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Blackwell Publishing Ltd Oxford, UK SPOL Social Policy & Administration 0144-5596 Blackwell Publishing Ltd. 2007 XXX Original Articles

SHORT TITLE RUNNING HEAD:

SOCIAL POLICY & ADMINISTRATION Vol. 41, No. 4, AUGUST 2007 SOCIAL POLICY & ADMINISTRATION Vol. 41, No. 4, AUGUST 2007

Urban Housing as an Issue of Redistribution through
Planning? The Case of Dhaka City

Anwara Begum

Abstract

The rapid growth of population, the mushrooming of poor settlements and unplanned urbanization
have crucial implications for the efciency and equity of urban services. The resultant infringe-
ments of critical human rights throw into focus the importance of housing as a social policy issue.
Urban services are strained in Dhaka city. Urban management has been disrupted as a result of
spatial encroachment and environmental degradation. In addition to land scarcity, land speculation
and endemic corruption, the high price of land is also a product of the system of land registration.
The dearth of valuable urban land, together with delays in urban planning and its implementa-
tion, have made the acquisition of land for housing prohibitively expensive for middle and low-
income households. Consequently, the quality of the housing environment is deteriorating. The
problem of housing nance is intrinsically linked to its affordability, being currently the prerogative
only of the afuent. This article delineates the inherent lack of integrated urban planning, the
lacunae within institutions responsible for urban management and, contextually, the nature of
housing as a social policy issue, where reinforced, coordinated planning and administration could
ensure distributive benets even to the poor.

Keywords

Bangladesh; Housing; Redistribution; Urban planning

Introduction

The UN report on the

State of the World

:oo,

indicates that, ofcially, some-
time during

.oo

or

.oo8

, more human beings will be living in urban areas
than in rural areas. This growth is particularly the result of burgeoning
unplanned low-income urban settlements in developing countries. According
to data presented by Hugo (

.oo.

), by

.o:

there will be

.:

mega-cities
(dened as exceeding a population of

:o

million) worldwide, of which

:.

will
be in Asia, including seven of the

:o

largest cities. Although there were no

Address for correspondence:

Anwara Begum, Bangladesh Institute of Development Studies, E-

.,

Agargaon, Sher-e-Bangla Nagar, Dhaka-

.:o,

, Bangladesh. Email: anu@sdnbd.org


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such cities in Asia in

:qo

, by

:q

three of the ve mega-cities were in Asia
and, by

.oo:

, ve of

:

mega-cities were south Asian (Mumbai, Kolkata,
Dhaka, Delhi and Karachi). As of

.oo

,

.q

.

8

per cent of the population of
south Asian countries live in urban areas. Such unplanned urbanization has
important implications for various aspects of access to services, the lack of
which is currently infringing important human rights. This article addresses
the issue of housing from a social policy perspective in this context.
Shelter is a basic human requirement that enhances human capital to the
extent that it can be an asset, not merely for the individual and the house-
hold, but also for the nation. Faced with the constraints on suitable and
affordable land, most urban dwellers are unable to afford decent living quarters.
This article highlights the inherent lack of integrated urban planning, the
lack of appropriate housing policies for the different income groups, the lacunae
and weaknesses within institutions for urban management and so on. In short,
the article looks at housing as a social policy issue in which, with better planning
and administration, the benets could be ensured even to poor families.
The housing situation in most metropolises in developing countries (such
as in Dhaka, the case study of this article) has been exacerbated by a number
of factors. Among these, encroachment onto housing by many competing users
commercial, industrial, administrative, educational, recreational, military,
roads and residential uses constitutes an all-important issue for the state.
The proliferation of myriad land-users has resulted in two distinct urban
problems. The rst is that of the encroachment of urban land use onto
peripheral agricultural lands and common resources, such as fallow land and
water bodies. The second is the proliferation of slums and squatter settlements
in urban areas. Although the need for urban services multiplies with the rapid
inux of migrating people, the authorities are failing to provide the necessary
services for such people. The majority of migrating families do not have the
capacity to acquire land, even on the fringes of cities, so they take shelter in
urban slums and shanty towns. Many families simply encroach on unused
land just outside the urban boundary. The situation has been aggravated by
the failure of urban authorities to implement any plans for the integrated
development of such emerging urban areas. Encroachment, both within cities
and on city outskirts, has thus assumed signicant proportions. Due to their
lack of resources, the manipulations of the housing market and the steep price
of building materials, the poor are resorting to squatting and cheap lodgings.
A negative factor of this unplanned development on the periphery of the city
is the scant regard paid to environmental imbalances. The incursions have
created environmental problems related to city and storm water disposal, sewage
disposal, dwindling green belts and water bodies and a resultant low standard
of urban living ( Jenkins

et al.



.oo

; Marshall

.oo

; Rahman

.ooo

).
This article is organized in four sections. The rst section provides back-
ground information on the city of Dhaka, the subject of this article. This section
will provide an introduction to planning initiatives, the framework within
which the housing issues of cities is to be understood. The other three sections
deal with each aspect requiring urgent policy attention, namely, issues around
scarcity and the high cost of land, the quality of housing and the role of
public and private institutions in nancing housing.
:.



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Population Pressures in Dhaka and the Planning Response

The urban population of Bangladesh constitutes

.

per cent of the total
population of about

:::

million and is expected to rise to twice the size of the
present urban population between

.o:6

and

.o.o

. Dhaka, the capital of Bang-
ladesh, is one of the fastest growing metropolises in the developing world. The city
experienced a rapid inux of migrant people in the late

:q6o

s and

:qo

s, account-
ing for a population growth of nearly

:o

per cent per annum. At present the
population of Dhaka is approximately

6

million within the

6o

km

2

of the
city proper and

q

.

q

million within the total metropolitan area of

:

,

.8

km

2

.
Overall gross urban development density is on the rise from

:

per acre
in the Dhaka of

:qq:

(with inner zone densities averaging


persons per ha,
reaching a high of

q

person per ha in the old city), to an overall gross urban
development density of approximately

:6,o..

persons per ha for the whole Dhaka
Statistical Metropolitan Area, and more than

6,qoo persons per ha within the
bounds of the Dhaka City Corporation itself (Bangladesh, authors calculations
from Bureau of Statistics .oo., .oo data). Thus, within a decade, there has been
an increase in urban development density, of nearly to times, in the Dhaka
Statistical Metropolitan Area and the Dhaka City Corporation respectively.
The Town Improvement Act of :q is the basic foundation and the main
planning code for stipulating the formulation of the master plans, permitting
development control and undertaking other necessary procedures. The rst
master plan for Dhaka was formulated in :qq for the area beyond the city
boundary covering the Dhaka Improvement Trust Area which was approxi-
mately o km
2
, with a population slightly exceeding a million. At that time
the population of the city was approximately ,ooo. Today it is approxi-
mately :,oo,ooo (according to various news reports); i.e. it has not so far
exceeded the :,.oo,ooo projected in table :.
The main aim of this master plan was to cope with the increasing population
and provide a blueprint and guiding framework for the expected urban growth
to a population of .o,ooo between :q8 and :q8. The second master plan
was formulated by Rajdhani Unnayan Kartipakkho (RAJUK), the agency
for the development of the capital city, under the auspices of UNDP and
UNCHS. This plan included a structure plan, master plan and detailed area
plan for the Dhaka metropolitan study area.
Table :
Population trends in Dhaka Metropolitan Area
:q6: :q :q8: :qq: :qqq .oo6 .o:6
Population (in oos) , :,. :,6 6:o, q:,. :,.6:,q :,6,q
Area (km
2
) :, :.,8 :.,8 :.,8
The area (:,.8 km
2
) under the years :qqq, .oo6 and .o:6 remains the same as it indicates the
RAJUK Dhaka study area.
Source: Population Census, .oo: and Dhaka Metropolitan Development Plan Forecast, :qq.
:oo, The Author(s) :
Journal compilation :oo, Blackwell Publishing Ltd
Soci\r Poricv & Anxixis+n\+iox, Vor. :, No. , Atots+ .oo
RAJUK, under the Ministry of Housing and Public Works, is the main planning
and development agency for the Dhaka Metropolitan Area and is responsible
for formulating the master plan, putting in place development controls and
implementing major public works. After completion of these projects, some public
amenities mainly roads are transferred to the Dhaka City Corporation for
maintenance; and some . different agencies in the Corporation are then
responsible for the administration of sanitation, telephones and so on (RAJUK
:qq). Bureaucratic deadlocks and the lack of coordination among the agencies
are two of the critical factors affecting the provision of urban services.
Institutions dealing with urban planning are guided by the prevailing
philosophy of preparing the master plan concept, which then becomes the
blueprint for development. However, there are two major problems associated
with the master plan approach to urban development: rigidity with respect
to the time allowed for the implementation of formal plans and the govern-
ments inability to combine planning and implementation processes.
Recently, there has been a change in this conception of metropolitan plan-
ning towards land management based on the formulation of a strategy, in
conjunction with detailed area planning. This is, however, based upon the
assumption that the reorganization and improvement of existing institutional
arrangements will take place within a short planning period for transformation
into the next stage, that is, detailed area planning. The latter would require
the creation of new institutions, so that crucial policy thrusts could be made
on evolving appropriate measures for urban land use, land administration
and land management. Rapid urbanization puts the onus on the government,
which acts as the provider for vulnerable groups and is supposed to facilitate
the housing activity of lower- and middle-income people so as to control
speculation and proteering in land and housing.
The case of New Delhi, India, illustrates how such a new policy may resolve
equity considerations in the face of rapid urbanization. In New Delhi, develop-
ment authorities faced with growing pressure over land acquisition by corporate
bodies can provide a compensation mechanism including giving a share of the
developed land to farmers or original landowners (Rajan and Seguchi :qq6).
While the overall tenor of the National Urban Housing and Habitat policy
is to facilitate land acquisition by real estate developers and companies, the
government of India wants builders to ensure that weaker sections of the
population get a fair deal. The policy states that public land-acquiring agencies
will have to prioritize land for housing cooperatives in urban areas. It pre-
scribes evolving a methodology of land acquisition to ensure equitable com-
pensation in cash or kind to the original landowners, which includes giving
part of the developed land to the original landowners or their rightful claimants
and providing them with transferable development rights (a portion of the
developed land which can be sold), in addition to rehabilitation measures to be
taken by the government.
The High Cost of Land and the Problem of Encroachments
Urban house building has become prohibitive for the majority. Usually the
urban rich own land in planned residential areas or in industrial zones, while
: :oo, The Author(s)
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Soci\r Poricv & Anxixis+n\+iox, Vor. :, No. , Atots+ .oo
the upper-middle class owns land in the urban fringes or congested urban
areas. The government owns a signicant part of urban land and most of
this is in combined ownership with such institutions as the army, police, defence
agencies, railway and government ofces. A number of shopping areas are
on government property and so are recreational parks, zoological gardens,
museums and the like. Shopping centres catering to neighbourhood needs
have mushroomed in various parts of the city and these have specic thresh-
old populations. Cities in developing countries have characteristically more
than one commercial centre in order to become more functional (Begum
:qqq, .oo:). The proponents of this form of land use for spatial integration
term it a multiple nuclei scheme (Harris and Ullman :q8.). The develop-
ment of multiple nuclei is unavoidable in the context of Dhaka in order to
retain the returns from economies of scale.
In Dhaka, the areas of Dhanmondi, Banani and Gulshan, which were planned
to be housing areas for middle and higher income groups, were converted to
commercial usage as well. In the original plans adequate commercial areas
had not been demarcated. Meanwhile, industrial areas designed specically
for industrial purposes have not been adequately provisioned and the lack of
the strict execution of industrial laws has allowed their encroachment into
adjacent residential areas. The shortage of planned markets has led to the
rapid deterioration of the environment and the proliferation of illegal
encroachments.
The high price of land is also due to the prevalent system of land registra-
tion. Costs are often articially inated by the pay-offs (as speed money)
demanded by the authorities dealing with the les. The procedure is complex
and daunting for most urban residents. The district commissioners ofce,
through the Assistant Commissioner (Land) takes care of the registration of
land bought and sold, and the Directorate of Land Resources Survey keeps
ofcial records of each land holding. Dhaka City Corporation has the authority
to collect the land-holding tax, the conservancy tax and fees for roads, lights
and so on.
This high price of land in urban areas, especially in big cities, acts as a
prohibitive factor in the supply of housing to all but the highest-income groups.
On account of high price of land, lower middle-class households, who are in
fact in the majority in cities, are virtually kept out of the land market (Asian
Development Bank [ADB] :qq). The Bangladesh Urban and Shelter Sector
Review (UNHCS :qq) shows that in Dhaka, the price of unserviced and
undeveloped land would be a minimum of BDT.oo per m
2
, with that of
serviced land around BDT ,ooo to ,oo per m
2
. The price of prime serviced
land is around BDT :oq,6q per m
2
in the central business district. The price
has grown from about : to .o per cent in the :qqos to more than treble this
rate in recent years.
As a result of such high costs, encroachment upon valuable open spaces,
which act as the lungs of the city, is becoming common practice, even among
established developers. The river Burhiganga has shrunk to a third of its width
while the Osmany Uddyan, Ashulia, Gulshan, Banani and Baridhara lakes have
also been targeted for illegal settlement. These ruinous incursions have only been
stalled so far, by stiff resistance by environmental activists and media reports.
:oo, The Author(s) :
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The Quality of the Housing Environment
In Dhaka about o per cent of the total housing stock is rented (ADB :qq).
The Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS) has categorized types of urban
housing areas into cement/brick, corrugated iron/metal sheet, mud/unburnt
brick, straw/bamboo (BBS :qq). Eighty-nine per cent of poor households in
Dhaka live in one-roomed homes of the latter types. The average oor space
per person is . m
2
. In the densely populated slums of Dhaka, the oor area
per person is as small as :.. m
2
(Government of the Peoples Republic of
Bangladesh and ADB :qq6).
In short, the poor in Dhaka City live in impoverished conditions lacking
access to land, shelter and basic urban services. The very high population
densities of these slums and squats have resulted in environmentally degraded
surroundings, because of the insanitary disposal of solid waste; the most
serious consequences being the pollution of surface water and groundwater
sources, and substandard and unhygienic living conditions that undermine
the capacity of the poor to survive even on the basis of their daily income.
In Dhaka City per cent of households are served by individual piped
water and an additional oo,ooo mainly the poor get piped water from
:,.oq street hydrants managed by the city corporation. According to the
Government of the Peoples Republic of Bangladesh (:qq) only : per cent
of the people of Dhaka have access to waterborne sewerage, while per
cent have septic tanks and :. per cent have pit latrines. The remaining 8
per cent do not have any sanitary arrangements whatsoever (Government of
the Peoples Republic of Bangladesh and ADB :qq6).
It is in the context of the high cost of the land that prevents the development
of decent housing that we need to look at what alternatives might be available.
The Role of Public and Private Institutions in the Provision
of Housing
Rahman (.ooo) identied the ability to save for housing and the willingness
to invest in housing as two key parameters for judging housings affordability.
The initiatives by government and private institutions have to be judged
according to the way these two parameters have been taken into consideration.
Compared to the pressing scale of the housing problem, the response of public
and private agencies providing assistance has been very small. There are many
private sector rms with schemes for housing loans that cannot, however, be
accessed due to high interest rates. The House Building Finance Corporation
(HBFC), the only government-owned nancial institution specially created to
effect some construction in the country in the public sector, advances credit
for individual households. Up to :qq, just 8,ooo loans were advanced, with
a total value of BDT :.,6. million, from which 8,:oo housing units were
built. Formal institutional credit is not available for the majority of the urban
community.
The demand for urban housing in the city of Dhaka has mainly been met
by the informal private sector. This sector provides ready housing units for
moderate to middle-class tenants or owner-occupiers, as well as cheap rental
:6 :oo, The Author(s)
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Soci\r Poricv & Anxixis+n\+iox, Vor. :, No. , Atots+ .oo
units for slum dwellers. Public sector housing activities are both direct (as
providers) and in a relatively few instances indirect (as enablers). However,
both these sectors seem to have been biased in favour of the upper income
groups, reaching only about :o per cent of all urban households (RAJUK :qq).
The Housing and Settlement Directorate has provided sites and services
at Mirpur, Bhasantek for the low-income groups who were resettled from the
inner core city areas of Dhaka. But this project was only partially successful,
since the original residents ultimately sold out their rights and moved back
to homes in the vicinity of their workplaces. Similar cases are reported from
other south Asian cities and demonstrate that low-income residents can be
displaced by people with higher income. In short, there is need for a com-
prehensive housing nance strategy.
Housing nance should take into consideration all three income groups:
low, middle and high. Strategies involving sites and services with modest loans
for the low-income groups, a more conventional mortgage programme for
middle-income people and regular home construction or land leases for high-
income groups, could be pursued. The viability of capital market funding of
housing, particularly through the development of secondary mortgage mar-
kets initially owned by government, could be accessed to enhance the ow
of funds to the sector (Watanabe :qq8).
Yet the problem of housing nance has rarely gained social policy atten-
tion in Bangladesh. In most cases, poor communities in Dhaka somehow
manage to nance their homes through informal channels and from individual
endeavours. A study (Government of Bangladesh and Asian Development
Bank :qq6) showed that 6o per cent of homeowners identied savings as
their major source of nance for land purchase and another : per cent sold
assets. Assistance from relatives and friends accounted for :o per cent of home
nance while households borrowing institutional credit made up about per
cent (ADB :qq). The Household and Expenditure Survey :q88/q conrmed that
q per cent of all housing in Dhaka City was provided through the private sector,
and that o per cent of all shelter was provided by the informal private sector.
A similar situation seems to prevail in Indian cities. In India, housing
policies and strategies have been adopted since :q, and subsequently the
National Housing Policy was approved in May :qq.. Two persistent issues
concerned policy-makers: rstly, making available developed housing sites
at affordable prices in important locations; and secondly, granting all sections
of the population access to housing funds at affordable interest rates. One
paradigmatic solution to this persistent problem was offered by an non-
governmental organization initiative in Mumbai. SPARC, an organization
involved in mobilizing the voices of homeless people in Mumbai, advocated
a right-based approach to unite the homeless and to make collective demands
on their behalf. As a result, today, the Mumbai Municipal Corporation grants
de jure tenancies and basic amenities to slum dwellers and squatters who form
cooperatives and undertake the routine maintenance of the local infrastructure.
In Bangladesh at present there is no government policy to safeguard the
interests of middle and low income residents. Rent control could be one method
since, elsewhere, Rent control has helped slow down gentrication, curb
displacement of the poor and working-class families, and minimize the disruption
:oo, The Author(s) :
Journal compilation :oo, Blackwell Publishing Ltd
Soci\r Poricv & Anxixis+n\+iox, Vor. :, No. , Atots+ .oo
of neighborhoods that otherwise would have collapsed under the pressure of
free-market forces. In housing, the invisible hand often carries an eviction
notice (Atlas and Dreier :qqo: :o).
Another strategy could be to bring in controls over land. Private land
ownership can be cumbersome in the face of unrecorded ownership and
compounded by the rights of successors, survivors and inheritance. This has
led to lengthy and endless court cases and the situation has been aggravated
due to poor record-keeping procedures. Such delays in land transfer and title
registration further retard urban development. Meanwhile the collection of
taxes is irregular and unresponsive to present needs, which often leads to tax
evasion and leakage. As land represents the major cost in the provision of
housing and urban facilities, the administrative machinery of the government
and other public authorities could also take action to acquire land in advance
and develop it for lease or sale for designated purposes.
The Bangladesh strategy for collateral free loans to the poor (given peer-
group accountability) has been recognized worldwide. This, in microcosm,
could be extended to housing sector nance, whereby groups or cooperatives
could be recognized as viable units for land ownership and powers of acqui-
sition. The private sector, including the non-governmental organizations and
community-based organizations, might thus be motivated to target low-income
groups for shelter and services.
Conclusion
The accelerated pace of urbanization has been accompanied by a con-
current pressure on urban services. The need for urban services multiplies with
the rapid inux of migrating people, but often the authorities cannot provide
the necessary services. In such a context, planning, as an instrument of
redistribution for better housing, has resulted in a chaotic situation in Bang-
ladesh. The reorganization and reorientation of institutional arrangements
to facilitate short planning periods rather than a grand master plan seems to
be a more appropriate response.
Long-term master plans underestimate the vibrancy and volatility of urban
development. Planned residential areas become mixed with commercial uses.
Industrial areas transgress their limits to spill onto adjacent residential areas.
A shortage of planned markets has led to the rapid deterioration of the
environment, compounded by illegal encroachments. In addition to land scarcity,
land speculation and endemic corruption, the high price of land is also due
to the system of land registration. This is aggravated by a weak policy environ-
ment, paving the way for unethical and unscrupulous contractors to prot
and thus articially make house-building or renting prohibitively expensive
for all but the highest-income groups. The informal private sector and public
sector together reach out to only about :o per cent of urban households. This
has led low-income households to depend on family savings and informal
sources of capital to build their own houses. Consequently, the quality of the
housing environment is sub-standard and deteriorating.
There is an imperative need to develop new mechanisms for raising funds
to meet the rapidly growing demand for housing nance along the lines suggested
:8 :oo, The Author(s)
Journal compilation :oo, Blackwell Publishing Ltd
Soci\r Poricv & Anxixis+n\+iox, Vor. :, No. , Atots+ .oo
in this article. Unfortunately, it remains beyond the scope of this exploratory
article to establish quite how far, and over what time scale, such changes are
likely to materialize, to telling policy effect.
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