Improving Dhakas Traffic Situation: Lessons from Mirpur Road

Debra Efroymson, MSc Mahabubul Bari, BSc, MSc (Civil Eng.), MSc, PhD (Transport), MIHT, FIEB, Senior Transport Planner

Roads for People February 2005

On 17 December, rickshaws were banned on Mirpur Road from Russell Square to Azimpur. The reasons given for the ban were that rickshaws cause traffic jams because they take up too much road space and move more slowly than cars and buses. The move to ban rickshaws was pushed by the World Bank, which also pushed the government to ban rickshaws from various other roads in 2005 (see Appendices 1 and 2). Roads for People applauds the efforts of the Government of Bangladesh to reduce traffic problems in Dhaka City. We agree that it is wisest to separate non-motorized transport (NMT) from motorized transport (MT) on main roads, and that a reduction in traffic jams would decrease suffering of Dhakas inhabitants. However, much of the work to date appears ill-advised, leading to negative consequences in terms of traffic flow, travelers expense, livelihood of the most vulnerable, and pollution. Research suggests that women in particular are suffering from the rickshaw bans, finding no adequate replacement transport and often experiencing greater travel costs in terms of both time and money. The ban on nonmotorized transport on Mirpur Road has had the following effects:

resulted in at least a 10% increase in monetary costs per trip (actual increase seems to be much higher as evident from the experiences of the focus group discussions), induced at least a 50% increase in average journey times per passenger per trip (our estimate using HDRC and DTCB data), caused 32% loss of net income by rickshaw pullers, forced one forth of passengers from rickshaws to walking, left no options but to take shelter in more expensive and unreliable modes, such as baby taxis and taxicabs, even for short trips, for more than one third of people, and caused untold sufferings for the most vulnerable road users like women, children and the disabled.

In this paper we set out some thoughts on some of the current directions of transport policy, and our suggestion for improvements. Ban on NMT on Mirpur Road from Gabtoli to Russell Square Non-motorized transport was banned on this stretch of road in December 2002 as a pilot project. Several more streets are slated for NMT bans. As of December 17, 2004, NMT was also banned on Mirpur Road from Russell Square to Azimpur. Human Development Research Centre (HDRC) was commissioned by the Dhaka Transport Coordination Board (DTCB) to investigate positive and negative consequences of the ban and make recommendations for further potential bans. This section summarizes the findings of that report, while also raising a significant question: to what extent is it acceptable to increase poverty among the poorest for the sake of a small perceived benefit in travel time, and also at the cost of higher transport costs and some decreases in mobility? Put another way, how much are the 2

poor and middle class expected to suffer for the convenience of car owners to drive a bit more quickly (except in cases where the jams quickly revert to previous levels, as appears to have happened on the Russell Square-Azimpur corridor) and to park where they wish along the streets and on the footpaths? Economic and other impact of ban on NMT pullers The HDRC study found various impacts on NMT pullers (rickshaws, vans and hand carts) when comparing their situation before and after the ban. These include: 1. Average monthly net income of rickshaw pullers decreased by 32%, from 3,834 to 2,600 taka (see Table 1 and Figure 1 below). Overall, income for NMT pullers declined by 34%. 2. The amount of money sent back to their villages also declined following the ban. Before the ban, on average rickshaw pullers spent 64% of net income and sent the rest (36%) to his village. Following the ban, the amount spent in Dhaka decreased by 27%, while the amount sent to the village decreased by 41%. Similar patterns follow for other NMT pullers (see Table 1 and Figure 2). 3. Pullers compensated for loss of income by reducing food consumption, particularly of fish, meat, and cooking oil: for NMT pullers overall, 85.9% decreased their consumption of fish, 87.5% decreased consumption of meat, 65.1% decreased consumption of cooking oil, and over half (55.3%) decreased consumption of vegetables. 4. There was an increase in the number of income earners in the family from 1.24 to 1.37. This suggests that some children have been taken out of school to compensate for lost income, or that the burden on wives of the pullers have further increased as they must earn money as well as do all the family and household labor. 5. Average number of working days per month for NMT pullers increased by 1.1 days (from 23.67 to 24.78 days a month), and for rickshaw pullers by 1.3 days (from 23.18 to 24.44 days a month). 6. Average number of working hours per day also increased, from 10.33 to 10.97 hours overall, and from 10.16 to 10.70 for rickshaw pullers. 7. More rickshaw pullers worked full-day than half-day shifts: 60.5% after the ban, and 56.7% prior to the ban; the figures overall were 65.1% after the ban and 61.5% prior to it. 8. Only about 5% of pullers reported a second income, and that second income was insufficient to compensate for the loss of income from the ban. 9. Almost all the pullers (81.6% overall) were affected by loss of income; 86.1% of van pullers reported decreased income. 10. Although HDRC recommends training in driving of MT for displaced pullers, only 1.6% of pullers overall suggest that they be provided MT driver training, while 55.9% asked for alternative rehabilitation and 31.6% suggested construction of special lanes for NMT. Similarly, while only 6% wanted an alternative profession in MT, 36% would like to take on petty trading, 27% return to agriculture, and 23% take on day labour.

11. Only 4% of pullers supported NMT withdrawal on other major arterial roads; fears expressed by them included hardship for the pullers and their families, and concern that the move would lead to further deterioration of the law and order situation in the country in general and Dhaka in particular. Table 1. Average monthly net income (from pulling NMT) before and after withdrawal and distribution of their net income for supporting Dhaka and village establishments [reproduced from HDRC report].
Typeof NMT Rickshaw Van Pushcart Before 3,834.17 4,836.25 5,539.43 Monthlynetincome Now 2,600.15 2,837.03 3,564.80 Distributionofmonthlynetincome Dhaka Before 2,448.02 3,834.58 3,779.43 Village Before Now 1,386.16 815.16 1,001.67 430.56 1,760.00 1,084.47

Now 1,784.98 2,406.47 2,480.33

All

4,121.12

2,723.39

2,743.61

1,927.20

1,377.52

769.19

Figure 1. Change in monthly net income following ban

6000 5000 4000 taka 3000 2000 1000 0 rshaw van cart all

before after

Figure 2. Distribution of monthly net income for rickshaw pullers

2500 2000 taka 1500 1000 500 0 Dhaka Village before after

Problems Faced by Families of Rickshaw Pullers following Mirpur Road Ban1 Nargis Begum is married to rickshaw driver who used to work on the Mirpur Road. A drop in family income resulting from the ban caused her to make various changes. Rather than eating three times a day, the family now only eat twice in the morning and evening. Nowadays they cannot afford to eat fish which they used to eat quite regularly. In an attempt to raise the family income, one of the daughters was taken out of school and began working in any garment factory. This work, from 8 a.m. to 10 p.m. daily, was so grueling that the daughter could not continue. Another rickshaw driver called Mojammel described how his family had been affected by the rickshaw ban: 'Before the ban I sent Tk400 home every month, but now I can only manage Tk300. My life has become very hard day by day. I always wanted my children to be literate but now I may need to take my 10-year-old son out of education in order that he can work'.

Research by Khandoker and Rouse shown in the table taken from their report (Table 3) indicate that in fact, various people, not only NMT pullers, have seen a decline in income following the ban.

Table 3. Income data2 Stakeholder Average income prior to DUTP Average income after DUTP

Mirpur Road Rickshaw driver Cycle cart driver Hawker Shopkeepers Tk 200 Tk 130 Tk 200 Tk 325 Tk 120 Tk 70 Tk 100 Tk 250

Exchange rate at time of writing: US$1 : Tk 60

HDRCs Summary of Findings and Conclusion: It has been observed that most NMT pullers have been adversely affected by the withdrawal. The main effects took the form of greater hardship through increased number of working days, longer working hours (hours on the wheel with or without passengers), lower average food consumption, spending less money on immediate family and dependants living at
1 Nasrin Khandoker and Jonathan Rouse, Urban Developments and Livelihood of the Poor in Dhaka. Paper presented at 30th WEDC International Conference, Vientiane, Lao PDR, 2004. 2 Table reproduced from Khandoker and Rouse.

the village home (away from Dhaka), etc. The direct result of making the corridor rickshaw-free fell on the pullers by way of a sizeable reduction in their earnings from NMT pulling. These NMT pullers do not appear to have coped well with the withdrawal. No rehabilitation program appears to have been undertaken by the authorities to reduce the number of pullers along the corridor. Some NMT pullers appear to have left the corridor area but no definite information could be obtained at this late stage. No data can be found to have been collected on those who possibly switched to other areas or to other occupations. The effect on rickshaw pullers might be weighed against possible benefits to passengers. [emphasis ours] Note the final statement: increased labor, decreased food consumption and worsened livelihood of the most vulnerable sections of society might be weighed against possible benefits to passengers. This leads to the question of the relative worth of small potential improvements in speed mostly for passengers in private cars, when such an improvement results in the deterioration of the living standard for the poorest. That is, how much misery and hunger is acceptable to improve the speed of cars?

Highlights of Focus Group Discussion (from HDRC report): Rickshaw Pullers Reasons for choosing the profession: having no land in the village, finding no other job in Dhaka; fathers death forcing son to seek work. Said one puller, We are poor people. There are not many jobs in the village. Parents could not feed us well. We came to Dhaka because of poverty. Advantages to rickshaws for passengers: Ability to go anywhere, not being forced to walk long distances, not getting wet in the rain, being able to reach desired destinations on time, convenience. Problems due to the ban: Fewer clothes, less food. I used to buy 2 kgs of rice everyday but now I can afford to buy only 1 kg per day. I used to eat meat once a week but now I can only buy meat once a month. Many pullers have stopped sending their children to schools. Another mentioned his rent being overdue for two months. There is no peace at home. Perceived benefits of MT users: Taxis and CNGs dont want to take passengers unless they agree to pay in excess of the meter-charged fare. The rich have also benefited. People who have cars can now travel faster, there is less traffic jams. Perceived problems of passengers: there is not enough transport to replace the withdrawn rickshaws. Office goers have to wait in long queues, have to hang like bats while traveling in local buses. Accidents might happen any time if they drop off the bus. These passengers could travel comfortably on rickshaws. Their suggestion to government: Well, if the government could do something so that we poor could survive. For example, if we are given some capital, we could do some sort of business or if we are given some land, we could cultivate it and live on it.

Perceived impact of NMT withdrawal on NMT users The HDRC study also looked at the impact of the NMT ban on NMT users. The findings include: 1. Average daily total expenditure on transport has increased, from 82.7 taka a day before the ban to 91.0 taka following the ban. According to the HDRC report, This finding is contrary to the expectations of the policy makers who argued that rickshaw is a costly mode of transport therefore after its withdrawal, passengers would presumably use public transports that would reduce their travel cost as well as travel time. Average daily expense increased for all groups except garment workers, for whom it declined slightly (as walking replaced rickshaws) from 21.3 to 20.5 taka/day (see Figure 3).

2. Average monthly expenditure on travel has also increased, from an average of 500.8 taka/month to 546.4 taka/month. The amount declined for only two groups: female students (from 159.3 to 136.3) and garment workers (from 159.3 to 136.3). The decline represents not so much a savings, as a decrease in convenience. For other groups, the figure increased, as is shown in Figure 4. 3. On average, people claim their travel time has reduced, on average from 30.4 minutes one-way to their usual destination before the ban, to only 22.0 minutes following the ban. This result however is flawed for various reasons. Travelers were only asked about their main destination, not about their total daily travel time, which means that short trips for shopping or other needs may well now take much more time, more than compensating for any decrease in time for longer trips to work. It is also important to remember that while ones usually has to wait no more than a minute or two to obtain a rickshaw, one may have to wait twenty minutes for a busafter first getting to the bus stop. According to our estimate using HDRC and DTCB data, average journey times per passenger per trip has likely increased by at least 50%, due to the shift from rickshaws to the slower mode of walking. For instance, the report cites a decline in travel time for garment workers from 23.6 minutes before the ban to 19.0 minutes after the ban. The usual destination of garment workers is presumably work, for which the significant increase was from 66.3% to 84.6% walking, and a decrease of 24.0% to 2.9% by rickshaw/van. The percent traveling by bus increased only slightly, from 8.7% to 11.5%; only 1% traveled by any other form of motorized transport. How, then, is it possible that their travel time decreased? Given increase in walking and taking buses by other groups, the same question arises: is walking actually faster than taking a rickshaw? Given the long waiting time for buses of which people complain, and the fact that buses unlike rickshaws do not provide door-to-door transport, is it possible they are actually arriving at their destination faster? 4. Only 2.8% of those interviewed reported no benefits to traveling by rickshaw. 5. Women and girls are suffering hardship due to the many problems of taking buses, and making combined rickshaw-bus journeys that take longer and cost more. (Again, the problem of sexual harassment and danger for female passengers needs to be weighed against the small benefit in travel time for some travelers; is it really necessary to subject women to this harassment in order to speed up slightly the speed of others? It may be noted that this is one area in which women in Bangladesh have been more privileged than women in most countries, as the sexual harassment of women on transport is a common problem throughout the world, but which women and girls have been able to avoid through rickshaw travel.) 6. People are traveling less following the ban. The decline in the availability of convenient, door-to-door transport caused lifestyle changes in 61.1% of the people interviewed, with overall 12.4% reporting a decrease in the frequency of recreational/social trips. Travel frequency for shopping has declined; overall while 30.3% of all users used to travel less than once a week before the

ban, the current figure is 40%; declines have also occurred for those traveling once or twice a day. Those reporting they travel only on rare occasions for other purposes grew from 44.3% to 51%; declines also occurred in those traveling once or twice a day. (Other purposes include students visiting tutors, people going to the doctor, etc.) That is, peoples mobility has declined. 7. Most transport users (47.6%) travel only between one and five kilometers per day on average. In terms of their usual destination, 75.8% travel only one to five kilometers, round-trip. Motorized transport is inefficient (in terms of expense, pollution created, and fuel used) for short trips; far more efficient forms include walking, rickshaws, and cycling. 8. On the subject of walking, the HDRC study comments, while walking is a healthy option, it is not always a feasible option, particularly during bad weather or for elderly people or while carrying heavy grocery stuff. Therefore, a shift of transport mode from a mechanized era to a rudimentary mode might slow down economic activities of the locality. It might also jeopardize the lifestyle of elderly people who does not own a motorized transport nor has the physical ability to walk or take a bus and cannot afford to call a taxi. The issue of availability of CNG baby taxis should also be borne in mind in this connection. As noted, CNG is not pollution-free, while rickshaws are. We would suggest that while improvements in conditions for walking should be improved, rickshaws should also be maintained as an alternative. In any case, CNG baby taxis are not willing to transport passengers for short distances. 9. As to the continuing popularity of the rickshaw, the main reason given is its flexibility: as stated in the HDRC report, you can hire a rickshaw to go to any destination; there is no need to change transport or use multiple mode of transport. This advantage is reinforced in the users minds by the fact that buses, like any public transport, do not or cannot stop at everyones doorsteps. On the other hand, CNG baby taxis or taxi cabs who are supposed to offer the flexibility of going to any destination, near or far, do not in reality accept passengers unless the destination is lucrative enough The experience of passengers in negotiating trips with taxicabs and/or CNG baby taxis is very frustrating because they simply refuse to take passengers unless the destination is right. So much for buses, taxis, and CNG baby taxis replacing rickshaws. 10. Cost is an additional benefit to traveling by rickshaw, despite claims by authorities that rickshaws are expensive. According to the HDRC report, Although public transport offers cheaper means of travel, due to their nonavailability, users see taxis and CNG baby taxis as substitutes of rickshaws and tend to compare rickshaw fares with those of the two closest substitutes. 11. Again citing the HDRC report, The third most cited benefit reported by the users is the easy accessibility of NMTs as plenty of them are available at your doorstep. Therefore rickshaw passengers do not have to wait for buses. There is virtually no waiting time for hiring rickshaws.

12. Further advantages of rickshaws include comfort, ability to get on easily without struggling in a crowd (as with buses), not having to squeeze among other passengers (particularly important benefits for women), ease of carrying luggage, and ease of covering short distances.

Highlights of Focus Group Discussion (from HDRC report): Girls and Women 1. School-going children from Dhanmondi Girls School All the participants complained that it takes longer now to go to school because they have to use multiple mode of transport. It now takes 2 to 3 hours to reach school while previously it used to take 1 to 1.5 hours. The costs have also gone up, said everybody. While it used to cost Tk15 to Tk20 earlier now it takes Tk30 to Tk40 if they cannot catch buses and are forced to take CNGs. Problems with taking buses include breaks in travel, long queues, pushing by other passengers, it being a matter of luck to be able to avail buses, lack of passenger sheds meaning they must endure sun and rain; and frequent bus stops in addition to signals, making bus journeys slow. A further reason for delays mentioned in the report is traffic sergeants who apparently check papers but appear to release upon payment of money. Girls also mention being hassled by boys, encountering difficulties boarding moving buses, and not getting seats due to the very limited number of seats reserved for women, some of which are sometimes taken by men. Girls also note that due to the hassles to arrive at school, they are distressed by the time they arrive and thus cant properly concentrate on their studies; the same effect disturbs their studies on their return home. The problem is worse during exams, since they must leave earlier; they did not face these problems when traveling by rickshaw. In terms of advantages of rickshaws, girls mention the following: less travel time, could go straight to school in one mode, did not pollute the environment, safe and comfortable, could go anywhere, and all kinds of people can use rickshaws (including children and the elderly, who have trouble traveling by bus). In terms of the issue of rickshaw plying, girls expressed support for rickshaws continuing, as they are cheaper than CNG, more convenient and safer than buses, and service people for whom buses are inadequate (including the elderly and the sick). Girls also express fear that former NMT pullers will engage in crime and violence.

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2. Female college and university students from Eden College In addition to many of the same comments as the girls above, college girls mention Bus helpers sometimes tend to touch female passengers, if you protest they would tease you saying why dont we buy private cars. 3. Mothers accompanying school children Rickshaws were safe and convenient while buses involve hassle and disturbance by male passengers; they could do kuncha bazaar shopping on the way home by rickshaw, but not by bus; rickshaws used to be cheaper for the entire trip, whereas now it costs more. Mothers are of the opinion that they did not face any problem when rickshaws used to ply on the corridor. They tend to generally oppose rickshaw withdrawal. 4. Female shoppers Many still travel by rickshaw, but now must pay more and take more time. They say that buses are inappropriate for shopping, as it is hard enough to board a bus in any case, much less while carrying bags. Female shoppers, both kuncha market shoppers and other shoppers have generally been found to be against rickshaw withdrawal. Their views and problems of having and withdrawing rickshaws are very much the same as [other females interviewed]. The main advantage of rickshaw appears to be its easy availability, flexibility, and no necessity to wait for one or change transport before the end of the trip. on balance the FGD participants appear to oppose rickshaw withdrawal.

Figure 3. Daily household travel costs

140 120 100 taka 80 60 40 20 0

before after

l ta to s. re e fic of s. r he ot er p op sh

(Note on Figure 3 and Figure 4: mother refers to mothers taking children to school, student to college/university-going female students, garment to garment workers, shop to kuncha market shopkeepers and marketers, shopper to kuncha market shoppers, other s. to other shoppers, office to office goers, and res. to local residents.)

op sh nt e rm ga t en ud st r he ot

11

Figure 4. Monthly travel costs to usual destination

1000 800 taka 600 400 200 0 before after

Popularity of Ban The HDRC study finds that 54% of people support the rickshaw ban. It is helpful to remember that the total survey size was only about 780 people, so that the margin of error could easily erase the difference between support and opposition. According to an inside source, those conducting the survey over-sampled those of high income, who are most likely either to own, or to plan to purchase, a private car and thus to be against rickshaws. It can also be difficult for people to express a view that they feel is contrary to the desire of the government, especially when those doing the survey are commissioned by a government agency. In any case, 54% is hardly an overwhelming majority, and it must be realized that opposition to rickshaws has been deliberately created through a years-long media campaign blaming Dhakas traffic problems on the rickshaw. The report does not state how many of those favoring the ban were women; given the focus group results, it seems likely that most women are against the ban, and are suffering greatly from it. We also wonder whether similar polls have been taken to assess peoples support for, for instance, enforcing bans on car parking on major roads including Mirpur Road. The comments from the focus groups make it clear that the opposition to the ban is extremely strong, with people (particularly females) suffering tremendous problems as well as loss of time and money due to the rickshaw ban.

l ta to s. re e fic of s. r he ot er p op sh op sh nt e rm ga t en ud st r he ot m

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Highlights of Focus Group Discussion (from HDRC report): Office Goers Bus is so inadequate that it is almost impossible to catch one. Passengers have to travel hanging on the door handles. Too much pushing is involved getting on board a bus. Even if male passengers can somehow get onboard, female passengers cannot do this. Walking can be faster than taking buses, but not everyone is sufficiently fit to walk. It used to cost Tk15 to Tk20 to reach office before. Now it costs Tk50 to Tk60 as buses are not adequate. CNG or taxicabs are expensive. Not everyone can afford to use a taxicab or CNG. Hassle of traveling by bus includes uncertain wait time, long queues, lack of seats, waiting in sun and rain, and traveling standing with the risk of being pick pocketed. There is simply a battle to get onboard a bus through the rush of passengers. For women this simply gets impossible at times. Women suffer from the rush and teasing; from lack of safety, privacy, and comfort; and from the danger of trying to board a moving bus. Advantages of rickshaws included time saving (since the time was known, it could be planned, whereas with buses additional time must be allowed for); cost savings (because rickshaw and bus fares are combined for one trip, and sometimes CNG or taxicab is needed); ease of trip planning; and safety, comfort, and privacy.

Recommendations of HDRC 1. Some substantive steps should be taken before or vis--vis NMT withdrawal from other arterial roads. Such steps might include one or more of the following: (a) NMT pullers should be rehabilitated by means of granting small loans or by the provision of training of some sorts. (b) They may be allowed a choice of giving up NMT pulling and accept to undertake other occupation or vocation in exchange for the training for the alternative occupation. 2. The transportation needs of huge numbers of passengersexisting and potentially increasingmust be met vis--vis any further NMT withdrawal. NMT withdrawal has caused enormous difficulty, hardship, and inconvenience to millions of NMT and MT users along the corridor. No alternative has been arranged to fill in the transport vacuum caused by the withdrawal. Therefore, the following actions need to be taken without delay: (a) Increase the supply of public transport; (b) Increase the supply of CNG driven baby taxis;

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(c) (d) (e) (f)

(g) (h)

(i)

Increase the number of taxicabs; Increase the number of buses Improve passenger sheds and ticket terminals for bus passengers increase transport supply e.g. buses during morning and evening peak hours to alleviate the acute transport shortage facing school, college, university, and office going passengers; Tough measures must be taken to strictly enforce traffic laws; Harsh penalties must be imposed for violation of traffic laws like dropping off and picking up passengers at and from the middle of the road, allowing passenger movement (drop off and pick up) anywhere except at designated bus stops, etc. Private transport companies could be negotiated to introduce school buses at mornings and afternoons to exclusively cater for school boys and girls

Comment on HDRC Recommendations To our knowledge, none of the recommendations have been adequately carried out on any section of Mirpur Road. The increase in buses was a purely temporary measure, and was very limited as the ban occurred during a period of holidays. No long-term increase in transport has been created for Mirpur Road, and the many problems of buses (waiting in sun and rain, long queues, uncertain waiting time requiring additional travel time to ensure arriving on time, hassling by male passengers, fighting for seats, men taking the womens seats, lack of comfort and safety) are unlikely to be solved in the near future. Increasing the number of CNG baby taxis and car taxis is not a solution given their high fares, refusal to take passengers for short trips, and insistence on passengers paying more than the metered fare. Traffic laws continue to be unenforced, including parking on Mirpur Road. Measures for the rehabilitation of the NMT pullers have been long delayed, and it is unclear how the program will be implemented and how many NMT pullers will benefit.

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In terms of the highly-publicized plan to help rickshaw pullers, may we point out that the 27 crore taka planned for their rehabilitation would be better spent creating separate lanes for different types of vehicles on the streets, rather than by forcing people out of their jobs, then trying to train them for new ones. Although we find it upsetting that rickshaw wallahs and their families are suffering from increased poverty, the solution is to maintain this critical, popular and pollution-free source of transport, making rehabilitation programs unnecessary. NMT Ban: Success or Failure? The NMT ban from Gabtoli to Russell Square was meant to be an experiment, the results of which would determine whether it would be extended. From HDRCs and our analysis, the experiment was in fact a failure and should not have been continued. Even the World Bank, which initially pushed the ban, later admitted that the ban had not been implemented properly.* On 30 December, we received an e-mail from Guang Z. Chen, Sector Manager, Transport, South Asia Region of The World Bank. In his e-mail, he stated that a number of key measures should be completed or in place before conversion of the next sections of arterial corridor to NMT-free operations. In our view, these key measures include: The provision of alternative/ complementary NMT routes for network continuity or for access to specific destinations (eg hospitals, markets, schools, etc), ... the provision of additional bus services, and effective enforcement of parking prohibitions along these corridors - to ensure that road capacity freed up as a result of the conversion leads to substantially improved public transport services along the corridor. ... We have advised the Government of Bangladesh and DTCB repeatedly and requested them to ensure that the above measures are implemented/in place BEFORE the conversion of the next sections of arterial road to NMT-free operations, so that the proposed action aimed at improving traffic conditions and circulation in Dhaka causes minimal severance of NMT networks and adequately mitigates adverse impacts on livelihood. Where are the alternative/complementary NMT routes? Where the additional bus services? Where the provision of parking along the corridors? How then can the ban be extended? And yet it was. What is the World Banks policy on non-motorized transport? The World Banks policy on non-motorized transport (NMT) is made clear in various of their documents, which are available on the Web. Quotes from their documents reveal that they understand the importance of NMT, despite their attempts to reduce its use in Dhaka. The World Bank openly admits that NMT is important to the poor and others:

For more information on the World Banks new attitude towards rickshaw bans, please see Appendix 4.

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Transport interventions that promote the use of NMT usually contribute directly to the welfare of those people who cannot afford motorized transport. NMT is, many times, also the most appropriate and efficient form of transport.3 Despite its economic importance to the poorboth as a mode of transport and a source of incomeand its environmental advantages, the potential of non-motorized transport is often unmobilized or even actively suppressed. A combination of infrastructure investment, traffic management and financial measures can make nonmotorized transport safer and more attractive, to the benefit not only of the very poor, who are economically captive to nonmotorized transport, but also of the less poor.4 The World Bank is also well aware that increases in motorized transport often cause a decrease in NMT, which thus decreases air quality and the mobility of the poor: Motorized transport development and safety concerns often reduce existing NMT usage.5 The World Bank is aware that it requires little money to improve NMT, which in turn will be heavily used by the poor (let us not forget that cycling is far more affordable to the poor than buses): Low capital investment requirements make bike and pedestrian transport accessible to low income groups.6 Interesting, the World Bank also acknowledges the very problem caused by negative propaganda in this country: NMT has a negative image in many countries.7 Ban on NMT on Mirpur Road from Russell Square to Azimpur What then has been the consequence of extending the rickshaw ban on Mirpur Road, to include Russell Square to Azimpur, as happened on 17 December 2004?

3 The World Bank Group, Poverty Reduction and Social Assessments. (www.worldbank.org/transport/roads/pov&sa.htm) 4 The World Bank, Cities on the Move, A World Bank Urban Transport Strategy Review. Washington, D.C. 2002. 5 Transport and Climate Change: Priorities for World Bank-GEF Projects 2004. 6 Ibid. 7 Ibid.

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Observation of traffic conditions make several points clear: There are still serious traffic jams on the corridor. Nearby roads are now suffering worse traffic jams, including the section of New Elephant Road from which rickshaws are now also banned. Mirpur Road continues to be used for car parking, thus taking one or two lanes out of service at any given time. One lane, used for parking in front of New Market, is otherwise empty (other than a few pedestrians), and could easily be used to extend the rickshaw lane and add a bicycle lane. The so-called NMT corridor is only truly such on the Mirpur Road section. Once they enter New Market, the rickshaws must compete with private cars, and the road itself is in terrible condition, making travel difficult. Surely the meaning of NMT corridor is NMT only? Why then are private cars still allowed to ply on that road, despite now having access to all of Mirpur Road? Those who continue to travel by rickshaw are suffering much hardship, including increased fares and travel time. The rickshaw lane is now blocked up for long distances, as there is only space for one rickshaw traveling in each direction, and the rickshaws must take an extensive detour through New Market itself. While we do not have estimates of the increased time or fare required for travelers, we have heard people complain of not being able to access previous destinations, of costs increasing by up to 200% (from 15 to 30 taka to travel from Azimpur to Dhanmondi), and of trips taking twice as long as previously. One woman commented that it is now easier to travel during hartals than on other days. The increase in bus service would appear to be inadequate, judging from long lines. This includes New Elephant Road, given the reduction of rickshaws on that road as well. Women are likely to be suffering greater hardship than men, as they are unable to compete for limited spaces on the buses, or to travel crowded in with other men when no seats are available. Women-only buses do not operate on these routes. As mentioned elsewhere, the promised rehabilitation of the NMT pullers has been greatly delayed, and is unclear how it will operate. This is a serious issue, given that it was the main recommendation of the HDRC report and was stated by the World Bank as a condition for banning rickshaws (not to mention the inhumanity of idly watching as the pullers and their families are forced to go hungry for the questionable convenience of some passengers on Mirpur Road). There appears to be no attempt to assist the former footpath vendors who have been evicted, or to help those who are able to remain but whose livelihood is diminishing due to the lack of rickshaw traffic, as has been shown to have happened in the Gabtoli-Russell Square corridor, where hawkers income declined by half (from 200 to 100 taka a day) and shopkeepers from 325 to 250 taka daily.

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Also entirely missing from the debate is the issue of how increasing the proportion of travel to occur by motorized vehicles will increase our air and noise pollution. Noise pollution is already far above accepted levels, and the main cause of it is car honking. While air pollution has been blamed on non-polluting rickshaws (for contributing to congestion), congestion has by no means disappeared from the many roads on which rickshaws are banned, while every single motorized vehicle, be it new or old, running on CNG or diesel or petrol, contributes to air pollution not only while sitting in traffic, but also while moving. There is a simple solution to the problem of both air and noise pollution, which would also reduce travel costs, improve mobility, and provide jobs for the poor. This is rather than banning NMT, to provide separate NMT lanes on all major roads. Given the width of many roads, including Mirpur Road, it is entirely practical to have separate bicycle, rickshaw, and bus lanes, with all other MT being given a separate lane. After all, bicycles and rickshaw lanes can be much narrower than MT lanes. Finally, one issue remains to be mentioned. Priority is being given to expensive road building, particularly flyovers, while little investment is occurring in public transit. The Moakhali flyover is now widely acknowledged to be a disaster; it has done nothing to improve traffic, and in fact traffic congestion has worsened since its completion. New flyovers and an elevated expressway (the latter funded, ironically, by a Thai bank) are now being planned. Bangkok is famous for its horrific traffic jams; why would Dhaka seek solutions to its traffic problems from Bangkok, and institute the methods that have proved so useless in Bangkok? In major cities throughout the world, the experience of endless road building has proved a complete failure, as the roads simply attract more cars, and thus more congestion. No city has ever solved its traffic problems through building more roads. The supply of oil throughout the world is declining and the price rising; our supply of natural gas is also limited. Why invest in infrastructure that will quickly become obsolete, as people are forced over the next twenty or thirty years to seek alternatives to motorized transport? Why not make plans in anticipation of the event, as well as in recognition of motorized vehicles contribution to the destruction of the ozone layer? The problems of traffic in Dhaka are not insurmountable. However, decisions must be taken not based on potential profit for those building roads, or the benefit of the minority car owners, but rather on issues of mobility, low-cost transport, and decreased pollution. We hope that future decisions will be aimed at benefiting the majority and improving our environment, and will recognize the benefits to everyone of creating good conditions for walking, biking, rickshaws and public transport.

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Do rickshaws take up too much space? Authorities claim that rickshaws take up a greater percentage of space than the proportion of passengers they transport. This may well have been the case in 1993, when there were few other vehicles on the road. However, by 1998, the situation had reversed, with 54% of vehicular trips being made by rickshaw, but rickshaws taking only 38% of road space. In contrast, in 1998 cars occupied over 34% of road space, but only accounted for 9% of vehicular trips. It is thus clear that cars, not rickshaws, are wasteful of road space. Do rickshaws move slowly? Speed is relative. While the maximum speed of motorized vehicles is much greater than of non-motorized, in typical crowded urban conditions, there may be little difference. Dhaka is typical in having a lot of people trying to travel in limited space; cities around the world suffer from this problem, and have been unable to relieve congestion despite their lack of non-motorized transport or their expensive and extensive road-building programs. In central London, cars travel at about 8 mph, the same speed as horse carriages in 1880, and more slowly than bicycles and even sometimes pedestrians.8 Bicycles can easily go 15 km/hr and faster. Many streets in Dhakaincluding those that have long ago banned non-motorized transport, such as Shabagh-Bangla Motor-FarmgateMoakhaliare regularly congested, with vehicles sitting for long periods. Total trip time even for fairly long distances may thus be similar for rickshaws/bicycles and for motorized vehicles. When there are no non-motorized vehicles on the roads, they cannot be blamed for the slowness of other vehicles. What we can see is that there is not necessarily any speed benefit in motorized transport. Is it possible to improve traffic by building more roads? International experience suggests that reality is counter-intuitive. While we would assume that more roads would relieve congestion, the opposite in fact is true. When we build more roads, people simply travel greater distances, and traffic jams return to their previous situation. On the contrary, when roads are narrowed, people cancel many unnecessary trips, and traffic can actually lighten. Banning nonmotorized vehicles and building roads has been a complete disaster for such crowded cities as Jakarta, Bangkok, and Los Angeles, which have spent huge amounts of money for roads, banned non-motorized vehicles, and have the worst traffic jams in the world. Cities that have been successful in reducing traffic include Singapore and Hong Kong, which have greatly limited purchases of private cars, and invested most of their transport funds in public transit, not roads. Has the rickshaw ban on Mirpur Road been successful? Authorities cite an increase in speed on Mirpur Road from Gabtoli to Kola Bagan from 15 to 24 km/hr. They also claim there are now fewer accidents. In terms of accidents, the question is whether it is only the incidence that has declined, or also the severity. When vehicles move more quickly, people are more likely to be
8

Richard Rogers and Anne Power, Cities for a small country. London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 2000.

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seriously injured in accidents. Slow-moving vehicles may have frequent minor accidents in which people are not injured; this is surely a preferable situation to more rare but more serious accidents that maim and kill. According to the Accident Research Center (ARC) at BUET, pedestrians are the most vulnerable road users in Bangladesh. Up to 52% of road accident deaths are pedestrians. Not rickshaws but buses and trucks are involved in pedestrian fatalities. In fact, the most dangerous area in Dhaka for pedestrians is the Airport road, which is NMT free. In terms of speed, this assertion raises various questions. While the speed of individual vehicles has increased, has the number of people traveling each hour on the road increased? It is likely that the vehicles are moving faster, but the number of people traveling has declined, in which case it is not a benefit for the majority. After all, cars require 5 times more space, an auto-rickshaw 4 times, and a motorcycle about twice that per passenger as a rickshaw; thus the overall passenger carrying capacity on the road is likely to be less than before rickshaws were banned. (Space requirements take into account headwaythe amount of space needed between moving vehicles, which increases as speed increases.) Speed of travel on one section of road is also not a complete measure. Trip time needs to be studiedthe entire trip time, including that section of the road. For car passengers, this includes looking at the amount of time spent in jams in other parts of Dhakasuch as those adjoining Mirpur Road which have banned non-motorized transport, but are still heavily congested. For bus passengers, this involves looking at the time from ones starting point to ones destination. The time spent on the road is only a portion of actual travel time. For those who previously traveled by rickshaw for their entire trip but now must go by bus, including getting to and from the bus stops and waiting for the bus, the trip time may well have lengthened considerably. What about pollution? The World Bank recently congratulated the government on the improvement in air pollution in Dhaka following the successful ban on two-stroke baby taxis. Pollutants have apparently declined by an impressive 40%. What the World Bank apparently did not see fit to mention is that all large cities in the world that are heavilydependent on motorized transport suffer from great problems from air pollution. The reason that Dhakas air quality is now fairly good is not only because of the much-needed ban on two-stroke baby taxis and the introduction of unleaded fuel, but also because so much of transport occurs by non-motorized, and hence nonpolluting, means. In 1998, 63% of total trips were made by foot; of those made by a vehicle, 54% were by rickshaw. Although we do not have more current data, it is clear that most trips are still made by foot and rickshaw. The movement of motorized transport involves air pollution, whether the roads are clear or they are not. There is no such thing as a completely non-polluting

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motorized vehicles. The more motorized vehicles there are on the road, the more pollution exists, regardless of emissions controls, good traffic regulations, and the lack of non-motorized vehicles on the road. Thus the United States is the greatest contributor of carbon monoxide in the world, thanks to their heavy dependence on cars and despite their strict regulations to decrease auto emissions. All trips made by non-motorized transport (walking, cycling, rickshaw, etc.) are non-polluting ones. As people move from non-polluting to polluting transport, air pollution will necessarily increase, and everyone (but particularly the poor, who live in the most polluted areas) will suffer. Did the ban help the poor? The World Bank claims that the ban will help the poor, as they will have more access to bus service. In fact, buses are not particularly inexpensive. Data suggests that the poorest spend a higher percent of their income on transport than the rich16.5% per month, while the rich spend 8.2% (not including purchase of cars). Since we are told that the poor do not travel by rickshaw, this money must be going for bus fares. Would it not be far cheaper for the poor to travel not by rickshaw, not by bus, but by bicycle and foot? The one-time expense of a bicycle purchase is a burden on the poor, but the purchase quickly pays itself off, as people can travel by bicycle for years, saving themselves ongoing transport expenses. It is no coincidence that many of the poor in Dhaka currently use bicycles, including guards. An increase in safety conditions for cycling would be great benefit to the poor; where is this in the plan to improve transport?

The Cheapest Way to Go Mamun (not his real name) works repairing air conditioners at a small shop in Shangkor. His house is in Kawla, across from the airport. He travels the roughly 15 kilometers twice a day by bicycle, on a bicycle he purchased eight years ago. How much money has he saved over the years on bus fares?

It is also helpful to remember that rickshaw pullers are part of the poor. The estimated five million people in the country dependent on rickshaw pullers income to survive9 are among the most vulnerable people; there are entire villages which function based on the money sent home by rickshaw pullers. Are the women and children dependent on their rickshaw-pulling husbands not the poor? What about those who repair rickshaws, and who sell food to the pullers? Are they not also poor? How will they benefit when they lose their jobs? What alternatives exist to improve traffic and maintain non-motorized vehicles? Are other options available that have not been sufficiently considered? Is it possible to plan roads such that non-motorized and motorized transport can share the space but not interfere with each others movement?

Rob Gallagher, The Rickshaws of Bangladesh. Dhaka: The University Press Limited, 1992.

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Some very simple, inexpensive measures could be taken that would increase traffic, keep air pollution low, allow mobility for the vulnerable, and prevent income loss from the various groups otherwise likely to be affected. It could speed the movement of buses and other motorized transport, while allowing rickshaws to continue, and increase the use of the underutilized alternative, bicycles, which are a favored means for the poor. This would involve a few simple steps: * Improve pedestrian facilities on Mirpur Road, particularly from Science Laboratory to Azimpur. It is more important to prevent the illegal parking of motorized vehicles on the street than to displace vendors, as the existence of vendors does not entirely block the footpaths, but does attract pedestrians; parked cars make it completely impossible to pass, and are a deterrent, rather than an attraction, to pedestrians. * Create flexible barriers to separate the traffic: two lanes for rickshaws immediately adjoining the footpath (allowing rickshaws to pick up and drop off passengers, who will frequent the shops along the road) would require 12 feet of road space; a bicycle lane next to that would require 5 feet; two lanes for motorized vehicles would take up 28 feet. With a 5-foot median in the middle, this requires 95 feet, whereas the road width is 110 feet. One of the motorized lanes would be for buses only, while buses could enter the other. Temporary barriers could be erected to separate the bicycle and rickshaw lanes from each other, and the bus lane from the bicycle lane, as well as to prevent illegal car parking or entry of cars into the non-motorized lanes. No barrier would be needed to preserve the bus lane, as long as traffic police are sufficiently informed of their responsibilities and act to enforce the separation of buses from other motorized traffic. This would allow for changes in the size of the lanes to suit different demand levels at different times of day or different seasons; if necessary, after sufficient study of demand, the lane widths could be changed and permanent barriers created if needed. This would allow buses to travel in a straight line (medians for passengers to board buses would be built at regular intervals, between the bus and bicycle lane), thus reducing accidents. Buses could still enter the other motorized lane if need be. Other motorized vehicles would also travel in a straight line, with the reduction in lane changes likely to reduce both accidents and traffic jams. Everyone would benefit: motorized vehicles would move more swiftly as they did not have to compete with slower vehicles; buses would gain the needed priority that was intended to be created in a World Bank plan for Dhaka of 1997, and has been mentioned again by the World Bank as a pressing need; and non-motorized transport could continue, without causing problems to other vehicles.

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Suggestions for Improving Transport in Dhaka 1. Maintain the use of rickshaws by a) canceling all planned bans on rickshaws from different roads; b) creating rickshaw-only lanes on major streets (including those that currently ban rickshaws), and c) considering a gradual shift to improved rickshaws that are easier to maneuver and more comfortable for passengers. If the rickshaw licensing system is to be maintained, set a higher level for the number of rickshaws, and base it on research into which all citizens can have input. 2. Cancel all plans for future flyovers, and use transportation budgets to improve public transit and conditions for NMT. 3. Make cars less affordable and available through reducing import of cars, raising registration fees and taxes, and restricting licenses. 4. Ban cars from small streets and lanes and from congested areas, and greatly reduce parking. Enforce a ban on parking on footpaths and on major streets. 5. Make cycling more safe and attractive by providing separate bicycle lanes on all major roads (creating a continuous cycle lane throughout the city) and by giving bicycles priority at traffic signals so they arent in danger by motorized vehicles. 6. Make cycling more affordable by greatly reducing the tariff on imported bicycles. 7. Create more places to park bicycles. 8. Increase bus use by creating special lanes for buses on major streets, banning all motorized vehicles except buses and emergency vehicles in congested areas, and considering other benefits to buses. 9. Ensure conducive environment for walking by a) creating pedestrian-only zones in the central shopping and business districts, b) reducing motorized transport (pedestrians will naturally walk farther when the streets are quieter), c) cleaning up footpaths from construction debris and car parking (vendors actually attract pedestrians, and should be allowed to stay, though

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not to block entire footpaths), and d) making footpaths more comfortable by planting more trees along them. 10. Carry out public education campaigns through the mass media and other means (e.g. through leaflets given to school children) to encourage parents to walk or cycle rather than drive their children to school, and to consider more environmentally-friendly and social means of transport, e.g. public transit and walking/cycling rather than cars/auto-rickshaws. 11. Support community programs to convert underutilized streets into childrens playgrounds for a couple hours each day, thereby making better use of roads in quieter neighbourhoods, and allowing children play space, as is currently happening in various areas as a citizen initiative. Conclusion We believe that roads should be for people, not just for cars. Since a small minority of passengers in Dhaka travel by car, they should be taken into account, but not allowed to usurp most road space. Conditions must be maintained that allow for the non-car-owning majority to travel. Transport solutions also must take into account more than simply the movement of traffic: while reducing traffic jams, they must also improve air quality, reduce noise pollution, maintain mobility for the vulnerable, and avoid causing economic disaster. A solution to the traffic jams on Mirpur Road is possible, that would benefit all stakeholders and harm none. We simply request that the ban on rickshaws be overturned and more positive solutions be implemented, which allow for non-motorized transport to continue to move people conveniently, cheaply, and with no adverse effects on the environment or economy.

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Sources: Rob Gallagher, The Rickshaws of Bangladesh. Dhaka: The University Press Limited, 1992. Human Development Research Centre (HDRC), After Study on the Impact of Mirpur Demonstration Corridor Project (Gabtoli-Russel Square). Prepared for Dhaka Transport Coordination Board (DTCB), August 2004. Nasrin Khandoker and Jonathan Rouse, Urban Developments and Livelihood of the Poor in Dhaka. Paper presented at 30th WEDC International Conference, Vientiane, Lao PDR, 2004. Richard Rogers and Anne Power, Cities for a small country. London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 2000. The World Bank Group, Poverty Reduction and Social Assessments. (www.worldbank.org/transport/roads/pov&sa.htm) The World Bank, Cities on the Move, A World Bank Urban Transport Strategy Review. Washington, D.C. 2002. Transport and Climate Change: Priorities for World Bank-GEF Projects 2004.

*** Thanks to all those who have contributed ideas by e-mail on this subject, including: Karl Fjellstrom, China and Bangladesh Director, Institute for Transportation and Development Policy (ITDP) Walter Hook, Ph.D., Executive Director, Institute for Transportation and Development Policy (ITDP) Lloyd Wright, PhD. (candidate), MPhil, MSc, MBA, BSc, Transport Planner, University College London

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Appendix 1: Proposed rickshaw bans with target implementation dates (up to date information not available)

Sl. No. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Name of the corridor Mirpur Road (Kalabagan-Azimpur) New Elephant Road/Bhasani Road (Science Lab-ShahabaghMatshabhaban- Press Club-College Road) Rokeya Saroni (Mirpur 10-Taltala-Agaraon-Farmgate) New Eskaton Road/Circular Road (Bangla Motor-Moghbazar-Mouchak-Malibagh-Rajarbagh) Technical (Technical-Mirpur 1-Mirpur 2-Kachukhet-Banani) Progati Sharani DIT Road (Kuril-Baridhara-Badda-Rampura-Malibagh-Mouchak) Zohir Raihan Sharani/Hatkhola Road (Azimpur-Fulbari-Takatali-Saidabad) North-South Road/English Road (Malibagh-Kakrail-Purana Palton-Zero Point-Fulbaria)

NMT Phase out time (Target time) 31-8-2004* 31-8-2004** 31-5-2005 31-7-2005 30-9-2005 30-11-2005

7.

30-12-2005

8.

31-7-2006

**

The ban has been repeatedly postponed and was implemented on 17 December 2004. The ban has been postponed, and was scheduled to be implemented in February 2005.

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Appendix 2: Existing and Proposed Rickshaw-Free Corridors in Dhaka (some rickshaw-free roads may not be included)

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Appendix 3: Changes in travel patterns for different groups (from HDRC report) 1. As a result of the rickshaw ban, the percentage of mothers taking their children to school by rickshaw or rickshaw van fell from 70% to 31.9%. Walking increased from 11.6% to 21.0%, and bus use from 1.4% to 27.5%. Use of baby taxi/CNG, taxi cab, and private car also increased for the mothers. 2. For college/university-going females, travel by rickshaw declined from 75.4% to 36.8%, and by bus increased from 15.8% to 40.4%. 3. Garment workers continue to use walking as their main form of transportation to work, though with an increase from 66.3% to 84.6%; travel by rickshaw/van fell for garment workers from 24.0% to 2.9%, and travel by bus rose only slightly, from 8.7% to 11.5%. For this segment of the poor, it is clear that the rickshaw ban has likely increased rather than decreased travel time. 4. The predominant mode of transport to work shifted mainly from rickshaw/van to walking across sectors. The decline of those relying mostly on rickshaw/van overall was 45.1% to 16.8%; walking increased from 21.4% to 33.9%, and bus use from 22.7% to 32.0%. Use of baby taxi/CNG also rose significantly, from 2.7% to 7.6%. 5. The predominant mode of transport for kuncha bazaar shopping followed a similar pattern: the percentage traveling by rickshaw/van fell from 61.4% to 40.9%, walking increased from 32.3% to 44.4%, bus use rose only very slightly from 1.3% to 2.9%, and use of baby taxi/CNG rose from 1.9% to 8.8%. It is useful in this context to remember that CNG-powered vehicles are not nonpolluting; while an improvement over petrol-powered vehicles, they emit carbon monoxide and benzene. Benzene is a cancer-causing chemical for which no safe level of exposure exists. Only non-motorized transport is completely non-polluting. 6. Similar changes occurred in travel for other shopping and to visit friends and relatives. Overall, while rickshaws had been the predominant mode of transport, other forms have increased while rickshaw/van use has declined. Among others, private car use has also increased, though only slightly due to the tremendous expense of purchasing a car.

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Appendix 4: Correspondence with World Bank; Newspaper articles on the topic

Subject: Emails on Dhaka Rickshaw "Ban" - Mirpur Road To: "Walter Hook" <whook@itdp.org>, pathCan@citechco.net, wbb@pradeshta.net, info@worldcarfree.net, lfwright@usa.net, mmbari@blueyonder.co.uk, kfjellstrom@itdp.org, pendakur@interchange.ubc.ca From: Gchen1@worldbank.org Date: Mon, 13 Dec 2004 17:20:05 -0500 Dr. Walter Hook Executive Director ITDP Dear Dr. Hook, et al, ...

Following our teleconference on December 2 on the subject matter, we have received hundreds of e-mails in the last few days raising similar concerns regarding the proposed rickshaw ban on Mirpur Road in Dhaka by the City Government and our role in it.
... Best Regards, Guang Z. Chen Sector Manager, Transport South Asia Region The World Bank, Washington DC 20433

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30 December 2004 Subject: Re: rehabilitation of the displaced pullers To: WBB Trust <wbb@pradeshta.net> Cc: pendakur@interchange.ubc.ca, "Walter Hook" <whook@itdp.org> Greetings. Based on our own assessment of the Phase I NMT conversion experience, our team's knowledge of the project site, and the study carried out for DTCB by HDRC, we have come to a conclusion, before your organizations raised these concerns to us on the subject matter, that a number of key measures should be completed or in place before conversion of the next sections of arterial corridor to NMT-free operations. In our view, these key measures include: (i) adequate consultations with key stakeholders and affectees. (ii) The provision of alternative/ complementary NMT routes for network continuity or for access to specific destinations (eg hospitals, markets, schools, etc), signalized crossing points of the NMT-free corridors to provide linkages between adjacent areas where NMT operate, and designated parking/waiting areas at the boundaries of the NMT-free areas. (iii) Implementation of a package of remedial and support measures (safety net) for disadvantaged and displaced rickshaw pullers and owners, whose livelihood is adversely affected. (iv) The provision of additional bus services, and effective enforcement of parking prohibitions along these corridors - to ensure that road capacity freed up as a result of the conversion leads to substantially improved public transport services along the corridor. (v) A communications campaign to effectively disseminate this holistic approach to the general public. We have advised the Government of Bangladesh and DTCB repeatedly and requested them to ensure that the above measures are implemented/in place BEFORE the conversion of the next sections of arterial road to NMT-free operations, so that the proposed action aimed at improving traffic conditions and circulation in Dhaka causes minimal severance of NMT networks and adequately mitigates adverse impacts on livelihood. As mentioned in my previous note, the World Bank's role under the DUTP has been to provide financing and technical assistance to help the government with the development, refinement and implementation of appropriate strategies. But please understand that it is the government which has the authority to implement these recommended measures. We recently learned that a package of remedial and support measures for the displaced rickshaw pullers had been devised by the DUTP project authority but it has been pending with the higher government authority for approval. We have been following up with the government authorities on the matter and are awaiting their response. If your organization shares our view on the need to implement those mitigating measures, instead of trying to convince us that such measures are necessary (which we fully agree), I would suggest that you put your effort in lobbying the government authorities to quickly finalize and implement the mitigation measures that have been developed. To learn more about this, you could contact DTCB. Best regards, Guang Chen

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Dynamic Daring Daily

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No aid if rickshaw pullers not protected

ZAHEDUL ISLAM

World Bank asks govt to implement safety net for making roads off-limits to rickshaws
The World Bank has asked the government to take immediate steps to safeguard the transport users and providers, affected by closing the city roads to non-motorised transport, and otherwise threatened discontinuation of its assistance in any such project in the future. Any future support from the World Bank would be possible only if it can be demonstrated that aggregate positive impacts of NMT-free conversion on transport users and transport providers outweigh the aggregate negative impact, the banks country director, Christine I Wallich, said in a letter to the Dhaka Transport Coordination Board sent on February 2. The bank would not support the continued conversions that do not conform to the above principles, and any support would be contingent on the government carrying out mitigation measures to reduce the negative impacts, and alleviate public concern. She also recommended implementation of a safety net, to compensate for the loss in livelihood, comprising elements such as asset transfer, micro-credit and enterprise training support and skill development, micro-enterprise and job placement support for affected transport users. Issuance of additional route permits to private sector operators for provision of modern large buses, designated sections for women passengers, rationalisation of some bus routes, parking restrictions and bus-prioritisation measures, bus-stops with shelters for pedestrians, keeping the sidewalks free from encroachments and making some routes adjoining the converted roads non-motorised vehicles use only were among the recommendations she mentioned in the letter. We urge that such measures be completed as soon as possible to mitigate the impact on affected transport users and providers, read the letter which also stressed that the conversion policy and its implementation be closely monitored, fine tuned and periodically reassessed to ensure its effectiveness for transport users and providers. Wallich also expressed concern for not taking adequate

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safeguard or mitigation measures for the transport users and affected transport providers after converting the Mirpur Road, stretching from the Russell Square to Azimpur, to NMTfree operations in December 2004. No safety net has yet been made to mitigate the loss of the rickshaw pullers and owners though the bank had requested, and the government agreed, to implement necessary safeguards prior to any further conversion, since significant adverse impacts were documented in the Impact Assessment Report of the Mirpur demonstration corridor. She said conversion of the demonstration corridor had resulted in a 10 per cent increase in transport costs for users and significantly increased passenger waiting times for public transport, particularly during the peak hours. Absence of alternative transport facilities for women, children and elderly passengers were also in evidence, she added. According to the assessment report, the alternative transport arrangements are insufficient to effectively mitigate the adverse impact of the rickshaw ban on the travelling people. Rickshaw costs and travel time have also increased substantially following the discontinuities in the rickshaw-accessible road network. Conversion of these corridors to NMT-free operations was only one part of an integral package of measures, designed to be undertaken together, to improve traffic on Dhakas arterial corridors, Wallich said. The package envisioned simultaneous development of a complementary network of non-motorised vehicle routes in consultation with the owners of such vehicles, substantial enhancement of public transports, effective enforcement of parking prohibitions along these corridors and mitigation of any adverse impacts on transport users or the non-motorised transport providers. She urged the government to review the impact assessment reports findings to address the specific adverse impacts described for displaced rickshaw pullers and owners. As a first step in developing the strategy to overcome traffic gridlock and improve mobility for Dhakas travelling public, the DTCB in 2002 identified some 120 kilometres arterial roads for phased conversion to NMT-free operations. The objective was to allow more efficient operation of motorised traffic primarily public transport along those routes. Implementation of NMT-free operations began through the conversion to the demonstration corridor along Mirpur Road (Gabtali-Russel Square-Sonargaon) in December 2002.

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WB sets deadline to lessen rickshaw pullers woes

STAFF CORRESPONDENT

City corporation authorities faced with touch choice

The Dhaka city authorities need to make some tough choices as imposition of ban on non-motorised transport, especially rickshaws, plying the city roads benefit the rich people only, the World Bank observed. Only the rich people gain benefit from ban on the rickshaws, Guang Z Chen, a transport specialist of the World Bank, told journalists Thursday. A strong authority is necessary for sustainable solutions to traffic congestion, said Chen, describing the Dhaka Transport Coordination Board as a weak body. The press briefing was organised as a follow-up of the World Banks warning of discontinuation of its assistance in city transportation projects unless the government takes steps to safeguard the transport users and providers, affected by offlimiting the city roads to non-motorised transport. The banks country director, Christine I Wallich, in a letter to the Dhaka Transport Coordination Board on February 2 threatened such a halt to its aid. The operations adviser of the banks Dhaka office, David Hughart, the senior transport engineer, Mohi Uz Zaman, and the senior information officer, Subrata Shankar Dhar, were present at the meeting with the journalists at a city hotel. Modern large buses, instead of luxury cars and three-wheeler auto-rickshaws, should ply the city roads vacated by the nonmotorised transports, said Guang, sector manager (transport) for the South Asia region of the bank. We requested the government to ensure the measures to mitigate the sufferings caused by the ban to the transport users, especially women and children, and rickshaw pullers, he said, adding that the steps should be taken by the end of March this year. Issuance of additional route permits to private sector operators for provision of modern large buses, designated sections for women passengers in buses, bus-stops with shelters for pedestrians, keeping the sidewalks free from encroachments and

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making some routes adjoining the converted roads non-motorised vehicles use only were among the recommendations the bank put forward to the government as per the impact assessment report of the Mirpur demonstration corridor. The World Bank-funded assessment was conducted by the Human Development Research Centre under the leadership of Professor Abul Barakat of the Dhaka University, Chen said further. Nine thousand rickshaw pullers have been affected by the ban on nine kilometres roads in the city, he said quoting the assessment report. Meanwhile, the DTCB converted nine kilometres road including the Mirpur Road [Gabtali-Russel Square-Azimpur] and Pantha Path [Russel Square to FDC crossing] to NMT-free corridor as a pilot model. It aims to convert some 120 kilometres arterial roads to such corridors. The rickshaw ban caused absence of alternative transport facilitiesespecially for women, children and elderly passengers, 10 per cent increase in transport costs for users and increase in passengers wasting time for public transport. David Hughart said, The city authorities would have to make some tough choices to make the city free from congestion. Traffic congestion has turned a severe problem due to conversion of some residential areas like Dhanmondi, Gulshan, Banani and Uttara to commercial areas, he added.

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Rickshaw restrictions in Dhaka and the role of World Bank (Press statement) Events related to the implementation of rickshaw restrictions in Dhaka and the role of the World Bank Published on Saturday, February 12, 2005 Web Site: www.worldbank.org.bd ... For Affected Transport Users: Proactive measures to improve disrupted transport services, such as: (a) issuing sufficient additional route-permits along the corridor to private sector operators for provision of modern large buses operating scheduled services - with designated sections for women passengers; (b) some bus route rationalization to minimize the need for multi-modal trips; (c) enforcement of parking restrictions and some bus-prioritization measures; (d) provision of designated bus-stops with shelters for pedestrians; (e) keeping the side-walks along these corridors free of encroachments for safe passage of pedestrians; (f) designating some NMT routes adjoining the converted roads for NMT use only by restricting motorized vehicle access; and (g) re-establishing NMT-network continuity where this has been severed. 13. We have also indicated that it is very important that DUTP be fully compliant with Bank safeguard policies if the government wishes to see continuing Bank engagement in the sector in future.

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