. Yet many oI these discussions approach the question
Irom the outside, as it were, preIerring to leave the workings oI science itselI untouched; the Iocus is on the role oI technology transIer`,
intermediaries` and dissemination`. In this article, I want to explore the inner workings oI science by investigating its central decision-
making tool: peer review. Peer review plays a signiIicant role in many oI the key moments in science, as it is the main Iorm oI decision-
making around: who receives money to do what science; who gets to publish in the scientiIic literature; and which individual scientists
are selected and promoted within research institutions. Peer review is also the core tool used in various methods
aimed at evaluating scientific institutions themselves:
Peer Review achieves validity.
Cicchetti, Yale University Child Study Center 98
(Domenic V. Cicchetti 1998, Vol. 20, No. 3, pp. 428-431 Journal oI Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology 'Good
Science and Good Peer Reviewing: Are They Related? 6/25/11 BLG)
'alidity, in the specific context of the peer re- view process, has both internal, as well as exter- nal
components. As we shall see Iurther, an edi- tor has some control over the internal compo- nent, but little or none over the external
compo- nent. Each oI these will be discussed in turn. Finally, it needs to be stressed that these two concepts apply equally well to the
peer review oI any scientiIic document (manuscript review, grant proposal review, review oI papers submit- ted Ior presentation at
scientiIic societies). As noted in Cicchetti (1991a, 1991b), there is wide consensus among scientists that the peer
review of any given scientific document, in or- der to be internally valid, must receive what might best
be referred to as adequate cover- age``, in terms of the level of expertise of the independent
reviewers. This often translates, in the usual context of two independent reviews of a given scientific
document, into adequate con- tent and methodologic / biostatistical coverage for any given manuscript,
grant, or other scien- tific document. As noted recently by Kraemer (1991), this is an important activity Ior an editor to
undertake, Ior the Iollowing reason. To the extent that editors are knowledgeable in their field, it is entirely
possible to select reviewers who will agree highly with each other, but nei- ther of whom has a broad
understanding of the content area being evaluated.
80 of most papers are rejected by peers.
Moffat, Urologist, 03
(Leslie E.F, June 2003 UroOncology Vol. 3 (2), pp. 8183 'On Publication in Peer Reviewed Journals
EBSCOhost BLG)
Most serious journals are rejecting about 80 of papers that are submitted. Rejection letters vary
from curt to kind. The reason for an article being rejected out of hand may be entirely appropriate.
We have at this 1ournal on two occasions had basic papers submitted to Uroncology, where the
authors had a paper on the oncological aspects of neurology! This would have been perIectly reasonable iI the
original cancers had been oI the genito-urinary tract, but this was not the case and clearly, the papers had been sent, by an inattentive
secretary or researcher, to the wrong place. The author has used his experience oI the submissions in the last year, to document his
impressions regarding the rejection oI papers. It would appear selI evident that a writer should write about what he or she knows about.
Generally this is true and is extremely good advice. ccasionally people write on subjects they know
little or nothing about and this becomes apparent when the text is read.
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 135
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
Internet Science Research Bad
Internet research is tricky-Scientific research goes through a complicated peer-reviewed
process to become valid- non fallsifiable conspiracy theories are the type of research we
should be taught to reject because of their lack of evidentiary support
Wiley et al. Professor of Psychology at the University of Illinois at Chicago, 9
(JenniIer Wiley, Susan R Goldman is a ProIessor oI Psychology and Education University oI Illinois at Chicago, Arthur C Graesser is presently a
Iull proIessor in the Department oI Psychology, an adjunct proIessor in Computer Science, and co-director oI the Institute Ior Intelligent Systems
at the University oI Memphis, Christopher A Sanchez Assistant ProIessor Cognitive Science & Engineering Program Arizona State University,
'Source Evaluation, Comprehension, and Learning in Internet Science Inquiry Tasks American Educational Research Journal. Washington: Dec
2009. Vol. 46, Iss. 4; pg. 1060, 47 pgs accessed: 6/22/11 proquest) TJL
Students are increasingly turning to the Internet to conduct their research projects, regardless oI whether the
assignments are intended as Internet research projects or not (Jones, 2002). Internet searches are
problematic in that they return multiple sources and sites that may or may not be relevant or reliable.
The use of the Internet for research purposes increases the need for students to critically evaluate
information sources for their reliability, credibility, and trustworthiness (Britt & Aglinskas, 2002;
Rouet, 2006; Wallace, Kupperman, Krajcik, & Soloway, 2000). Understanding how students engage in the
processes oI search, selection, evaluation, comparison, and integration oI ideas Irom multiple sources oI
inIormation is becoming an increasingly important area oI research in discourse processing and
comprehension (Brem, Russell, & Weems, 2001; Graesser et al., 2007; Rouet, 2006; Stadtler & Bromme,
2007) and in the learning sciences more generally (Linn, Davis, & Bell, 2004; Wallace et al., 2000).In both
history and science, experts routinely engage in selection, analysis, and synthesis within and across
multiple sources of evidence (Chinn & Malhotra, 2002; Wineburg, 1991). For example, when scientists
read scholarly publications, they rely on information about the scientists, the journals in which the
publications appear, and the reputations of the institutions or research groups with which the scientists
are affiliated (Bazerman, 1985; Berkencotter & uckin, 1995). When scientists read research reports within
their Iield, they evaluate the strength of the argumentation and the answers to such questions as, Does
the evidence support the claims? Is the evidence reliable? and Does the claim sufficiently explain
existing as well as new evidence? (Chinn & Malhotra, 2002; Duschl, Schweingruber, & Shouse, 2007;
Goldman, Duschl, Ellenbogen, Williams, & Tzou, 2003). Finally, new results and new explanatory models
are framed against the extant literature (Yore, Bisanz, & and, 2003). Evaluation, explanation,
integration, and corroboration oI inIormation across sources are all central processes in the disciplinary
expertise oI practicing scientists. Thus, Irom both a general discourse processing and comprehension
perspective, as well as Irom a disciplinary perspective, it is important to understand how learners engage with
multiple sources oI inIormation.
Researching science on the internet risks failures in critical analysis
Wiley et al. Professor of Psychology at the University of Illinois at Chicago 2009
(JenniIer Wiley, Susan R Goldman is a ProIessor oI Psychology and Education University oI Illinois at Chicago, Arthur C Graesser is presently a
Iull proIessor in the Department oI Psychology, an adjunct proIessor in Computer Science, and co-director oI the Institute Ior Intelligent Systems
at the University oI Memphis, Christopher A Sanchez Assistant ProIessor Cognitive Science & Engineering Program Arizona State University,
'Source Evaluation, Comprehension, and Learning in Internet Science Inquiry Tasks American Educational Research Journal. Washington: Dec
2009. Vol. 46, Iss. 4; pg. 1060, 47 pgs accessed: 6/22/11 proquest) TJL
The elements oI the intertext model are what are generally missing in the representation process oI novice
readers (Britt & Aglinskas, 2002; Rouet et al, 1997; Voss & Wiley, 2006; Wineburg, 1991). They also seem
to be critical features for the comprehension of multiple sources during Internetbased science inquiry
tasks, although this has not yet been tested. Because much of this information is on a metalevel, requiring
reflection, evaluation, and monitoring on the part of the student, comprehension from multiple
Internet sources may be even more reliant on effective metacognition than comprehension of single
texts (Quintana et al., 2005; Stadtler & Bromme, 2007). Thus, these processes may need particular
support during Internet inquiry tasks.
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Internet Science Research Bad
Due to Internet science queries` complexity- it makes sense for students to accept
unreliable evidence such as conspiracy theories as fact, however we should still reject bad
evidence
Wiley et al. Professor of Psychology at the University of Illinois at Chicago 2009
(JenniIer Wiley, Susan R Goldman is a ProIessor oI Psychology and Education University oI Illinois at Chicago, Arthur C Graesser is presently a
Iull proIessor in the Department oI Psychology, an adjunct proIessor in Computer Science, and co-director oI the Institute Ior Intelligent Systems
at the University oI Memphis, Christopher A Sanchez Assistant ProIessor Cognitive Science & Engineering Program Arizona State University,
'Source Evaluation, Comprehension, and Learning in Internet Science Inquiry Tasks American Educational Research Journal. Washington: Dec
2009. Vol. 46, Iss. 4; pg. 1060, 47 pgs accessed: 6/22/11 proquest) TJL
Given the potential complexity of successful scientific inquiry, it should not be surprising that
adolescents and college students frequently struggle with inquiry tasks, especially when these tasks
involve learning through research articles (Lanick-Buckner, 1997; Yarden, Brill, & Falk, 2001).
Particularly germane to Internet-based science inquiry tasks are the skills and processes associated with
searching, evaluating, and understanding inIormation sources. Research indicates that high school and
college students have difficulty differentiating claims from evidence, and evidence from conclusions,
and tend to pay relatively little attention to source information (Azevedo & Cromley, 2004; Brem et al,
2001; Chinn & Malhotra, 2002; Korpan, Bisanz, Bisanz, & enderson, 1997; Norris, Phillips, & Korpan,
2003; Stadtler & Bromme, 2007). This is problematic because of the centrality of understanding the
claim-plus-evidence structure of scientific arguments and explanations of natural phenomena (Duschl
et al., 2007). Thus, many Internet-based inquiry learning environments have Iound it necessary to include
supports Ior inquiry learning through prompts and questions designed to help students Iocus on speciIic
inIormation, make critical contrasts and connections, distinguish claims Irom evidence, evaluate arguments,
and monitor their own learning and understanding (Sandoval & Reiser, 2004; Slotta & Linn, 2000; White &
Frederiksen, 2005).
They destroy education by failing to do proper research- their inaccurate judgments are
caused by an inadequacy of metacognition
Wiley et al. Professor of Psychology at the University of Illinois at Chicago 2009
(JenniIer Wiley, Susan R Goldman is a ProIessor oI Psychology and Education University oI Illinois at Chicago, Arthur C Graesser is presently a
Iull proIessor in the Department oI Psychology, an adjunct proIessor in Computer Science, and co-director oI the Institute Ior Intelligent Systems
at the University oI Memphis, Christopher A Sanchez Assistant ProIessor Cognitive Science & Engineering Program Arizona State University,
'Source Evaluation, Comprehension, and Learning in Internet Science Inquiry Tasks American Educational Research Journal. Washington: Dec
2009. Vol. 46, Iss. 4; pg. 1060, 47 pgs accessed: 6/22/11 proquest) TJL
Effective metacognition also plays a role in the processes and outcomes of comprehension. Successful
comprehenders better monitor the adequacy of their text representation and use a range of strategies in
response to failures to understand what they are reading (Duke & Pearson, 2002; Garner, 1987; GriIIin,
Wiley, & Thiede, 2008; acker et al., 1998; McNamara, 2004; Palincsar & Brown, 1984; Pressley, 2002;
Thiede, GriIIin, Wiley, & RedIord, in press). When students fail to monitor their understanding
accurately, such as by making inaccurate judgments of learning, information quality, and the
relevance of information to goals, they make poor study decisions and fail to reread misunderstood
information (Thiede, Anderson, & Therriault, 2003). The result is little or no improvements in
comprehension and ultimately poor overall learning outcomes (Wiley et al., 2005; Winne, 2001).
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A2: ur authors are more qualified
There is no objective way to measure who is ~qualified or not
1aschik, Founder & Editor Inside Higher Ed, 9
(Scott, March 4, 2009, 'The 'Black Box' oI Peer Review,
http://www.insidehighered.com/news/2009/03/04/peerreview, JSkoog) Note: Mchele Lamont is a sociology
professor at Harvard
As Ior excellence, that quality that peer review theoretically promotes, Lamont isn`t so sure it exists. It
may be invoked all the time, she said in an interview, but her examination of the process suggests no way
to measure it. "I think excellence means nothing, she said, suggesting that panels be honest about the
criteria they use. ~I think you have to give the criteria. Typically it's originality, feasibility, and also the
social and intellectual significance. There is nothing wrong with those deIinitions per se, she said, but
people shouldn't pretend they equate with some scientific measure of excellence, as other criteria could
be used as well. The most common flaw she documents is a pattern of professors applying very personal
interests to evaluating the work before them. ~People define what is exciting as what speaks to their
own personal interest, and their own research, she said. Even iI her book doesn`t change peer review,
Lamont writes that she wants to 'open the Black Box oI peer review so the scholars being evaluated have a
better understanding oI what happens to the applications in which they have invested so much time and hope.
But she does have hope Ior those on the panels too. 'I also want the older, established scholars -- the gate
keepers -- to think hard and think again about the limits of what they are doing, particularly when
they define what is exciting` as what most looks like me (or my work).`
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AT: Peer Review
Academic communities only evaluate things that they deem to be interesting, thus forcing
alternative views of science out of the spectrum of academia
Moore, professor tenure of microbiology and immunology, 6
(John, AIDS Researcher working at Cornell, 2006, 'Perspective: Does peer review mean the same to the public as it
does to scientists? http://www.nature.com/nature/peerreview/debate/op5.html, JSkoog)
It's been peer reviewed, so it must be right, right? Wrong! Not everything in the peer-reviewed
literature is correct. Indeed, some of it is downright bad science. Professional scientists usually know
how to rate papers within their own Iields oI expertise (all too often very narrow ones nowadays). We
realize that some journals are more stringent than others in what they will accept, and that peer-review
standards can unIortunately be too Ilexible. A lust Ior proIit has arguably led to the appearance oI too many
journals, and so it can be all too easy to Iind somewhere that will publish poor-quality work. The public
doesn't understand this, how could it? But the term 'peer review' is often equated with 'gold standard'.
Hence, the politically motivated, lazy or unscrupulous can use the peer-reviewed literature selectively,
to make arguments that are seriously flawed, or even damaging to public policy. Chris Mooney, in The
Republican War on Science (Basic Books, 2005), provides several examples oI how this operates in the
political world. ProIessional scientists can see through this tactic. We know that scientiIic truth evolves on
the basis oI a mounting consensus, not through an isolated paper that adopts a maverick position, even iI it
has been 'peer reviewed'. In contrast, politicians all too often cherry-pick the 'facts' they find most
convenient to their party's agenda. And politicians are not alone. In my own Iield oI AIDS research, a
small clique oI scientists and scientiIically ignorant laymen promotes the bizarre view that IV does not
cause AIDS, or, in a particularly dubious variant oI the genre, that IV does not actually exist. These AIDS
denialists are experts at selectively using the peer-reviewed literature to superIicially bolster their positions. I
think they lack the training or iI trained, the integrity to appreciate two things that are understood by
proIessional scientists. First, that peer-reviewed literature develops over time, so that what was
legitimately uncertain 20 years ago is fully understood today. This means that citing decade-old papers
and ignoring more recent ones is an unscrupulous tactic. Second, that ignoring every paper bar the one
that most conveniently suits a preconceived position could be considered scientific misconduct. Similar
practices can be Iound in other science-related areas. For example, advertisements claiming that vitamin pills
can cure cancer and inIectious diseases selectively cite the peer-reviewed literature.
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AT: Your Authors are Crazy
~Crazy is only used for the marginalized and disrespected in intellectual communities, use
of the word furthers ableist sentiments
Abby1ean, blogger for disabledfeminists.com, 10
(AbbyJean, blogger Ior disabledIeminists.com, May 28,2010, 'Ableist Word ProIile: Crazy (to
describe political viewpoints or positions, http://disabledIeminists.com/2010/05/28/ableist-word-proIile-
crazy-to-describe-political-viewpoints-or-positions/, JSkoog)
What I conclude Irom that is that the media doesn`t consistently use ~crazy and other ableist terms to
refer to absurd policies or those that lack rational support, but instead reserves those terms for people
outside of mainstream politics. Which in turn implies that the term is used primarily to further
marginalize and dismiss people who don`t fit expectations of what a politician is or what are common
or popular political arguments. To me, this is even more evidence that the implicit subtext of terming a
person or policy ~crazy is ~shut up and go away, or start blending in better. Which, again, is exactly
the message leveled at people with mental illness when they`re called ~crazy or ~loony or
~unhinged or any number oI synonyms. This selective usage is even more reason the term ~crazy
shouldn`t be used in the political context partly because it`s a lazy out for commentators who refuse to
engage with the actual policy issues or political ideas being proposed on a substantive level, and partly
because it fiercely underlines and reinforces marginalization and dismissal of people with mental
illness. It reminds me that when people call me 'crazy, what they really mean is 'stop existing in my
consciousness either disappear or become normal. To see progressive writers and organizations rely on
the marginalization of people with mental illness to score easy points against unpopular politicians is
upsetting not only because of their perpetuation of ableism, but also because it puts me in the extremely
uncomIortable position oI deIending people like Palin and Paul against this kind oI criticism.
Ableism is like racism and sexism and oppresses and marginalizes those who we label as
~disabled
verboe, Professor at Wildfrid Laurier, 2007
(James, ProIessor at WildIrid Laurier, 'Chapter 2
Vitalism: Subjectivity Exceeding Racism, Sexism, and (Psychiatric) Ableism,
http://appweb.cortland.edu/ojs/index.php/Wagadu/article/viewFile/324/611, JSkoog)
In a previous liIe, I Iound myselI working as a social worker at a 'drop-in-centre Ior people who were
undergoing or had undergone psychiatric treatment. My orientation Ior the position, in part, consisted oI
being inIormed that there were clients with 'diIIicult psychiatric problems. This was my initial
introduction to 'Donna (a pseudonym), an aboriginal woman who undergoes psychiatric intervention.
My colleagues inIormed me that they were attempting to separate the ongoing negative eIIects oI
oppression experienced through colonization and patriarchy Irom the 'real psychiatric disorder. This
approach is problematic Ior me because, as some one who experiences cerebral, I contend that ableism, like
racism and sexism, oppresses people by labeling them as having either a physical, psychiatric,
cognitive, developmental, and sensory disability. Moreover, people can be read as having a
combination of disabilities. For example, my experience oI cerebral palsy has been read by others as
having both physical and cognitive disabilities. Yet, Ior the most part, anti-oppression movements and
liberal discourses continue to pathologise people who are disabled, especially those who have been
psychiatrized. Donna experienced oppression as a woman, as an aboriginal, and through being
psychiatrized. istorically, gender (see Smith, 1990; Groneman, 1995) and race have been conflated
with mental inferiority. In this way, they have been socially constructed to represent medical
pathology. Anti-oppression movements may have lessened the medical pathology based on
racialization or gender. However the experience of being psychiatrized continues to be pathologised
as a condition requiring a cure.
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Ablism Impacts
Ableist rhetoric is akin to other racist and bigoted language and is purely used for
exclusionary purposes
1ames, feminist blogger, 10
(Rachel McCarthy, Ieminist blogger Ior Deepylproblematic.com, 'Guest Post Irom RMJ: Ableist Word ProIile:
Crazy, May 17, 2010, http://disabledIeminists.com/2010/05/17/guest-post-Irom-rmj-ableist-word-proIile-crazy/
Like every ism, ableism is absorbed through the culture on a more subconscious level, embedding itself in our
language like a guerrilla force. Crazy is one of the most versatile and frequently used slurs, a word used
sometimes directly against persons with mental disabilities (PWMD), sometimes indirectly against persons with
able privilege, sometimes descriptive and value-neutral, and sometimes in a superIicially positive light. As a direct
slur against PWMD: Crazy as a word is directly and strongly tied to mental disability. It`s used as a slur
directly against PWMD both to discredit and to marginalize. II a person with a history oI mental illness wants to
do something, Ior good or bad, that challenges something, that person`s thoughts, arguments, and rhetoric are
dismissed because that person is 'crazy. II a PWMD is going through pain because oI something unrelated to their
mental state, culpability Ior the pain is placed solely on their being crazy. Even if their suffering is related to their
disability, it is, in a catch-22, dismissed due to their ~craziness; the PWMD is expected to pull themselves up
by their bootstraps if they want to be viewed as a valid human being. Examples: 'I can`t believe Britney shaved
her head. Crazy bitch. 'Not only is Dworkin cissexist, she`s Iucking crazy! As a way to discredit neurotypical
people: Crazy is also often used to describe a neurotypical person that the speaker disagrees with. It`s used to
discredit able-privileged persons by saying that they are actually mentally disabled - and what could be
worse than that? Examples: 'Tom Cruise is Iucking crazy. Seriously, he`s batshit insane about Prozac, yelling at
Matt Lauer and shit. 'Did you hear that Shirley broke up with Jim? She thought he was cheating on her. 'Yeah,
she`s crazy, Jim`s a great guy. Crazy is oIten used even, still, by me and other Ieminists to negatively describe
ideas, writing, or other nouns that the speaker Iinds disagreeable. Conservatives are 'crazy, acts oI oppression are
'crazy making , this winter`s snow is 'craziness. This usage makes a direct connection between mental disability
and bad qualities oI all stripes, turning disability itselI into a negative descriptor. Whether it means 'bad or 'evil
or 'outlandish or 'illogical or 'unthinkable, it`s turning the condition oI having a disability into an all-purpose
negative descriptor. When using crazy as a synonym for violent, disturbing, or wrong, it`s saying that PWMD
are violent, disturbing, wrong. It`s using disability as a rhetorical weapon. Examples: 'They took the public
option out oI the health care plan? That`s Iucking crazy! 'Yeah, Loretta went crazy on Jeanie last night. Gave her a
black eye and everything. Crazy as a positive ampliIier: On the Ilip side, crazy is oIten used as a positive
ampliIier. Folks say that they are 'crazy about something or someone they love or like. But just because it`s
positive doesn`t mean it`s a good thing. Crazy as a positive adjective still mean 'overly or 'too much. It`s meant
to admit a slight lack oI Ioresight or sense on the part oI the speaker. Furthermore, a slur is a slur is a slur, no matter
the context. Crazy is mostly, and overtly, used to mean ~bad, ~silly, ~not worth paying attention to, ~too
much. Persons with mental illnesses are none of these things as a group. The positive use is not that positive,
and it doesn`t absolve the mountains oI bad usage. Examples: 'I`ve been crazy busy lately, sorry I haven`t been
around much. 'I`m just crazy about ice cream! Crazy a destructive word, used to hurt people with mental
disabilities. It`s used to discredit, to marginalize, to make sure that we feel shame for our disability and
discourage self-care, to make sure that those oI us brave enough to publicly identiIy as having mental disabilities
are continually discredited. Editor`s Note: It can take longer than usual Ior com
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AT: Ableism
Even if ableist discourses are stopped, there is still stigma attached to disability - their K
doesn`t solve anything
Kiriamaya, Blogger 11
(Kiriamaya, Blogger on Tumblr, 'Perpetually MyselI: It's not enough to call out ableist language, Tumblr, May 12,
2011, http://kiriamaya.tumblr.com/post/5433850854/perpetually-myselI-its-not-enough-to-call-out-ableist, JSkoog)
Language is important, but more important still are the underlying assumptions which shape our
society. Assumptions about who is valuable and who isn`t, about what the proper way to behave is, about
what counts as 'contributing to to society/the economy/whatever.the list goes on and on. Widespread
use of ~crazy and ~lame (etc.) are but symptoms of the larger problemsociety is Iull oI ableist
assumptions, some oI which are very obvious and some oI which may be more subtlebut ableist
nonetheless. The elimination of ableist words is but a small part of what needs to be done, and it
frustrates and disappointments me that so much ~social justice work has stopped at languagewhich
is in many ways the easiest part. Take stigma against people with intellectual disabilities. I am glad that it`s
no longer acceptable to use the r-word in many circles, and that other words are making some headway. (I
struggle with idiot and 'crazy and a lot oI others myselI in everyday speech.) But I don`t think this has
actually done all that much to promote the equality and worth oI people with intellectual disabilities. There
is still the assumption that it is better to be ~intelligent (whatever that means), that mental illness
(however you deIine that) is something to be pitied, and that, in short, it`s better to be non-disabled than
not. The end result is a very shallow sort of ~social justice discourse that keeps all of the underlying
problematic assumptions in place while giving lip service to equality. It`s very troubling. Truly
examining one`s ableism does not mean renaming the tags on your blog so that 'lame and 'crazy no longer
appear. It is not being the IiIth person on a thread to selI-righteously proclaim that 'idiot is ableist, and then
simply stopping at that. That is superIicial, and oItentimes little more than a way Ior neurotypical and/or
able-bodied people to publicly demonstrate their Good Ally status and pat themselves on the back.
Examining one`s ableism means constantly questioning and re-formulating basic assumptions which
are oftentimes so deeply ingrained that it`s hard even to see them, let alone disavow them. Take the
assumption that ~intelligence is valuable, for instance. It`s so ingrained in our society, so hard to root
out-I`ll not pretend to be perfect on this score-and yet doing so is vital if we are to create a world in
which people with intellectual disabilities are equals-not simply people-seen-as-lesser whom are
condescended to.
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```Conspiracy Theory Analysis```
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 143
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Conspiracy Analysis Shell
nly engaging in conspiracy agnosticism creates productive criticism and exposes cracks in
the edifice of governmentality
Wendt, Minnesota - Professor of International Relations and Duvall, hio State -
Professor of International Relations, 8
(Alexander and Raymond, 'Sovereignty and the UFO, August 2008, Political Theory Volume 36 Number 4,
http://ovnis-usa.com/DIVERS/WendtDuvallPoliticalTheory.pdI,JSkoog)
We have called ours a ~critical theory, in that it rests on a normative assumption that the limits of modern
rule should be exposed. In the present context this means that human beings should try to know the UF.
Although we believe the case Ior this presumption is over-determined and overwhelming, it is not a case we can make here.
Nevertheless, it seems incumbent upon us to Iollow through on the practical logic oI our theory, so taking its desirability as given, in
conclusion we address the question oI resistance to the UFO taboo. The structuralism oI our argument might suggest that resistance is
Iutile. owever, the structure of the UF taboo also has aporias and fissures that make it-and the
anthropocentric structure of rule that it sustains-potentially unstable. ne is the UF itself, which in
its persistent recurrence generates an ongoing need for its normalization. Modern rule might not recognize the
UFO, but in the Iace oI continuing anomalies maintaining such nonrecognition requires work. In that respect the UF is part of
the constitutive, unnormalized outside of modern sovereignty, which can be included in authoritative
discourse only through its exclusion. Within the structure of modern rule there are also at least two
fissures that complicate maintaining UF ignorance. ne is the different knowledge interests of
science and the state. While the two are aligned in authoritative UFO discourse, the state is ultimately interested in
maintaining a certain regime of truth (particularly in the face of metaphysical insecurity), whereas
science recognizes that its truths can only be tentative. Theory may be stubborn, but the presumption in science is that
reality has the last word, which creates the possibility of scientific knowledge countering the state`s dogma. The
other Iissure is within liberalism, the constitutive core oI modern governmentality. Even as it produces normalized subjects who know
that 'belieI in UFOs is absurd, liberal governmentality justiIies itselI as a discourse that produces Iree-thinking subjects who might
doubt it.72 It is in this context that we would place the recent disclosure by the French government (and at press time the British too) oI
its long-secret UFO Iiles (1,600 reports), including its investigations oI selected cases, oI which the French acknowledge 25 percent as
unexplained.73 Given that secrecy is only a contingent Ieature oI the UFO taboo, and that even the French are still Iar Irom seeking
systematic knowledge oI UFOs, this disclosure is not in itselI a serious challenge to our argument. owever, the French action does
illustrate a potential within liberalism to break with authoritative common sense,74 even at the risk oI exposing the Ioundations oI
modern sovereignty to insecurity. The kind of resistance that can best exploit these fissures might be called
militant agnosticism. Resistance must be agnostic because by the realist standards of modernity,
regarding the UF/ET question neither atheism nor belief is epistemically justified; we simply do not
know. Concretely, agnosticism means ~seeing rather than ignoring the UF, taking it seriously as a truly
unidentified object. Since it is precisely such seeing that the UF taboo forbids, in this context seeing is
resistance. However, resistance must also be militant, by which we mean public and strategic, or else it
will Wendt, Duvall / Sovereignty and the UFO 627 indeed be Iutile. The reproduction oI UFO ignorance depends crucially on those in
positions oI epistemic authority observing the UFO taboo. Thus, private agnosticismoI the kind moderns might have about God,
Ior exampleis itself part of the problem. nly breaking the taboo in public constitutes genuine
resistance. Even that is not enough, however, as attested by the long history oI unsuccessIul resistance to the UFO taboo to date.75
The problem is that agnosticism alone does not produce knowledge, and thus reduce the ignorance upon which modern sovereignty
depends. For a critical theory oI anthropocentric rule, thereIore, a science oI UFOs ironically is required, and not just a science oI
individual cases aIter the Iact, which can tell us only that some UFOs lack apparent conventional explanations. Rather, in this domain
what is needed is paradoxically a systematic science, in which observations are actively sought in order to analyze patterns Irom which
an intelligent presence might be inIerred.76 That would require money, inIrastructure, and a long-term commitment oI the kind that to
date has been possible only Ior epistemic authorities, or precisely those actors most resistant to taking UFOs seriously. Still, given the
potential disjunction of interest between science and the state, it is possible here for science to play a
key role for critical theory. Whether such a science would actually overcome UFO ignorance is unknowable today, but it is
only through it that We might move beyond the essentially theological discourse of belief and denial to
a truly critical posture. Modern rule and its metaphysics are extraordinarily resilient, so the diIIiculties oI such resistance cannot
be overstated. Those who attempt it will have diIIiculty Iunding and publishing their work, and their reputations will suIIer. UFO
resistance might not be Iutile but it is certainly dangerous, because it is resistance to modern sovereignty itselI. In this respect militant
UF agnosticism is akin to other forms of resistance to governmentality; however, whereas
sovereignty has found ways of dealing with them, the UF may reveal an Achilles heel. Like Achilles,
the modern sovereign is a warrior whose function is to protect-in this case, from threats to the norm.
```Continued```
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Conspiracy Analysis Shell
```Continued```
Unlike conventional threats, however, the UF threatens humans` capacity to decide those threats,
and so cannot be acknowledged without calling modern sovereignty itself into question. To what extent that
would be desirable is a large normative question which we have bracketed here.77 But taking UFs seriously would
certainly embody the spirit of self-criticism that infuses liberal governmentality and academia in
particular, and it would, thereby, foster critical theory. And indeed, if academics` first responsibility is to
tell the truth, then the truth is that after sixty years of modern UFs, 628 Political Theory human beings
still have no idea what they are, and are not even trying to find out. That should surprise and disturb us all, and
cast doubt on the structure oI rule that requires and sustains it.
Governmentality and totalizing control over regimes of truth forms the basis of oppressive
state power
Marshall, University of Auckland - Emeritus Professor School of Education, 95
(James D, Foucault And Neo-Liberalism: Biopower And Busno-power, http://www.ed.uiuc.edu/EPS/PES-
Yearbook/95docs/marshall.html)
Foucault also develops the notion of governmentality as the art of government or, as it is sometimes
referred to, the "reason of state." This notion "reIers to the state, to its nature and to its own rationality."
He sees the technologies of domination and the self as being the techniques used "to make of the
individual a significant element for the state." By "government" Foucault should be understood as
meaning something close to "the conduct oI conduct." This is a form of activity which attempts or aims at
the conduct of persons; it is the attempt to shape, to guide, or to affect not only the conduct of people
but, also, the attempt to constitute people in such ways that they can be governed. In Foucault's work
this activity oI governance could cover the relations oI selI to selI, selI to others, relations between
institutions and social communities, and the exercise oI political sovereignty. Governmentality is obtained
not by a totalizing deterministic or oppressive form of power, but by bio-power directed in a totalizing
manner at whole populations and, at one and the same time, at individuals so that they are both
individualized and normalized. Here one locates the human sciences and their "truths," and the
institutions or disciplinary blocks (including education) in which these truths have been developed,
played, and continue to play, a crucially important role.
Unchallenged sovereign power makes extinction possible
Rabinow, Professor of Anthropology, Berkeley, 84
(Paul, The Foucault Reader, p. 260)
It is as managers of life and survival, oI bodies and the race, that so many regimes have been able to
wage so many wars, causing so many men to be killed. And through a turn that closes the circle, as the
technology of wars has caused them to tend increasingly toward all-out destruction, the decision that
initiates them and the one that terminates them are in fact increasingly informed by the naked
question of survival. The atomic situation is now at the end point of this process: the power to expose a
whole population to death is the underside of the power to guarantee an individual's continued
existence. The principle underlying the tactics oI battle-that one has to be capable oI killing in order to go on
living-has become the principle that deIines the strategy oI states. But the existence in question is no longer
the juridical existence of sovereignty; at stake is the biological existence of a population. If genocide is
indeed the dream of modem powers, this is not because oI a recent return oI the ancient right to kill; it is
because power is situated and exercised at the level of life, the species, the race, and the large-scale
phenomena of population.
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Challenges Space Imperialism
UF discourse challenges US space imperialism
Dean, Hobart and William Smith Colleges - Professor of Political Science, 98
(Jodi, Aliens in America pg. 19-20)
The American articulation of outerspace together with technology and democracy incorporates an
uneasy mix of colonialist, nationalist, and globalist ideals. Until the space program, the United States
rarely presented itselI explicitly as a colonial power, although expansionism has been integral to its selI-
understanding.
51
By reiterating the expansive fantasy of the wild, lawless West, the metaphor of a
"frontier" tapped into earlier notions of American exceptionalism.
52
Indeed, this very exceptionalism,
the success of America's democratic experiment, was to be revealed and proven by breaking the laws
of gravity, escaping the confines of Earth, conquering space itself. As America reached out into this
"new frontier," the rhetoric of outposts, settlements, colonies, and colonization became part of the
public language of outerspace. This language is Iitting in that "space technology and communications," as
Elayne Rapping points out, "make possible new extensions of American imperialism, both cultural and
military."
53
Once linked to a growing critique oI the excesses oI the military-industrial complex, to increased
attention to the histories and situations oI Native Americans, and to continued struggle in Iormer colonies
throughout AIrica and Asia, such colonial rhetoric disrupts the space program's smooth presentation oI
democratic Ireedom.
The UF discourse resists official "space frontier" rhetoric. NASA redeployed American frontier
myths of a wild, open West, one vacant, empty, and ready to be settled. Ufology challenges the assumed
vacancy of outerspace and thereby intervenes critically in narratives of national identity.
54
It demands
that NASA, the government, the military, and the authorities who act in America's name, allow for the
possibility that, in space, we are the aliens.
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 146
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
Challenges Power Structures
The unorthodox way that conspiracy theories present themselves allows them to engage in
critical argumentation to challenge existing powers
Horn, Instructor at University of Tennessee Martin, 10
(Chara Von Kay, Instructor at University oI Tennessee Martin and Ph.D candidate, 'The Paranoid Style in an Age oI Suspicion: Conspiracy
Thinking and OIIicial Rhetoric in Contemporary America, 12-12-2010, From Digital Archive at Georgia State University, pg. 17-20,
http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article1025&contextcommunicationdiss&sei-
redir1#search22Paranoid20Style20an20Age20Suspicion3A20Conspiracy20Thinking20OIIicial20Rhetoric20Contempor
ary20America22 JSkoog)
Conspiracy theories are plausible because of their ability to tap into the traditional values and beliefs
of their audiences, and they are able to stay popular within the public sphere over long periods of time
because of their ability to adapt to, and reIlect, temporal and cultural conditions. 78 Conspiracy
narratives allow for no ambiguities, no discrepancies, no coincidences; 18 everything within the
conspiracy narrative has a purpose. 79 Indeed, the stories woven by conspiracists maintain an internal
coherence so masterful, that, according to Darsey, traditional modes of evaluation, although helpIul, are
not accessible enough for the lay person to use to evaluate conspiracy claims. Rather, a more helpIul and
public way to evaluate conspiracy theories rests on a question oI motive because, as Walter Fisher argued,
even a lay public has the access and acuity to determine if the motives of the villain make sense. 80
While narrative may be the vessel through which conspiracy theories gain their legitimization, equally
important are the argumentative techniques used within conspiracy narratives. Perhaps the single most
seductive element oI the conspiracy argument is what David ZareIsky terms as its selI-sealing nature. 81
SuccessIul conspiracy arguments, according to ZareIsky, shiIt the burden oI prooI onto opponents while
minimizing its own burdens. 82 Frequently, shifting the burden of proof onto those countering
conspiracy claims includes using argument from absence. When a conspiracy charge is made, and a
respondent counters by asserting that there is no conspiracy, then the response actually becomes proof
that there is a conspiracy. Even iI there is no response, the absence oI a response becomes evidence that a
vast and sinister conspiracy is brewing. As Brian Keeley notes, conspiracy arguments are the only
theories Ior which evidence against them is actually constructed as evidence in Iavor oI them. 83 Darsey
aIIirms: Under normal circumstances, appearance demands presumption. One who claims that things are not
as they appear to be assumes the burden oI prooI; a strong prima Iacie case is required beIore appearances
need be seriously interrogated. Conspiracy argument exploits and reverses this normative presumption,
making the lack of evidence into evidence transmogriIying surIaces Irom their pedestrian status as the
most visible 19 outward maniIestation oI reality into veils and masks. 84 Thus, the ability of conspiracy
theories to use the absence of evidence as evidence allows for virtually anything to be subsumed into
the conspiracy narrative. The rhetorical hallmarks oI conspiracy theories provide insight into the power
such theories wield. owever, rhetorical scholars have generally Iocused on, and analyzed, a singular
conspiracy theory located within the public sphere in order to uncover the argumentative and narrative
strategies conspiracists use in persuading their audiences. Such studies have tended to uncover the
situational and contextual elements that make conspiracy theories more believable and then map out their
inherent logical and narrative problems. I am more interested in the intersection that exists between
conspiracy arguments and oIIicial discourse and what this intersection has to oIIer to our insight. Darsey
alludes to an examination oI this nexus when he calls Ior a restoration oI public science. 85 The secrecy
under which institutional agencies operate is often ascribed to a malign purpose. Sissela Bok argues
secrecy, by its very nature, breeds distrust: it is an intentional concealment that sets apart the secret
from the non-secret, and of keepers of a secret from those excluded. 86 In our increasingly secret
world (be it related to political, scientific, or trade realms), there is a tendency to believe the worst
rather than the best about what these secretive agencies are doing.
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 147
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
Challenges Power Structures
Conspiracy theories force powers structures to explain and defend actions
Horn, Instructor at University of Tennessee Martin, 10
(Chara Von Kay, Instructor at University oI Tennessee Martin and Ph.D candidate, 'The Paranoid Style in an Age oI Suspicion: Conspiracy
Thinking and OIIicial Rhetoric in Contemporary America, 12-12-2010, From Digital Archive at Georgia State University, pg. 17-20,
http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article1025&contextcommunicationdiss&sei-
redir1#search22Paranoid20Style20an20Age20Suspicion3A20Conspiracy20Thinking20OIIicial20Rhetoric20Contempor
ary20America22 JSkoog)
Conspiracy theories, which claim to know the truth, are not so different from official discourse.
Indeed, like official discourse, conspiracy theories pose their adherence to Iacticity, causality,
coherence, and rationality. What sets contemporary conspiracy theories apart Irom oIIicial discourse,
according to Jodi Dean, is suspicion. Conspiracy narratives emphasize that something has been
withheld, that all the facts arent known, that what we see isnt all there is. Conspiracy theory
demands more information. Too humble to offer a totalizing account, the] accumulated assertions of
conspiracy narratives] remind us that we don`t know. 104 The multiplicity of competing information
casts suspicion onto more legitimate forms of knowledge. Knight explains, Conspiracy theories are
a Iorm oI pop sociology cobbled together on the Ily as people try to gain a handle on the complexities oI
social and economic causation in an era oI rapid globalization. With the increasing overload of
information from mutually competing sources, none of which seem entirely trustworthy, a
hermeneutic of suspicion has 25 become a routine operating procedure. 105 BelieI in conspiracy
becomes an almost necessary response to the multiplicity oI inIormation, especially with the lack oI a
suitable explanation. Even when an explanation is provided, enough questions are asked, enough
evidence is brought to light, so as to cast doubt and suspicion onto the explanation. Any official
discourse that comes into being after doubt and suspicion have been leveled against legitimate
explanations has to at least attempt to assuage any existing doubts, which inherently alters the
substance and form of official discourse. 106 The leveling oI the discursive playing Iield precipitated by
the loss oI central authority and the indeterminacy oI inIormation provides an opening Ior conspiracy
theories to Iind increasing prominence and belieI. Conspiracy theories challenge and question authority
and capitalize on the strength of their own narratives, the inconsistencies of official accounts, and the
proliferation of conflicting information. Conspiracy theories are a mode oI constructing meaning in a
rapidly changing and complex world. It is no longer automatically discrediting to label something a
conspiracy theory; authorities must prove their positions, write compelling and believable accounts of
events, and, ultimately, must get back in touch with their audiences if they want the support of the
people. Yet the ability for officials to connect with the people is problematic because officials are no
longer able to forward an affirmative argument simply providing the causes or reasons behind an
event. fficials are forced into a defensive position brought on by claims of conspiracy existing prior
to the crafting of an official response. For this reason it is necessary to examine the power of
conspiracy beliefs through the lens of official discourse. II recent authoritative texts are any
indication, then there is a real danger that conspiracy belieIs will usurp oIIicial explanations and become the
preIerred way oI thinking
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 148
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
Challenges Sovereignty
Exopolitical engagement is key to challenging sovereign authority
Acimovic, lecturer in Further Education, 11
(Natasha, and currently teaches Adult Literacy and Academic Study Skills at a British college,'Transcending the
all oI Mirrors: The Simultaneity oI Discourse, the Third Space and Adopting Multiple Ways oI Viewing the
Construction oI uman-Alien Identities, Exopolitics Journal, June, http://www.exopoliticsjournal.com/vol-3/vol-3-
4-Acimovic.pdI, JSkoog)
What are the implications then Ior Exopolitics? Certainly, there are some obvious diIIerences between the postcolonial and experiencer
spheres but while the ramiIications oI the Iormer can be more eIIectively established the latter presents us with a paradox since we are
dealing with impact oI an unIamiliar, extraterrestrial paradigm. Furthermore, this is complicated by the denial oI the ET as a part oI
consensus reality. A similar concern is explored by ProIessors Alexander Wendt and Raymond Duvall. They examine how the UF
as an authoritative taboo` is actively produced via the mechanism of sovereign rule. This political
necessity propagated by the union of science and the state, even if this pact forms a somewhat uneasy
one, ensures the stability of it. They contend that since the UF issue includes the possibility of
extraterrestrials as a plausible hypothesis then modern sovereignty is faced with a physical and
ontological threat` to its rule. I would suggest that iI this is true oI the UFO subject then this is even more so in regards to the
issue oI inter-dimensional and (or) oII planetary intelligences interacting with the Earth`s human citizens. Accordingly, the UF
issue represents a sort of double entrapment since to disclose the former would lead to a questioning
of the latter, and it is this site in particular that poses ontological threats to identity or social being`. 29
Subsequently, iI the psychosocial dynamics oI experiencers` narratives shares similarities with those identiIied by postcolonial theorists
then it is a political imperative Ior Exopolitics to explore this Iurther Ior a number oI signiIicant reasons. Firstly, aside Irom the
psychological Iramework utilised by John Mack and others to account Ior the validity oI the abduction and contactee phenomenon, we
have a comparative psychosocial framework that lends further weight to the issue by showing that the
impact of the alien presence constructs states of being that are representative of how multiple human
cultures intersect. Secondly, it is ethically imperative Ior Exopolitics to do so. When leIt to the skeptics and scientiIic authorities
to examine such an area, and in this particular point I am reIerring to how Wendt and Duvall situate the sceptic and science as sources
oI authority, then we are presented with the type oI analysis that is representative oI Dr Mark Newbrook`s treatment oI the experiencer,
as a sort oI interplanetary hoaxer or dissident determined to conIound the application oI authoritative, scientiIic linguistic modes via
their use oI alien languages. 30 Needless to say, if Exopolitics as a discipline does not venture further into the
territory of academia to reappropriate sites which are critical to a deeper understanding the ETH
then those who speak with sovereign authority will be able to maintain the epistemology of UF]
ignorance`. 31 In the process the modern state is able to uphold its public discourse that, using Mark Newbrook words, the
balance oI probability` regarding the ET does not warrant Iurther Iocused attention`. 32 Thirdly, the ethical imperative is
that it is experiencers themselves who are left to deal with the psychological fallout from the machine
of sovereignty, and what is it Exopolitics if not a site of resistance and a counter cultural discourse?
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 149
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
Challenges Sovereignty
The uncertainty created by the UF directly threatens the epistemology of the science that
the sovereign relies on to maintain power
Wendt, Minnesota - Professor of International Relations and Duvall, hio State -
Professor of International Relations, 8
(Alexander and Raymond, 'Sovereignty and the UFO, August 2008, Political Theory Volume 36 Number 4,
http://ovnis-usa.com/DIVERS/WendtDuvallPoliticalTheory.pdI,JSkoog)
As unidentiIied object the UF poses a threat of unknowability to science, upon which modern sovereignty
depends. OI course, there are many things science does not know, like the cure Ior cancer, but its authority rests
on the assumption that nothing in Nature is in principle unknowable. UFs challenge modern science in
two ways: (1) they appear random and unsystematic, making them diIIicult to grasp objectively; and (2) some
appear to violate the laws of physics (like the 40g turns in the Belgian F-16 case). This does not mean that UFs
are in fact humanly unknowable, but they might be, and in that respect they haunt modern sovereignty
with the possibility of epistemic failure. To see how this might be uniquely threatening it is useIul to compare the UFO to
three other cases oI what might be seen as unknowability. One is the eisenberg Uncertainty Principle in quantum theory, which
acknowledges inherent limits on the ability to know sub-atomic reality. Since the Uncertainty Principle has not stopped physicists Irom
doing physics, this might seem to undermine our claim that potential unknowability precludes a decision on the UFO as object. Yet,
there are known unknowns and unknown unknowns, and here the two cases diIIer. Quantum mechanics emerged in a highly structured
context oI extant theory and established experimental results, and is a systematic body oI knowledge that enables physicists to
manipulate reality with extraordinary precision. With quantum theory we know exactly what we cannot know, enabling it to be saIely
incorporated into modern science. The UF, in contrast, emerges in a context free of extant theory and empirical
research, and raises fundamental questions about the place of human beings in the universe. That we
might never know what we cannot know about UFs makes their potential objectivity more
problematic for the modern project.
The sovereign`s attempts to discredit and ignore the UF creates self censorship among the
population that seeks to remove knowledge
Wendt, Minnesota - Professor of International Relations and Duvall, hio State -
Professor of International Relations, 8
(Alexander and Raymond, 'Sovereignty and the UFO, August 2008, Political Theory Volume 36 Number 4,
http://ovnis-usa.com/DIVERS/WendtDuvallPoliticalTheory.pdI,JSkoog)
One might distinguish at least Iour such techniques: (1) authoritative representations, like the U.S. Air
Force`s claim that UFs are ~not a national security threat,67 the portrayal of ufology as pseudo-
science, and the science fictionalization of UFs in the media; (2) oIIicial inquiries, like the 1969 Condon
Report, which have the appearance oI being scientiIic but are essentially 'show trials systematically
deIormed by a priori rejection oI the ET;68 (3) official secrecy, which ~removes knowledge from the
system;69 and finally (4) discipline in the Foucauldian sense, ranging from formal attacks on the
~paranoid style of UF believers as a threat to modern rationality,70 to everyday dismissal of those
who express public interest in UFs, which generates a ~spiral of silence in which individuals engage
in self-censorship instead.71 Much could be said Irom a governmentality perspective about these
techniques, which are amply documented in the uIological literature, but we lack the space to do so here.
Instead, we have Iocused on explaining why all this anti-UFO work is necessary in the Iirst place, which goes
to the Iundamental puzzle with which we began our argument: given the many reasons to study UFs,
why aren`t they taken seriously? To answer this question the specific techniques by which the UF is
normalized can be a distraction, since ignorance is multiply realizable at the micro-level
Notwithstanding the importance of governmentality to a critical theory of anthropocentric rule, it is to
the performative insecurity of modern sovereignty that one must look first.
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 150
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
Challenges Governmentality
Foucauldian concepts of the state intervening in science`s epistemology
Wendt, Minnesota - Professor of International Relations and Duvall, hio State -
Professor of International Relations, 8
(Alexander and Raymond, 'Sovereignty and the UFO, August 2008, Political Theory Volume 36 Number 4,
http://ovnis-usa.com/DIVERS/WendtDuvallPoliticalTheory.pdI,JSkoog)
In thinking about the problem oI rule, political scientists have traditionally Iocused on either individual
agents or institutional structures, in both cases treating government as a given object. In contrast, Foucault`s
concept of governmentality is focused on the ~art of governing, understood as the biopolitical
~conduct of conduct for a population of subjects.45 Thus, governmentality concerns the specific
regime of practices through which the population is constituted and (self-)regularized. ~Modern
governmentality marks a shift in discourses of rule away from the state`s sovereign power its ability
to take life and/or render it bareand toward its Iostering and regularizing of life in biopolitics. The
object of government is no longer simply obedience to the king, but regulating the conditions of life for
subjects. To this end biopolitics requires that the conditions oI liIe oI the population be made visible and
assayed, and practical knowledge be made available to improve them. As a result, with modern
governmentality we see the emergence of both panoptic surveillance and numerous specialized
discoursesoI education, political economy, demography, health, morality, and othersthe effect of which
is to make populations knowable and subject to the regularization that will make for the ~happy life.
A constitutive feature of modern governmentality is that its discourses are scientific, which means that
science and the state are today deeply intermeshed. Through science the state makes its subjects and
objects known, lending them a facticity that facilitates their regularization, and through the state
science acquires institutional support and prestige. Despite this symbiosis, however, there is also an
important epistemological difference between the two. Science seeks, but knows it can never Iully
achieve, ~the truth, defined as an apolitical, objective representation of the world. To this end it relies
on norms and practices that produce an evolving, always potentially contested body of knowledge. The
state, in contrast, seeks a regime of truth to which its population will reliably adhere. Standards Ior
knowledge in that context privilege stability and normalization over the uncertain path oI scientiIic truth.
Although science and the state are allied in the modern UF regime, we suggest in conclusion that this
difference opens space for critical theory and resistance.
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 151
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
Key to Citizen Participation
Conspiracy theories allow for the most basic right of a citizen in a democratic society: the
pursuit of gathering information
Dean, Hobart and William Smith Colleges - Professor of Political Theory, 97
(Jodi, John opkins University Press 'The Familiarity oI Strangeness: Aliens, Citizens, and Abduction , Theory &
Event 1:2, Project MUSE, JSkoog)
Conspiracy thinking is a method Ior thinking critically when caught within the governing assumptions oI a public sphere. So the
problem with conspiracy thinking is not its Iailure to comply with public reason but its very compliance, a compliance that reiterates
some oI these assumptions even as it contests others, a compliance that demonstrates all too clearly the paranoia, surveillance, and
compulsive will to know within the ideal oI publicity. Thus, conspiracy theory rejects the myth of a transparent
public sphere, a sphere where others can be trusted (and, importantly, conspiracy theory doesn't claim
with certainty that no one can be trusted; it claims an uncertainty as to whether anyone can be
trusted), although it continues to rely on revelation. In so doing, it demonstrates the constitutive antagonism between transparency
and revelation, the antagonism oI a notion oI the public that ultimately depends on secrecy: iI everything and everyone were transparent,
there would be nothing to reveal. We might say that, by reiterating the compulsions oI publicity, conspiracy's attempts to
uncover the secret assemble information regarding the contexts, terms, and conditions of surveillance,
discovery, and visibility in a culture where democracy is conceived within a hegemonic notion of the
public sphere. When publicity feeds the mediated networks of the information age, conspiracy theory
challenges the presumption that what we see on the screens, what is made visible in traditional
networks and by traditional authorities, is not itself invested in specific lines of authorization and
subjection. Make links, search for truth: within these injunctions one is forced to be free insofar as
one is forced to gather information. More powerful, more persuasive, than market and consumerist
conceptions of freedom, freedom as information gathering confirms a conception of democratic
engagement long part of the ideal of the public sphere: the public has a right to know. Citizens are free,
in other words, so long as nothing is hidden from them. Thus, they must watch, surveill, expose, and reveal.
Conspiracy theory or the version of democracy that supports the information age? I can't tell the diIIerence. I
guess I'll have to look on the Internet.
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 152
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
Key to Dissent
Conspiracy theories should be understood as questioning the gatekeeping of official media
and information, opening space for dissent beyond the mainstream
Alvarez, staff writer Rutgers Today, 2008 (Ashanti M., 'Panic over the unknown: New book examines
the collective anxiety surrounding conspiracy theories Rutgers Today, April 23,
http://news.rutgers.edu/Iocus/issue.2008-04-09.1171885477/article.2008-04-23.8077404311, SL)
A cultural studies scholar who takes a critical look at popular culture (one oI his recent areas oI study is reality television), Bratich
says that recent conspiracy theories are born out of the investigative vacuum created by institutional
failure and filled by grassroots access to technology. 'A lot oI my undergrads really light up when I start
talking about secret societies," Bratich said. "They are feeling the alienation and skepticism that young
people have had for many generations, and now it`s taking this other shape, too, through social network
media. Indeed, ideas surrounding conspiracy theories have invaded the consciousness of millions,
especially young people, through the popularization of alternative media websites and particularly through video
embedding and sharing. The documentary Loose Change, which promulgates the notion that the U.S.
government was involved in the 9/11 attacks, spread like wildfire across the internet and prompted an
equally well-known debunking by Popular Mechanics magazine. That a failed film school student from
upstate New York and a magazine dedicated to automotive technology and used cars engaged in a
debate about what happened that day points to a larger failing by government commissions and the
mainstream media to answer the public`s many questions about the tragedy. 'Where are the
investigative bodies that we can turn to to trust and do these investigations and research? Bratich asks.
'Investigative journalism has been gutted over the last 15 or 20 years. Government-appointed bodies ... their
work is not just full of holes but has all these closed door meetings. 'Now we are Iaced with how to reorient
ourselves around this new version oI investigative research, he says. When he arrived at Rutgers Irom the University oI New
ampshire in 2003, Bratich settled in Princeton. 'I was accustomed to college towns, he said. But a year later he decided to move to
New York`s Lower East Side, just across the lower tip oI Manhattan Irom Ground Zero. 'That actually changed a lot oI my work,
moving to New York City, Bratich said. The last chapter, which deals with the 9/11 attacks, came Irom Bratich`s experience at 9/11
truth movement meetings taking place in lower Manhattan. 'I wanted to see how they were trying to organize politically. Being on the
Lower East Side plugged me into a set oI activists and activist organizations, which made me think about how to analyze the truth
movement in as Iar as how it links up to the leIt. Conspiracy theories are neither exclusive to the left nor right
side of the political opinion spectrum. Instead, certain types of skepticism have become attached to
extremism of either wing, rendering the askers of questions marginal. In Conspiracy Panics, Bratich is
mostly concerned with mainstream left media outlets that act as gatekeepers in an attempt to regulate
discourse surrounding conspiracy theories and retain legitimacy. e puts Iorth the idea oI a ~sphere of
legitimate dissensus. It`s about what kinds of claims and knowledges can appear on the range of
possible opinions, Bratich said.
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 153
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
AT: Irrational
As technology blurs the lines of reality and rationality, only conspiracy theory offers a way
for individuals to reclaim meaning
Dean, Hobart and William Smith Colleges - Professor of Political Science, 98
(Jodi, Aliens in America, pg. 9-10,)
Such dismissals, handed out ever more frequently as science increasingly impacts on our lives,
contribute to the mistrust that pervades contemporary democracy. Those in positions of power deploy
terms like "reasonable" and "rational." Previously, the victims of this deployment, the
"unreasonable" and "irrational," remained isolated. They had diIIiculty getting attention and Iighting
back. Now, thanks to widespread developments in communication networks, the "irrational" can get
their message out. They can Iind and connect with those myriad others also dismissed by science. They can
network and oIIer alternatives to oIIicial deployments or reason. They can reclaim their rationality on
their own terms.
What happens when there is so much suspicion of terms like "reasonable" and "rational" that one can
no longer tell what an informed decision on a matter like, say, partial-birth abortion or nuclear waste
storage might look like? This is where America is today. We Iace a situation oI proIound blurring, oI
complex interconnection, that has proIoundly altered the conditions we use to establish the intelligibility oI
an issue or judgment. We have permanent media. Although not yet seamless, as proponents oI push
technologies which, like TV, deliver messages without the user having to search Ior them advocate, the
experience oI media in millennial America smears lines between ad and information, product and
producer, ad and product, entertainment and all of the above.
23
The new communication technologies
make possible connections between persons and information that were once unimaginable. These
include temporal and spatial connections: I can see images Irom Mars now, in real time. They include
conceptual and visual connections, "special eIIects" no longer limited to Industrial Light and Magic but
available Irom Photoshop Ior the splicer on a budget. How can we tell whether a person in a photo was
inserted or really there?
Access to media and technology affects the practices of democracy. More opinions, more contestations
are possible than before simply because of the ease of connection. Dismissing others' opinions is more
likely to provoke outrage, to get some kind oI response, even iI only a Iew thousand people on the Internet
are watching. The lines of thinking, the networks of discursive authority that had remained separate,
are now more likely to blur as more people know more about what happens. Yet, they still may not
know what it means or even iI it 7eally happened. ow can I know which statement on partial abortion
reIlects "Iacts" the pro-liIe movement wants to disseminate? ow can I know whether this is an issue on
which I might change my mind or compromise?
UFs, aliens, and abduction provide ideal vehicles for accessing the effects of these changes on
American society. America has a long history oI contestations, Iringe groups, and conspiracy theorists. Now,
though, any contest, any group, any theory has more opportunity to acquire an audience, to link into a
network where it won't be obscured by those parts oI our culture with claims to public or political status.
Because oI the pervasiveness oI UFO belieI and the ubiquity oI alien imagery, ufology is an especially
revealing window into current American paranoia and distrust. We might say that it's "of the fringe"
though no longer "on the fringe."
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 154
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
AT: Irrational
Scientists act as gatekeeprs of knowledge - they try to label those who believe as irrational
Dean, Hobart and William Smith Colleges - Professor of Political Science, 98
(Jodi, Aliens in America pg. 8-9)
We have moved from consensus reality to virtual reality. Politics itself must now be theorized from
within the widespread dispersion of paranoia that has supplanted focused targets such as "Jim Crow"
laws, Richard Nixon, and the Vietnam War. Insofar as its practioners can link together varieties of
disparate phenomena to find patterns of denial, occlusion, and manipulation, conspiracy theory, far
from a label dismissively attached to the lunatic fringe, may well be an appropriate vehicle for political
contestation.
20
Some government agencies, as well as some researchers and journalists, have already
been thinking and acting in ways that might have been dismissed as "conspiratorial" under traditional
politics. As Grant Kester explains in his compelling analysis oI Iederal inIormation policies during the
Reagan administration:
With the growing use oI computer networks the government is Iaced with the problem oI an inIormation
blizzard a lascivious and potentially threatening intermingling in which memos, aIIidavits, invoices, re-
ceipts, bank statements, and other documents combine and recombine themselves to produce dangerous new
constellations oI meaning. In this scenario the threat doesn't lie with a single piece oI damaging inIormation
that "leaks out" and exposes government malIeasance, but with the possible interconnections that might be
made among dozens oI diIIerent bits oI inIormation; bits that might mean little or nothing by themselves, but
that, when assembled by the researcher into a particular narrative Iorm, could prove extremely damaging.
21
To reiterate, my claim is not that people who think they have been abducted by aliens threaten to
destroy democracy. It is not that UF believers are irrational.22 Rather, being unable to judge their
rationality points to the lack of widespread criteria for judgments about what is reasonable and what
is not: ufological discourse upholds the very criteria for scientific rationality that mainstream science
uses to dismiss it. "Scientists" are the ones who have problems with the "rationality" of those in the
UF community. "Scientists" are the ones who feel a need to explain why some people believe in flying
saucers, or who dismiss those who do so as "distorted" or "prejudiced" or "ignorant."
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 155
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
AT: Paranoia
The mainstream`s attempts at silencing conspiracy theories construct an ~ther between
those in power and those who question power
Goshorn, Professor of American politics and cultural history, 2000
(Keith, ProIessor oI American politics and cultural history, 'Strategies oI Deterrence and Frames OI Containment:
On Critical Paranoia And Anti-Conspiracy Discourse, 2000, Project Muse,
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/theoryandevent/v004/4.3rgoshorn.html, JSkoog)
12. The idea that misguided souls are being duped by conspiracy theories issues from a long history of
upper class leaders and elitist intellectuals who have always feared that "...the masses are still captive to
ignorance and superstition," whereas those who had the means to lead and control society occupied the
seat of logic and rationality. Yet when the lower classes have expressed suspicions of ruling class
conspiracies to manipulate and dominate them, such narratives typically have been publicly ridiculed
as mere paranoid fantasies in order to diminish their credibility. One oI the most inIluential American
academic theorists oI propaganda, arold Lasswell, could thus use this belieI as the justiIication Ior the
necessary "...development of a whole new technique of control, largely through propaganda" which was
"...the one means of mass mobilization which is cheaper than violence, bribery, or other possible
control techniques."7| And Iinally, as most oI the recent writers discussed here are beginning to
acknowledge, not only is it inaccurate to say that all those who "believe in" conspiracy theories are
simply paranoid, but also to persecute those thers for believing in the wrong set of truth-claims
resonates with a long series of earlier religious campaigns against heresies and ideological campaigns
driven by a characteristically American counter-subversive impulse. Such persecution Iurther re-enacts a
Iamiliar ritual oI masculinist logic attempting to "Ieminize" its opponents.
It is essential that we criticize the common goings on of public policy-empirics prove
Goshorn, Professor of American politics and cultural history, 2000
(Keith, ProIessor oI American politics and cultural history, 'Strategies oI Deterrence and Frames OI Containment:
On Critical Paranoia And Anti-Conspiracy Discourse, 2000, Project Muse,
http://muse.jhu.edu/journals/theoryandevent/v004/4.3rgoshorn.html, JSkoog)
Each year new evidence has appeared (helpless though it may be alone) which suggests that, at least since the
late 1940's, there has been every reason to retain a hermeneutics of political suspicion and a healthy
paranoia within reason regarding all official versions, and to remain open-minded toward nearly any
alternative thesis of political cover-up, no matter how implausible it may at first appear. Such an
attitude has been more than justified while observing an accelerating curve where deeds, programs,
and policies, at Iirst emphatically denied and oIIicially disproven by numerous experts, subsequently take
less and less time to arrive from the realm of the conspiratorial absurd, to the plausible, to the possible,
to the probable, to the positively confirmable. Sometimes this process arrives through declassiIied or
"liberated" documents Irom the deep archives oI the oIIicial version, or occasionally by voluntary or Iorced
admissions by representatives oI government or corporate power which have reversed the status oI what was
long held at bay in the realm oI "irresponsible" conspiracy theory into conIirmable elements oI the
continually revised historical record. Needless to say, these developments have not alleviated the illusions
of a mainstream consensus culture, nor have they yet altered the empty spectacle of electoral politics,
but they have at least rekindled a semblance of popular, at times almost non-partisan opposition against
the polyarchal rule of business as usual. Researching these dimensions of the relevant historical
phenomena, especially the ever more complex problems of proof and evidence, is a far more valuable
enterprise for academic researchers to pursue than the continual flogging of the easy target of popular
conspiratorial delusions and paranoid suspicions.
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Abduction Narratives
Alien abduction narratives are representative of the disruption in the global system
Dean , Professor of Political Theory at Hobart and William Smith Colleges 97
(Jodi, John opkins University Press 'The Familiarity oI Strangeness: Aliens, Citizens, and Abduction Project
MUSE, June 21, 2011, BLG)
Slavoj Zizek's discussion of the "theft of enjoyment" can help us understand not just the thematization
of passivity in the alien abduction narrative but also the way the program as a whole disrupts the
fantasy of global citizenship.65 In his analysis oI nationalism, Zizek suggests that we impute to the other
an "excessive enjoyment," always suspecting the other of attempting to steal ours. e writes: "What we
conceal by imputing to the Other the theIt oI enjoyment is the traumatic Iact that we never possessed what
was allegedly stolen Irom us: the lack ('castration') is original."66 In abduction, the alien takes away our
agency, and the sense of security and certainty upon which our agency was predicated. This theft of
agency is manifest not just in the power of the alien to paralyze us and abduct us at will but also in its
technological superiority and pernicious breeding project. Because of its expertise, it takes away our
pride in technological achievement. Because of its genetic investigations, it abducts our children, our
ability to determine, or at least influence, our future. Zizek's formulation reminds us that the
abduction narrative functions to conceal the fact that our agency was an illusion, just like our security
and certainty. The technology has been controlling us, developing, spreading, replicating with its own
momentum, a momentum no one oI us can comprehend. We might have thought that our genes are all we
have, but since we can't really be said to own or possess them (they constitute us, or so we are told), their
theIt by aliens marks our contradictory and ambiguous relationship to our own bio-chemistry.
Alien Abductions narrate the experience of strangeness.
Dean , Professor of Political Theory at Hobart and William Smith Colleges 97
(Jodi, John opkins University Press 'The Familiarity oI Strangeness: Aliens, Citizens, and Abduction Project
MUSE, June 21, 2011, BLG)
Despite or perhaps because of the excesses of privatization, the pervasive sense of the millennial US is
that nothing is "ours," nothing is safe, secure, protected. 'iolence, abuse, poverty, and neglect disrupt
familiar images of home. Some respond with vigorous interest in "ome Improvement" or Martha Stewart's
complicated domestic projects, both explicit in their stress on the need to build and repair homes. Technology
promised to save us time, to give us access to inIormation. Like opkins' abductees, many oI us today are
missing time. Since what happens happens now, by the time we have assessed now it is then. We have too
much data, but not enough to make any decisions because we are uncertain about the contexts and networks
into which we might integrate this inIormation. Our neighbors are aliens. Assimilation has been discredited
as an ideal and multiculturalism hasn't become much more than a marketing strategy. PeaceIul coexistence
demands mental changes, accommodation, tolerance. Better to Iorget the neighbors, go inside, and enjoy
cyber-citizenship on the World Wide Web. What happens to me alone, isolated, vulnerable is oI global
signiIicance. Alien abduction narrates the predominant experience of the familiarity of strangeness in
the techno-global information age. Unlike metaphors of colonization that presuppose borders to be
penetrated and resources to be exploited, abduction operates with an understanding of the world, of
reality, as amorphous and permeable. Colonization, moreover, brings with it the possibility of anti-
colonial struggle, or resistance and independence. Abduction tells us there is nothing we can do.
Colonial notions connote history. Abduction warps space and time. Whereas colonization implies an
ongoing process with systemic limitations, abduction involves the sense that things are happening
behind our backs, things have been done to us that we don't remember and probably couldn't bear if
we did. To fight colonization, we take control. We don't fight abduction; we simply try to recover our
memories, all the while aware that they could be false, that in our very recovery we participate in an
alien plan.
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```Conspiracy Theory Bad```
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 158
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Reject Conspiracy Theories
Conspiracy theories should be discounted
Hawkins, professional blogger who runs Right Wing News, 3
(John, May 30, 'The Questions Conspiracy Theorists Need To Ask Themselves,
http://www.rightwingnews.com/john/conspire.php)
Now iI these ridiculous belieIs were relegated to the Iringes oI society I probably wouldn't bother with writing an editorial to shoot down
the thinking behind these theories. owever, this sort oI bizarre paranoia has crept into "mainstream thinking".
Things like the "Jewish Conservatives manipulating the President", "The Republicans rigged the 2002 elections", & "Bush knew (about
9/11)" have been tossed around by people many see as more credible than the average Iruit loop writing Ior these conspiracy websites.
That's why I thought it would be worth tossing out a few questions that anyone who starts to buy into these
sorts of theories should consider. To begin with.
How many people know about this conspiracy?: It's very difficult to keep any sort of newsworthy
conspiracy that hundreds or thousands of people are supposedly involved in out of the mainstream
press. Keep in mind that we live in a world where the President can't even get a BJ Irom an intern without it becoming public
knowledge. Even things as sensitive as battle plans Ior upcoming invasions get into the papers. That's why you should certainly
be skeptical of any sort of vast conspiracy that requires people keeping quiet about it indefinitely.
How reliable is your source?: As the ongoing saga with the New York Times has illustrated, the mainstream media is not
always completely reliable. owever, they're inIinitely more trustworthy than people who post anonymously on the net. I'm oIten
surprised to see that people who don't trust one thing that Fox News or the New York Times says will blindly lap up whatever some
conspiracy website or moonbat radio talk show host like Art Bell has to say. Yet, even though these sources burn them again and again,
their readers still buy into what they have to say. It makes no sense.
Do you have ready answers Ior the obvious questions?: Let's look at a conspiracy that was Iloating around aIter 9/11 -- that the Pentagon
was hit by a truck bomb, not a plane. Well in that case, what happened to the plane that was hijacked? ow could it be that various
people WATCED the plane Ilying towards the Pentagon? Is it possible that the hundreds oI IireIighters and military personnel who
must have known the truth were somehow silenced? Why would anyone go through such an elaborate charade? II you can't convincingly
answer the most basic questions about a conspiracy, then it's tough Ior the theory you're supporting to hold any water.
Are you acting as iI commonly held belieIs are unique?: This is one question that a lot oI the more "mainstream" conspiracy theorists
should ask themselves more oIten. For example, over the last year and a halI we've constantly heard people asserting that belieIs held by
a large majority oI Republicans are really unique to a handIul oI Conservative Jews who somehow manipulated Bush into going to war
to help Israel. Who the conspiracy theories pick out oI the bunch and try to assign sinister motives to in situations like that usually says
more about the conspiracy theorist than the person or group they target.
Are you relying too much on a handful of contrary facts?: Rarely do you ever see a story where every
fact, "falls into place". By that I mean people's memories are Iaulty, perceptions diIIer, politicians spin issues, press biases creep
in, things are taken out oI context, & typos and Iactual errors come into play as well. When these things inevitably happen, conspiracy
theorists tend to seize a handIul oI inconsistencies and try to prove that there's a cover-up or conspiracy happening. But, this is just how
liIe works. II you don't believe me, leave a couple oI kids alone in a room Iull oI breakables with a Iootball, come back a Iew minutes
aIter you hear something break, and then separate the kids and ask what happened.
Are you being too cynical about the government?: There's only one thing worse than believing that
your government always tells the truth and that's believing that they always lie. II you're willing to buy into
any sort oI claptrap because you won't put anything past your government, then you're apt to be proven wrong over and over again.
Shouldn't you be a little more skeptical about those conspiracy theories?: I've heard some variation of
the following from conspiracy theorists, "How can you just dismiss this conspiracy theory out of hand?
There have been conspiracies that have turned to be true beIore so this one could be true as well!" Yes,
there have been conspiracy theories that panned out, but very, very, few of them. In fact, if you simply
blew off every conspiracy theory that came down the pike you'd rarely ever be wrong. Because oI that,
conspiracy theories merit a lot of skepticism.
Before you buy into a conspiracy theory, ask yourself these questions and generally -- actually, in
almost every case -- you'll find that it doesn't hold water.
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Conspiracy Theories Non-falsifiable
Conspiracy theories question knowledge production and reduce highly complex
phenomena to non-fallsifiable explanations
Barkun, professor emeritus of political science at the Maxwell School of Citizenship and
Public Affairs and FBI consultant, 03
(Michael, A Culture oI Conspiracy: Apocalyptic Visions in Contemporary America, pg. 7, SL)
Conspiracy theories resist traditional canons oI prooI because they reduce highly complex phenomena to simple
causes. This is ordinarily a characteristic much admired in scientific theories, where it is referred to as
~parsimony. Conspiracy theoriesparticularly the systemic theories and the superconspiracy theories discussed above
are nothing if not parsimonious, Ior they attribute all of the world's evil to the activities of a single plot,
or set of plots. Precisely because the claims are so sweeping, however, they ultimately defeat any attempt
at testing. Conspiracists' reasoning runs in the following way. Because the conspiracy is so powerful, it
controls virtually all of the channels through which information is disseminateduniversities, media, and
so Iorth. Further, the conspiracy desires at all costs to conceal its activities, so it will use its control over
knowledge production and dissemination to mislead those who seek to expose it. ence inIormation that
appears to put a conspiracy theory in doubt must have been planted by the conspirators themselves in
order to mislead. The result is a closed system of ideas about a plot that is believed not only to be responsible
Ior creating a wide range oI evils but also to be so clever at covering its tracks that it can manufacture the
evidence ad- duced by skeptics. In the end, the theory becomes nonfalsifiable, be- cause every attempt at IalsiIication is
dismissed as a ruse.
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AT: Conspiracy analysis is productive politics
Any understanding created is episodic not systematic
Barkun, professor emeritus of political science at the Maxwell School of Citizenship and
Public Affairs and FBI consultant, 03
(Michael, A Culture oI Conspiracy: Apocalyptic Visions in Contemporary America,, pg. 182, SL)
These fringe beliefs, and the resulting pariah status oI the believers, have stimulated the growth of an
alternative communications system by which stigmatized ideas can be spread. This alternative system is
necessary even though mainstreaming has opened popular culture to some traditionally stigmatized belieIs.
Although this access has promoted both recruitment and enhanced legitimacy, it has signiIicant limits.
First, it almost always occurs within the context of fictional representations of the world, such as films
and television programs. It does not purport to offer an accurate picture of reality, even though the Iact-
Iiction reversals discussed earlier lead believers to regard it as truthIul. Second, it is fragmentary and
episodic rather than systematic. That is, the stigmatized material usually takes the form of an
individual motif incorporated into the story, as in the reIerence to the power oI FEMA in the Iilm The X-
Files. It does not take the form of a comprehensive and logically developed presentation of an
alternative view of reality.
Conspiracy theory discourse makes political discourse impossible
Barkun, professor emeritus of political science at the Maxwell School of Citizenship and
Public Affairs and FBI consultant, 03
(Michael, A Culture oI Conspiracy: Apocalyptic Visions in Contemporary America, pg. 189, SL)
As New World rder ideas and attendant elements oI the improvisational milieu break out of their traditional
confinement, a new and disconcerting array of possibilities opens up, because those who espouse such
ideas represent dissent of a particularly radical sort, rooted in divergent ideas about reality and
knowing. While The X-Files motto, 'Trust no one, may appear innocuous in an escapist drama, its literal
application implies a culture war far more extreme than anything seen previously. If no one can be
trusted (except, presumably, others in the truthseeking cadre), a society becomes divided between believers in
received ideas about what counts as knowledge and a no-longer-hidden minority of challengers. The
likely outcome of such a polarization is not pleasant to contemplate, for the challengers do not believe their
opponents are merely misguided. Rather, the supporters of the status quo are thought to be at best the
conspirators' dupes and at worst their accomplices. ence the alternative reality sees itself as a fighting faith
that must obliterate its adversaries. This is, to be sure, a worst-case scenario, and most worst-case scenarios melt
away with time. One hopes that will be the case here. But the Iact that the belieIs described in the preceding chapters are bizarre ought
not to imply that they are necessarily innocuous or unworthy oI careIul scrutiny. Bizarre beliefs have broken into the open
before. Indeed, new orthodoxies can emerge out of just such ideological undergrowth, sometimes with
devastating effects.
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AT: Conspiracy analysis is productive politics
Conspiratorial views of politics fail to interrogate the system
Domhoff, Professor of Sociology at UC-Santa Cruz, 5
(G. William,'There are no Conspiracies, March,
http://sociology.ucsc.edu/whorulesamerica/theory/conspiracy.html, JSkoog)
There are several problems with a conspiratorial view that don't fit with what we know about power
structures. First, it assumes that a small handIul oI wealthy and highly educated people somehow develop an
extreme psychological desire Ior power that leads them to do things that don't Iit with the roles they seem to
have. For example, that rich capitalists are no longer out to make a proIit, but to create a one-world
government. Or that elected oIIicials are trying to get the constitution suspended so they can assume
dictatorial powers. These kinds of claims go back many decades now, and it is always said that it is
really going to happen this time, but it never does. Since these claims have proved wrong dozens of
times by now, it makes more sense to assume that leaders act for their usual reasons, such as profit-
seeking motives and institutionalized roles as elected officials. OI course they want to make as much
money as they can, and be elected by huge margins every time, and that can lead them to do many unsavory
things, but nothing in the ballpark oI creating a one-world government or suspending the constitution.
Second, the conspiratorial view assumes that the behind-the-scenes leaders are extremely clever and
knowledgeable, whereas social science and historical research shows that leaders often make
shortsighted or mistaken decisions due to the limits placed on their thinking by their social
backgrounds and institutional roles. When these limits are exposed through stupid mistakes, such as the
Iailure oI the CIA at the Bay oI Pigs during the Kennedy Administration, then conspiratorial theorists assert
that the leaders Iailed on purpose to Iool ordinary people. Third, the conspiratorial view places power in
the hands of only a few dozen or so people, often guided by one strong leader, whereas sociologists who
study power say that there is a leadership group of many thousands for a set of wealth-owning families
that numbers several million. Furthermore, the sociological view shows that the groups or classes below
the highest levels buy into the system in various ways and support it. For example, highly trained
proIessionals in medicine, law, and academia have considerable control over their own lives, make a good
living, and usually enjoy their work, so they go along with the system even though they do not have much
political power. Fourth, the conspiratorial view often assumes that clever experts ("pointy-headed
intellectuals") with bizarre and grandiose ideas have manipulated the thinking of their hapless bosses.
But studies of policy-making suggest that experts work within the context of the values and goals set
out by the leaders, and that they are ignored or replaced if they step outside the consensus (which is
signaled by saying they have become overly abstract, idealistic, or even, Irankly, "pinko"). Finally, the
conspiratorial view assumes that illegal plans to change the government or assassinate people can be
kept secret for long periods of time, but all evidence shows that secret groups or plans in the United
States are uncovered by civil liberties groups, infiltrated by reporters or government officials, and
written about in the press. Even secrets about wars and CIA operations -- Vietnam, the Contras, the
rationales Ior Bush's invasion oI Iraq in 2003 -- are soon exposed Ior everyone to see. As Ior assassinations
and assassination attempts in the United States, Irom McKinley to Franklin D. Roosevelt to John F. Kennedy
to Martin Luther King, Jr., to Robert F. Kennedy to Reagan, they have been the acts oI individuals with no
connections to any power groups. Because all their underlying assumptions are discredited by historical
events and media exposures, no conspiracy theory is credible on any issue. II there is corporate
domination, it is through leaders in visible positions within the corporate community, the policy planning
network, and the government. II there is class domination, it is through the same mundane processes that
social scientists have shown to be operating Ior other levels oI the socioeconomic system. ,
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AT: Conspiracy analysis is productive politics
Conspiracy theory replaces political engagement with endless, circular analysis
Fenster, University of Florida - Professor of Law, 09
(Mark, Conspiracy Theories: Secrecy and Power in American Culture, Pg. 93-96, Ebrary, JSkoog)
But Clinton's statement also demonstrates the profound trouble that mainstream politicians and established
political institutions have when confronted by the politics, interpretive practices, and narrative
constructions of conspiracy theory. In particular, the statement "I just really don't believe there is
anything more to know" makes no sense within the hermeneutics of conspiracy. By assuming there are limits
to interpretation, the statement ignores the fact that conspiracy theory respects no interpretive limits when it
investigates the secret treachery of true political power. Conspiracy theory demands continual
interpretation. There is always something more to know about an alleged conspiracy, the evidence oI which is subjected to an
investigative machine that depends on the perpetual motion oI signiIication. Further, the very attempt to shut interpretation
down is itself a suspicious act that requires interpretation. Clinton's declaration oI a limit to interpretation thus
signiIies excessively. For a conspiracy theorist, when a suspect political leader says that there is nothing more to
know, he simultaneously circulates a profound error (there is always something more to know) and presents
another statement, linked to previous ones that he and his associates have made, that demonstrates the
devious and conspiratorial nature of his power (we know that he knows more). Conspiracy theory trapped Clinton in a
circular, endless game in which every declaration oI his innocence and every piece oI evidence he put Iorward to exonerate himselI
served as Iurther prooI oI his guilt. At still another level, however, Clinton s statement does speak Ior the conspiracy theorist. There
really is nothing more to know, as each detail or sign links with another in an endless chain of details
within a singular narrative frame. ne can and must continually collect and interpret evidence, but the
explanation oI that evidence is always already Iormed. Interpretation may be endless, but the conspiracy tightly limits its
range of conclusions. For a conspiracy theorist Iocused on the Clinton presidency during the 1990s, numerous scandals and
neIarious plots awaited disclosure, composed oI various sorts ol details that were already known, or were coming to light, or were still to
be unearthed: the larger explanation behind these individual scandals. A popular oneand the basis Ior the militia movements dread oI
Clinton's presidency declared that Clinton was an agent oI a "New World Order" seeking to impose a totalitarian regime. This theory
merely required Iurther prooI oI Clinton's inherent insidiousness. The linkage between an event like Foster's suicide to larger claims oI
conspiracy was contingent: competing theories utilized the same detail in diIIerent ways, while even the same theory could move in
alternate directions as it developed. There may be more to learnnew details, even new developments as the Clinton conspiracy spread
more widelybut there would be nothing more to know. This chapter concerns these intensely active interpretive practices oI
conspiracy theory. Conspiracy theory works as a form of hyperactive semiosis in which history and politics
serve as reservoirs of signs that demand (over)interpretation, and that signify, for the interpreter, far
more than their conventional meaning. Again, oIstadter's powerIul notion oI the "paranoid style" oI conspiracy theory is
superIicially attractive as a Iramework Ior analysis. As I explained in part I, oIstadter did not assert that conspiracy theorists were
necessarily paranoid but that their way oI interpreting the world was like that oI the paranoid. is most important claim in this respect
was that conspiracy theorists view current and historical events as a series of plots to undermine a
rightful order by an enemy on whom they project their own anxieties and desires.' Although
understanding conspiracy theory as a paranoid form of interpretation provides some insight, it
displaces the cultural and specifically semiotic challenge posed by conspiracy theory's interpretive
practices onto a relatively simplistic notion of pathology. ThereIore, oIstadter s work can itselI best be used
analogically. The paradoxes oI paranoia, Ior example, provide a useIul way oI thinking through conspiracy theory's role as an
interpretive Iramework.-* As with clinical paranoia, the interpretive practices of conspiracy theory are in many
instances delusional but are structured in a manner that is internally consistent and logical. They engage
in a logic that is at once tautological and Procrustean by associating disparate individual events and Iigures, drawing Iirm conclusions
based on scant or nonexistent evidence, and asserting either too simplistic or too complicated explanations to account Ior historical or
present-day events. As a kind oI residual or regressive practice within a presumably "postmodern" era that marks the end oI master
narratives, conspiracy theorists posit highly and imaginatively integrative analyses of individual pieces of
evidence into an all-encompassing framework that can describe the breadth of modern (and, in some
theories, pre-modern and ancient) history and politics.4 It manifests a popular desire to reconstruct the master
narrative as a mode of expression, thus serving as an excessively integrative interpretive practice that
moves beyond the norms of inference. These interpretive practices are not per se pathological, however, and an approach
that labels them as such limits itselI both politically and analytically because it cannot explain and respond to the speciIically
hermeneutical aspects oI conspiracy theory.' This chapter proposes two alternative ways oI conceiving oI this interpretive practice, as
desire and as production. Both concepts allows us to see conspiracy* theory as an active, endless process that continually seeks, but can
never Iully arrive at, a Iinal interpretation. They take conspiracy theory's marginality and hyperactivity as
starting points to examine its explanatory power and attraction in contemporary popular politics.
```continued```
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```Continued```
They thus enable a cultural analysis of, first, conspiracy theory's ideological, circular, and endless
desire for a totalizing method of mapping and understanding a social and political order where power
seems always elsewhere; and, second, conspiracy theory's practice of producing meaningful and intense
effects and an incessant chain of interpretation. As an interpretive practice, conspiracy theory
represents an impossible, almost Utopian drive to seize and fetishize individual signs in order to place
them within vast interpretive structures that unsuccessfully attempt to stop the signs' unlimited
meaning production. This chapter and the next together assert that conspiracy theory displaces the citizen's desire
for political significance onto a signifying regime in which interpretation and a narrative of conspiracy,
and an obsessive desire for information, replace political engagement. In order to ground what will at times
become a rather abstract description and analysis oI conspiracy theory's interpretive practices, this chapter utilizes some oI the
conspiracies concerning Bill Clinton as examples. Accordingly, 1 begin with some details about two sets oI conspiratorial allegations
that arose during Clinton's two terms as president in order to use these allegations as illustrative examples oI how conspiracy theory's
interpretive practices work.
Search for ~truth becomes endless and repetitive
Fenster, University of Florida- Professor of Law, 9
(Mark, 'Conspiracy Theories: Secrecy and Power in American Culture, 2009, Pg. 100, Ebrary, JSkoog)
Conspiracy theories prodigiously commit to learn and know the presumed secrets of power and
domination. In their endless striving for more information, conspiracy theorists clearly want
something speciIically the "truth," as they would understand it, which entails a truly transparent state
of relations with others as well as with the greater ther of power. This desire constitutes neither a
basic human need nor a clear political demand. Although some who search Ior evidence oI a conspiracy
are impoverished, their search does not promise the IulIillment oI their basic needs, and although some
conspiracy theorists actively make political demands individually and collectively, their search seems only
tangential))' related to the IulIillment ol speciIic demands concerning government programs and laws."'
Rather, it constitutes a desire. The practice of interpreting conspiracy is repetitive, endless, and faces
continual frustration. As a result, conspiracy theory's relationship to its seeming object of desire-the
structure, order, and solution represented by conspiracy-is a complex one.
Represents an endless desire to master the political order
Fenster, University of Florida - Professor of Law, 9
(Mark, Conspiracy Theories: Secrecy and Power in American Culture, Pg. 107-108, Ebrary, JSkoog)
"Conspiracy" transcends everything in this interpretive process. It has produced the past and present,
and it will produce the likely future, ll produced the details under interpretation. It even produced the
interpretive act itself-the conspiracy theorist's will to interpret follows the discovery of the conspiracy
and organizes the conspiracy theorists narrative of history.w What began as a textual eIIect, the way in
which a single detail's signiIicance was understood, has become a transcendent organizing principle; what
began as that which is presumptively searched for, the traces of conspiracy, has become that
transcendent thing which drives the search itself. Interpretation may be endless, but it is organized
indeed, controlledby the very particular logic of conspiracy. Interpretive Desire's Ideology The endless,
circular search (the connections) and the thing that never arrives (the Iinal order that is never revealed)
represent a desire to find, understand, and represent the totality of social relations. Conspiracy theory
clearly wants something: it is a never-ending practice that combs the past and the present for evidence
of some transcendent, all-explanatory thing. Denying the ambiguities oI the past, and the complexities and
contingencies oI the present, conspiracy theory wants to enjoy the pleasure of control, of finding the
correct answer to the riddle of power, of mastering its desire of political order.'5 II the subject does not
know what it wants, is this because oI some ideological misrecognition by the conspiracy theorist, or is it the
result oI some top-down manipulation by a state apparatus? II conspiracy theory is a symptom oI an
ideological desire, then how is this conception oI "desire" any diIIerent Irom ostadter's notion oI paranoia?
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Conspiracy theory fails when applied to science and logic.
Reville, public awareness of science officer at UCC, 9 (William, assistant proI. oI biochem at
UCC, public awareness oI science oIIicer, Dec. 1, 2009, Lexis Nexis, 'When is a theory not a
theory?, p. 19, 6.27.11 JSkoog)
TE TERM conspiracy theory commonly means a Iringe theory that explains an event as the secret
machinations oI powerIul Machiavellian conspirators. The modern popularity oI such theories dates Irom the
conspiracy theory that arose in the 1960s around the assassination oI JFK. Enhanced Coverage LinkingJFK.
-Search using: Biographies Plus News News, Most Recent 60 Days Mainstream opinion looks on conspiracy
theories with a jaundiced eye and oIten ridicules them. OI course genuine conspiracies do exist, Ior example
Abraham Lincoln died as a result oI a conspiracy. And George Bernard Shaw said, All proIessions are
conspiracies against the laity . The word theory in conspiracy theory is used in a diIIerent sense to its use in
science. A scientiIic theory is the agreed best explanation oI a phenomenon, arrived at aIter long years oI
examining evidence and testing hypotheses by experiment. In everyday usage theory reIers to a hypothesis an
inIormed (and sometimes not-inIormed) guess as to the explanation oI a phenomenon. Scientific theories
are falsifiable and modifiable in the light of new evidence. Conspiracy theories, eg a secret branch of
government is covering-up evidence of alien visits, are often unfalsifiable. Proponents of conspiracy
theories are also very resistant to contrary evidence. Conspiracy theories are common and have grown up
around well-known incidents such as: JFK Enhanced Coverage LinkingJFK -Search using: Biographies Plus
News News, Most Recent 60 Days s assassination; the death oI Princess Diana; the 9/11 terrorist attack; the
ApolloMoon landing; the Roswell UFO incident, and so on. The theme Ieatures regularly in Iilms, books
television programmes. The two most inIamous conspiracy theories oI the 20th century were devised by
itler and Stalin. Psychology attempts to explain conspiracy theories in various ways such as attempts to
provide reassurance that disturbing events are not random but are the product oI human intelligence and are,
thereIore, potentially controllable. The projection oI undesirable characteristics oI the selI onto the
conspirators is also suggested as another impulse behind conspiracy theories. Some conspiracy theories are
obviously ridiculous, for example, the claim by former television presenter David Icke that humanity is
controlled by alien reptiles who assume our appearance by drinking human blood. Other such theories
seize on perceived weak points in the oIIicial explanation oI an event, such as why were the hijacked 9/11
aircraIt not shot down? Most conspiracy theories, in my opinion, do not withstand critical analysis. Most
fail the test of ccam s Razor, a logical principle devised by medieval philosopher William of ccam
which states, ne should not increase beyond what is necessary, the number of entities required to
explain anything . This principle of parsimony has proved itself most useful in science. Many
conspiracy theories are convoluted explanations oI mainstream evidence. Finally, let me tell you my own
little story oI a conspiracy theory. A taxi-driver recently told me that immigrants are entitled to receive dole
plus a weekly socialising allowance oI EUR 70, and that immigrants are entitled to a grant oI EUR 17,000 to
buy a taxi. e said all taxi drivers knew this and Irish people are not entitled to these beneIits. The
Department oI Family and Social AIIairs press oIIice assured me that the taxi-driver s claims are incorrect. In
order to qualiIy Ior dole, everybody must Iirst satisIy the abitual Residence Condition, ie that their centre oI
interest is Ireland. Social welIare does not pay a socialising allowance and everybody, Irish and non-Irish,
must be treated the same. The socialising allowance idea probably reIers to asylum seekers. Asylum seekers
are not entitled to the dole. They are housed and Ied by the government while their applications Ior asylum
are processed. In addition they are given a weekly allocation oI about EUR 40 to buy small necessary items
that cannot be Ioreseen in detail. Finally the notion oI the EUR 17,000 taxi grant to immigrants is a distortion
oI the Back to Work Enterprise Allowance scheme. This scheme is open to all who are eligible Ior the dole.
II you can convince oIIicials oI the Department that you have a viable business idea that will get you out oI
the ranks oI the unemployed, you may be awarded a small grant to get the enterprise started. But, buying a
taxi in the present recession, with taxis already in over-supply, would hardly qualiIy as a viable business idea
. William Reville is UCC s associate proIessor oI biochemistry and public awareness oI science oIIicer
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 165
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
AT: Conspiracy analysis challenges power
Conspiracy theories actually prop up and legitimate the power of the current political
system
Sternheimer, Professor of Sociology University of Southern California, 7
(Karen, Ph.D in Sociology and ProIessor at USC, 'The Sociology oI Conspiracy, September 26, 2007,
http://nortonbooks.typepad.com/everydaysociology/2007/09/the-sociology-o.html, 6/26/11 JSkoog)
Sociologists refer to conspiracy theories as a form of collective behavior, something that we engage in
together that gains traction as it appeals to many people. Similar to urban legends, rumors, and panics,
sociologists seek to understand how and why groups create meaning through claiming that conspiracies have
taken place. The creation of the Internet has definitely helped grease the wheels of collective behavior.
ne of the most fascinating things about collective behavior is that it often starts from the grassroots
level, from everyday people rather from those in positions of power. In fact, the very distance from the
centers of power fuels conspiracy theories. Let`s think about some other conspiracy theories: some people
claim that the olocaust never happened; perhaps the most Iamous conspiracy theory is based on the
premise that President John F. Kennedy`s assassination was the work oI insiders. The public`s willingness
to entertain such theories diIIers tremendously. For most people, even questioning the reality that millions oI
civilians were murdered during World War II is incredibly oIIensive. But there`s something about Kennedy`s
assassination that makes millions question the Iindings oI the Warren Commission Report. Why does one
conspiracy theory seem outlandish while another one seems plausible? The imbalance of power is a key
ingredient. It is not hard to believe that a powerful regime or dictator could slaughter a group of
people with little or no social power, as sadly has happened over and over again in human history.
But the opposite is much harder to believe: an individual or group with little power harming someone
with significantly more power and status doesn`t make sense. It challenges what we think we know
about the social order. So the Kennedy assassination--apparently the work oI a lone gunman who by all
reports was, to put it kindly, unsuccessIul in his other ventures--seems hard to believe. That a charismatic,
larger-than-liIe leader oI the Iree world could be brought down by a 'nobody has Iueled conspiracy theorists
Ior over Iorty years. Although solid evidence reIutes the idea oI a conspiracy, I admit to entertaining this
notion myselI. I now see that I Iell into the power imbalance trap too. In my deIense, I also grew up during
the 1970s, when network television routinely Ieatured programs about the Bermuda Triangle, BigIoot, the
Loch Ness monster, and other supernatural 'secrets. The Kennedy assassination was also a big topic during
the decade that Ieatured the Watergate cover-up and made many Americans question how much the
government could be trusted. In the early 1970s, Skylab, a precursor to today`s international space station,
actually Iell to earth (which is terriIying iI you`re a kid!) and Iaith in the government Iell as well. Flash
Iorward more than 25 years, and you can see why people still might have trouble believing the
government. The president's approval ratings have declined in recent years as the war in Iraq has
become increasingly unpopular. Conspiracy claims make sense during a time when mistrust and anger
toward the government run high. And most oI all, it is hard to accept that our powerIul military could not
protect us that September day. For some, it is easier to believe that our government is all-powerful (even
if that power is abused) than it is to believe that the government is flawed. ur Cold War military
build-up made us feel almost invincible, and September 11th challenged that assumption. In a strange way,
conspiracy theories help prop up the belief in an all-powerful America. Perhaps clinging to this idea is
less upsetting than facing what transpired that day.
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 166
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
AT: 1odi Dean
Dean`s argument overreaches and ignores history and fails as a foundation for productive
criticism
Luckhurst, Department of English and Humanities, University of London, 98
(Roger , Nov, 'BOOKS IN REVIEW, Science Fiction Studies, #76, Volume 25, Part 3
http://www.depauw.edu/sIs/birs/bir76.htm)
As a narrative of cultural responses to technological change, this is a plausible account. This is the
historical Iramework explored in chapters two and three oI the book, but Dean`s interest does not really lie
here. In Iact, she launches the book by using the pervasive presence oI abduction narratives to exempliIy her
case about a radical relativizing oI any claims to rationality or truth in American society. This is where Dean
succumbs to a rather alarming chain of logic. "UF belief is widespread enough to conflict with the
concept of a unitary public reason," she asserts (11), having claimed that abduction accounts are
symptomatic oI "the lack oI widespread criteria Ior judgments about what is reasonable and what is not" (9).
From uncertainties oI judgment, the argument escalates rapidly to allege that we "can no longer presume
a reality based on consensus" (15), and hence have reached a "collapse" of the political sphere and the
rise of conspiracy culture. This ultimately means that scientists or cultural commentators cannot contest the
claims oI abductees because, as Dean concludes, "there is no overarching conception oI reality" on which to
adjudicate competing claims (170).
And what is the cause oI this wreck oI reason? Technology, in a series oI dispiriting, cliched guises. "We are
all connected in a world wide web, a borderless inIormation economy" (168) where "one site, one link, is as
plausible as any other" (132), so that UFOlogists can "reclaim their rationality on their own terms" (9).
Abductees also appear on television, and, Dean claims, "their televisual presence...links them with the real,
with that which happens" (103), because the measure oI the "real"like istory itselIis now televisual.
Apparently, an abductee on Jerry Springer is rendered equivalent to a news report, or else Dean presumes the
audience too Ioolish to tell the diIIerence. At least abductee accounts about the strange liIe oI domestic
technologies, oI VCRs, microwaves and telephones, oI secret messages embedded in popular sI Iilms and TV
series, are more inventive than this.
It is not the technological determinism or the familiar postmodernist rhetoric of "crisis" and
"collapse" that is worrying here; it is the poorly premised relativism of the argument. Leaving aside
the constant leaps from epistemological uncertainty to claims of ontological collapse, is it really the
case that abduction discourse, because it is relatively organized on the Net, and because it mimics the
methodologies of science, marks a crisis of reason? Apparently so: "heretoIore reasonable procedures take
an alien Iorm. As the criteria Ior legitimacy are themselves abducted, the mainstream, the serious, the
conventional, and the real become suspect" (58). Carl Sagan is held as being "nostalgic, even naive"
compared with Budd opkins, "because he, Sagan, works within a world view that he doesn`t question"
(170). Such absurd statements might benefit from historical perspective. In one footnote, Dean hopes
"to investigate more thoroughly in the future" the world of nineteenth century Spiritualism (221). She
should do so: the Spiritualists were highly organized at the local and national levels, had three newspapers in
London in the 1870s and thousands oI supporters. Spiritualists were linked to both radical politics and the
heart of the political establishment; they ceaselessly appropriated both the language and methods of
science and the newest technologies as "vehicles" for belief. A number oI eminent men oI science became
Spiritualists, and oIIered scientiIic rationales Ior communication with the dead. There was no crisis of
reason, no collapse of the Real (whatever that means); Spiritualism at its height remained a definitively
marginal science. 1odi Dean sets off on the wrong foot in making abduction narratives evidence of the
relativizing of any possibility of truth; it means she ends up losing any possibility of critique, which
requires, after all, some kind of ground on which to argue a case.
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 167
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
Clinical Paranoia
The clinical paranoia and political paranoia are not mutually exclusive
Barkun, professor emeritus of political science at the Maxwell School of Citizenship and
Public Affairs and FBI consultant, 03
(Michael, A Culture oI Conspiracy: Apocalyptic Visions in Contemporary America, pg. 16, SL)
Unlike oIstadter, some have argued that the clinical and the political may overlap. Robert Robins and Jerrold Post assert
that the domain of political paranoia encompasses a range of exemplars, including such clinical
paranoids as 1ames Forrestal and 1oseph Stalin; borderline paranoids whose ~delusion is likely to
involve exaggeration and distortion of genuine events and rational beliefs rather than pure psychotic inven-
tion; and cultures in which, at least temporarily, conspiracy beliefs be- come a culturally defined norm. In this
view, conspiracy beliefs become neither determinative of paranoia nor divorced from it. Instead, con-
spiracism straddles a blurred and shifting boundary between pathology and normalcy. 7
Gonzaga Debate Institute 2011 168
Mercury Conspiracy Theory
AT: Biopower Impacts
Biopower is neither inherently good, nor bad. ur specific context is more important than
their sweeping generalization.
Dickinson, UC Berkeley - Associate Professor History, 4
(Edward Ross, 'Biopolitics, Fascism, Democracy: Some ReIlections on Our Discourse About 'Modernity, Central
European istory, vol. 37, no. 1, 148)
This notion is not at all at odds with the core oI Foucauldian (and Peukertian) theory. Democratic welIare states are regimes oI
power/knowledge no less than early twentieth-century totalitarian states; these systems are not 'opposites, in the sense that they are two
alternative ways oI organizing the same thing. But they are two very /iffe7ent ways oI organizing it. The concept ~power
should not be read as a universal stifling night of oppression, manipulation, and entrapment, in which
all political and social orders are grey, are essentially or effectively ~the same. Power is a set of social
relations, in which individuals and groups have varying degrees of autonomy and effective subjectivity.
And discourse is, as Foucault argued, 'tactically polyvalent. Discursive elements (like the various elements of
biopolitics) can be combined in different ways to form parts of quite different strategies (like
totalitarianism or the democratic welfare state); they cannot be assigned to one place in a structure,
but rather circulate. The varying possible constellations of power in modern societies create ~multiple
modernities, modern societies with quite radically differing potentials.91
Biopower is not genocidal when it is deployed by a government which also respects rights.
Dickinson, UC Berkeley - Associate Professor History, 4
(Edward Ross, 'Biopolitics, Fascism, Democracy: Some ReIlections on Our Discourse About 'Modernity, Central
European istory, vol. 37, no. 1, 148)
At its simplest, this view oI the politics oI expertise and proIessionalization is certainly plausible. istorically speaking, however, the
further conjecture that this ~micropolitical dynamic creates authoritarian, totalitarian, or homicidal
potentials at the level of the state does not seem very tenable. Historically, it appears that the greatest
advocates of political democracy in Germany leIt liberals and Social Democrats have been also the greatest
advocates of every kind of biopolitical social engineering, from public health and welfare programs
through social insurance to city planning and, yes, even eugenics.102 The state they built has intervened
in social relations to an (until recently) ever-growing degree; proIessionalization has run ever more rampant in Western societies;
the production oI scientistic and technocratic expert knowledge has proceeded at an ever more Irenetic pace. And yet, Irom the
perspective oI the Iirst years oI the millennium, the second half of the twentieth century appears to be the great
age of democracy in precisely those societies where these processes have been most in evidence. What is
more, the interventionist state has steadily expanded both the rights and the resources of virtually
every citizen including those who were stigmatized and persecuted as biologically deIective under National Socialism. Perhaps
these processes have created an ever more restrictive 'iron cage oI rationality in European societies. But iI so, it seems clear that
there is no necessary correlation between rationalization and authoritarian politics; the opposite seems
in fact to be at least equally true.
Biopower is inevitable
Wright, Fellow at the Centre for Global Political Economy 2008
(Nathan, 'Camp as Paradigm: Bio-Politics and State Racism in Foucault and Agamben,
http://ccjournal.cgu.edu/pastissues/nathanwright.html)
Perhaps the one Iailure oI Foucault`s that, unresolved, rings as most ominous is his Iailure to Iurther examine the problem oI bio-
political state racism that he Iirst raises in his lecture series, Society Must Be DeIended. At the end of the last lecture,
Foucault suggests that bio-power is here to stay as a fixture of modernity. Perhaps given its focus on
the preservation of the population of the nation it which it is practiced, bio-power itself is something
that Foucault accepts as here to stay. Yet his analysis oI bio-politics and bio-power leads inevitably to state-sanctioned
racism, be the government democratic, socialist, or Iascist. As a result, he ends the lecture series with the question, 'ow can one both
make a bio-power Iunction and exercise the rights oI war, the rights oI murder and the Iunction oI death, without becoming racist? That
was the problem, and that, I think, is still the problem. It was a problem to which he never returned. owever, in the space opened by
Foucault`s Iailure to solve the problem oI state racism and to 'elaborate a unitary theory oI power (Agamben 1998, 5) steps Agamben
in an attempt to complete an analysis oI Foucauldian bio-politics and to, while not solve the problem oI state racism, at least give
direction Ior Iurther inquiry and hope oI a politics that escapes the problem oI this racism.