NewFactorsinthePoliticalSocializationofYouthinHungary:The AlternativeSocialMovementsandSubcultures

NewFactorsinthePoliticalSocializationofYouthinHungary:TheAlternativeSocial MovementsandSubcultures

byMtSzab

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Source: PRAXISInternational(PRAXISInternational),issue:1/1988,pages:2633,onwww.ceeol.com.

by Mate Szab6

We have to reckon with some new features of recent Hungarian political life. A new type of citizen activity is emerging which can be compared with the new social movements in western countries. 1 The social base of social movements is constituted mainly by young people, especially students . There now exists a network of new social movements in Hungary, with some thousand people involved in it. Admittedly the political importance and social significance of these movements is much less conspicuous than in the West, where the new social movements (especially those in West Germany) play a significant role. 2 Nonetheless, because mostly young people, especially students and young intellectuals, are active in these movements, they have some importance for the political socialization of young intellectuals who will someday be in part integrated into societies' power elite. Here I will try to analyze the role of these new movements in the political socialization of young people in Hungary. First, I will put forward a brief general thesis about the role of social movements and sub-cultures in the political socialization of youth. Second, I will describe these new movements in Hungary, and I will attempt to analyse them by comparing them to the alternative movements in the western countries. My r~port is based on research and discussions which took place in the Research Group on Political Socialization of the Institute of Social Sciences in Budapest. Both in eastern and western countries in the seventies and the eighties, new features emerged in the political socialization of young people: the so-called alternative movements, or new social movements. These movements have become an integral part of the political "universe" of youth in every modern, complex, more or less pluralistic society. 3 What then are the common characteristics and functions of subcultures and social movements in the political socialization of youth? I would like to summarize the role of subcultures and social movements in the political socialization of youth around three general points. Subcultures and social movements play the following roles:
1. They establish new political communities and identities. The social movements and subcultures of youth constitute a political community, integrate young people alienated from conventional-institutional politics. They strengthen the identification of youth with this alternative
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political community. 2. They create new political values and nonns, rituals, and institutions. The political rituals, the symbolic, normative and institutional structures of alternative subcultures and social movements are in contradiction, and sometimes in conflict with existing, conventional institutions, rituals and norms. Sometimes these contradictions and conflicts lead to the emergency of new values and political norms in the political community at large, on local and national levels, and this generates change in the political system and the political culture. 3. They organize political behaviour in non-conventional forms The main characteristic of subcultures and movements is the appearance of non-conventional political behaviour. Sometimes this manifests itself in a passive form, non-activity in the subcultures. In contrast the political behaviour of youth participating in social movements manifests itself in active forms. Non-conventional behaviour is thus different in subcultures than in movements, but the common feature of both is the fact that they both challenge conventional politics and established political institutions. These three general characteristics lead us to a general thesis: subcultures and social movements play a role in political innovation in the political system and political culture. 4 The new identities, political values, political norms and non-conventional political behaviour of youth pose a challenge to the existing, institutionalized political systems and political culture. There is a conflict between the "old" and the "new" politics, which in the long run could result in the transformation of both. Conventional institutionalized politics integrates some new, alternative groups, leaders, ideas, norms, goals from social movements and subcultures, and these become institutionalized thereby losing their original identity and character as subcultures and social movements. If we compare the new social movements and subcultures of youth in Hungary with the western ones, especially with those of West Germany, we find some characteristic differences between different types of movements and policies in the various realms of political conflicts. In order to arrive at a general thesis on the role of these new features in the political socialization of youth in Hungary and in the development of the Hungarian political system and political culture, I will describe and compare four types of new movements and subcultures in Hungary. 1. The ecological movement has three major trends in the West: the antinuclear movement, the citizens' initiatives and the alternative life-style movement. There is no antinuclear movement in Hungary. Instead, the central ecological issue is the protest against the construction of a huge water plant on the Danube. This protest movement is called the Autonomous Danube Circle, or the Blues. This type of initiative is a so-called "transitory team" a definition developed by American sociologists. s This type of movement has a "hard core" made up of leaders and activists who are fully committed to its issues, and most of their time is devoted to the organization. They develop mass support through financial donations, referenda, etc. and they try to use

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this mass support order to influence public opinion and politics. This of single issue organization has a broad social base loosely connected "cause", and it does not participate directly in the political protest activities themselves or in the organization. On the international level, the organization one "Greenpeace" is an example of this type of social movement. On we find full-time political activists, on the other hand, a wide circle of marginal supporters. The "transitory team" is transitory because it seeks to resolve short-term problems. Citizens' movements are similarly short-term and single-issueoriented, but they have different organizational structure. The citizens' initiatives organize their members for direct participation in political protest on a community basis. They do not have an organizational hard-core on the national level made up of full-time workers and activists. We can find some citizens' initiatives6 concerned with ecological issues in Hungary. They are single-issue movements, based local conflicts, and their activists are supported by the local political community. Perhaps most significantly conflicts about the location of industrial-technological projects gave rise to local protest movements of this variety. These conflicts mobilized active political protest in the local community, thus they are different from the Autonomous Danube Circle, a transistory team on the national level. The common characteristics of citizens' initiatives in Hungary are their lack of (1) a common ideological platform and (2) central organization and leadership. The initiatives are isolated from each other; there were no crucial environmental conflicts which could have unified the initiatives on a national basis. The alternative life-style movement is also present in Hungary. There is a yoga-movement with some agricultural communities in the country. We can also count among the alternative life-style movements religious communities among youth especially those based on Asian religious and philosophical .ideas. Mention has to be made of the bio-gardening and reform-nutrition movements the "naturists" (who came into conflict with the state, and were recognized later as an official association of the naked sun-bathers), the movement for a more beautiful city, and various other youth environmentalist groups. The subcultures and movements in Hungary are primarily supported by youth, especially by students. The alternative life-style movement has its organizational and ideological centre in the Interdisciplinary Students' Circle, located in Budapest. The Circle has a loosely organized network in the country. The Circle advocates a utopia on the foundation of a "City of Communards" which is to follow an alternative, communitarian, ecological life-style. The community has different local projects, a network of information and mobilization, a monthly periodical, and a weekly discussion club about different communities, trends and issues of concern to the alternative life-style movement. The alternative life-style movement is a very cheerful, pluralistic feature of Hungarian society, but it has a very limited social basis. In an intolerant and rigid society, our experimental attempts to live "differently" are very hard to realize. This, compared with the western movements, makes the alternative

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subcultures Hungary more self-centered and apolitical western counterparts. As a result, Hungary's alternative movements assume organizational forms that are very similar to the rituals of suppressed radical religious sects. Owing to these sporadic, conflict-ridden and non-conventional political activities, an environmental sensibility has emerged in Hungary, especially among the young. Simultaneously, however, there are some new features in Hungary's environmental policy. In its propaganda and public opinion work, the Environmental Protection Agency has began to integrate some community activities, and this is a potential source for political innovation in environmental policy. There is indeed a new political style and ritual emerging in environmental policy. Bargaining, and other forms of conflict resolution and political protest, are becoming legitimate. The importance of these conflicts is becoming clear to the wider public. These trends are partly to be attributed to the movements. The political socialization of young people plays a central role in this process. As western experiences show, the ecological consciousness of youth, and especially of students involved in these movements is growing significantly. The participants in environmental movements and alternative subcultures come to see the importance of environmental issues of an early juncture in their political socialization. This leads me to the conclusion that environmental and ecological issues will grow in importance in Hungarian politics when today's youngsters participating in the ecological movements enter the political arena. The environmental issue is influencing not only those actively participating it but a whole generation of today's students who will become the intelligentsia of tomorrow. 2. Just as the western peace movement gained in strength between 1982-3, a new peace movement emerged in Hungary.7 The so called Dialogue Group established networl{s and produced a group of activists who later appeared in other movements and subcultures as organizers. The disintegration of the Dialogue Group because of administrative and political pressure and obstacles placed upon its activities shows that the tolerance of the Hungarian political more limited in the field of peace than in environmental system is issues. Some new forms of political protest activity were tolerated in both cases; others were hampered and even suppressed. The selectivity of the political system tolerating new forms of political protest is clearly much narrower than in the West. For example, attempts to organize public demonstrations were outlawed, but the collection of subscriptions, the printing of periodicals and their non-official circulation were allowed. The strategies of both movements were much less oriented towards protest and conflict than in the West. This stems from the difference between East and West in the degree of legitimate pluralism and in the nature of conflict-resolution. 3. No successful attempts have been made to establish a new feminist or alternative Third World solidarity movement. In regard to these issues, there are no social and political sensibilities in Hungary, and these issues can not mobilize social movements in our society. Both fields are dominated by

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official policy, there is no room autonomous social initiative. These issues, of great concern among western movements, are not taken seriously by Hungarian activists. There exist some semi-governmental organizations addressing themselves to these issues the aim of mobilizing mass support, but their activities are rather formal, any genuine social and political effect. 4. There are some characteristic differences between Hungarian and western youth, and especially between student subcultures. in the West and Hungary student social and political activities are determined by the transformation of society's value system and by general lengthening of the period of education. Ronald Inglehart8 has called this challenge the "silent revolution" of "post-materialism." these common tendencies have different colors. In Hungary, post-materialism exerts its influence only among intellectuals, and it is mostly confined to the level of consciousness, and not realized practical activities in social and political realms. At the age of 25, upon receiving a university degree, it is hardly possible for a Hungarian intellectual to devote his or her energies to movement work, since in a socialist "economy of scarcity" one has to work hard and long hours to get a home and the other good things of life. The "society of work" ("Arbeitsgesellschaft") is not on the decline in socialist countries, and neither do we find any signs of a large-scale "welfare policy." This means, for example that in contrast to West Germany, there are no unemployed intellectuals with a solid material background on a mass level who can become the driving force behind new subcultures and movements. Most of the young intellectuals Hungary are employed, and they have to work hard and long hours. As a result, the social bias of the new social movements in Hungary is primarily made up of students, and participation in these movements heavily declines upon graduation. This characteristic generally holds for new movements and subcultures in Hungary. This situation, which is conditioned by the socio-economic structure, differs very much from the movements of the western countries, especially from those in West Germany. In Germany we can find a more comprehensive social coalition of the post-materialists including older people as well as non-intellectual professions. 9 The dominating role of students in the new social movements in Hungary can be compared only to the social movements in the western countries in the sixties, when student movements were based in universities and colleges. The movements and subcultures in Hungary are mainly "social movements organizations,"lo especially in higher education: at the universities, in student hostels and in youth political organizations. Because of the obstacles to autonomous political activity, social movements try to find some established "umbrella organization," ensuring protection, resources and possibilities. There is a movement which demands the self-government of student hostels Hungary. The inhabitants of student hostels are trying not only to control student governments, but they also discuss broader and general political and social problems and goals, the possibilities for economic and political reform,

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environmental protection, social justice etc. The movement established an information network and has regular meetings and conferences. autonomous initiatives and communities within the Another network structure of higher education is the movement of cultural and the political clubs. These communities students discuss the same general subjects as student hostel movements. The two networks are highly intertwined. The special social and political concern of university clubs in Hungary is the issue of national. identity question of Hungarian minorities abroad. This problem plays an role in Hungarian political culture and thus in this field the students rely heavily upon other clubs organized at the local or workplace level. The problems of student youth club self-government confronts the officialyouth movement. In Hungary the so-called Alliance ofthe students in Young Communists has supreme authority for the political mobilization of youth. Alliance was established after the Hungarian crisis of 1956, with support of the the function of carrying out education of youth for Hungarian Socialist Workers Party. This uniform, highly bureaucratic and alienating political organization is the subject of harsh criticism today. The organization is incapable of political education and mobilization. Various reforms have been suggested. Particularly in the field of higher education there is an interesting connection between the Alliance and youth movements and subcultures recently, a of young cadres have emerged within the Alliance, who are trying to revitalize by relying on the impulses coming from the new youth movements. They collaborate with the new movements, supporting them with the financial resources of the Alliance. At the universistudent hotel movements, university clubs and some ties and colleges sections of the Alliance are closely interconnected. This is a possible spring -board for creating a coalition among the various reform-minded strata of youth. I will try to put forward two general theses on the role of youth subcultures and social movements the Hungarian political system and in the political socialization of Hungarian youth.
1.

The role and the function of the social movements in the political system.

Social movements and youth subcultures try to "hide" behind "umbrella organizations." This is accounted for by the fact that the political system hampers autonomous political activies. To gain resources and political space, the autonomous movements try to obtain support from established organizations and institutions. This leads to the intertwining of formal and informal organizations to increased communication between autonomous and official spheres. This problem is connected with the general schizophrenia of the social movements in our political system. On the one hand, there are huge, bureaucratic and formal organizations which monopolize the name and role of a given social movement for themselves. I regard this type of social movement as a pseudo-movement: it is a formal organization which simply seeks to be perceived as a real social movement. On the other hand, the autonomous social movements try to develop within umbrella organizations, thereby

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concealing their identity as autonomous social and political forces. I regard this type of social movements as quasi-movements: it is a genuine social movement which wants to gain acceptance as part of a formal, bureaucratic organization. The existence of pseudo- and quasi-movements l1 is characteristic of political systems in East European socialist countries. This stems from the extreme monopolization of power and resources by the dominant political organization and from the resultant obstacles to autonomous selforganization. Instead of pseudo- and quasi-movements, a possible third form of political innovation would be the reintegration of autonomous social movements into the political system. 2. The mechanisms of political innovation and political socialization. Autonomous social movements create new political identities, communities, rituals, values, and non-conventional forms of political behaviour. This poses a challenge to existing, conventional, institutionalized politics. The social movements have three "channels" for political innovation within the political system. a) The first is to transform and change the organizations and institutions from "inside" through rank and file participation and the articulation of popular demands. This alternative was called "voice" by Albert O. Hirschmann. b) The second is to transform the political system through challenge and conflict from the "outside", what Hirschmann called "exit." The dichotomy between "exit" and "voice" is based on a thesis of Hirschmann 12 regarding the innovative behavior of organizations and nations at time of crisis. Both alternatives are present in Hungarian politics today, but "voice" seems to be more accepted and effective than "exit." c) The third possible consequence for political innovation from social movements and subcultures is a new form of political socialization. The political experience of youth coupled with new political issues, conflicts, and values have a vast influence on political socialization. In the long run this process will have an influence on the transformation of political culture as a whole; the new generations are the political leaders and elite of the future. Both in eastern and western countries there is a "silent revolution", which is emerging owing to the changing conditions and experience of young people and this "silent revolution" is likely to lead to a change in elites and leadership resulting in the general transformation of politics.
NOTES
Karl-Werner Brand, ed., Neue soziale Bewegungen in Westeuropa und den USA, (Frankfurt am Main/New York, 1985). 2. Karl-Werner Brand, D. Biisser, D. Rucht Aujbruch in eine neue Gesellschaft. (Frankfurt/New York, 1983). 3. Waiter Hollstein, Die Gegengesellschaft, (Bonn, 1981). Chrisoph Conti, Abschied vom Bilrgertum. (Hamburge, 1984). 4. Jurgen Fijalkowski: "Alternativbewegungen und Politik: Negation oder Innovation? in: Hans1.

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Hermann Hartwich ed., Gesellschaft-liche Probleme als Aussto und Folge von Politik, (Opladen, 1983). John D. MacCarthy, Mayer N. ZaId The Trent ofSocial Movements in America. (Jonestown, 1973).63. John D. MacCarthy, Mayer N. SaId "Resource Mobilization and Social Movements" in: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 82, No. 6, (May 1977), 1227. 6. Brand, Aufbruch in eine neue Gesellschaft, 85-118. 7. Magdolna Bahizs "Relations between the Peace Movements in Eastern and Western Europe: The Special Situation in Hungary" in END Papers No. 10. (Summer 1985). Ronald Inglehart The Silent Revolution (Princeton, 1977). Claus Offe "New Social Movements, in Social Research. Vol. 52, No. 4, (Winter 1985). Mayer N. ZaId, Michael A. Berger: "Social Movements in Organizations" in American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 83, No. 4, Jan. 1978. Martn Kolinsky, William E. Patterson eds., Social and Political Movements in Western Europe, (London, 1976), 336. Albert O. Hirschmann Exit, Voice and Loyalty. Response to Decline in Firms., Organizations and States (Cambridge, Mass. 1970).

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9. 10.
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