Charisma and Abdication: A Study of the Leadership of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh Author(s): Susan J.

Palmer Reviewed work(s): Source: Sociological Analysis, Vol. 49, No. 2 (Summer, 1988), pp. 119-135 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3711009 . Accessed: 23/07/2012 15:22
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Sociological Analysis 1988. 49. 2:119-135

Charisma and Abdication: the Leadership of Bhagwan

Study
Shree

of

Rajneesh'
Susan J. Palmer
DawsonCollege,Montreal, PQ. Thisstudy attemptsto apply Roy 6Wllis'model of a charismaticleader'sfour responses to to the career of BhagwanShree Rajneesh,founder of a new religious institutionalization movement.Afteroutliningsevenphases of Rajneesh'scareer which can be interpretedas differentstrategic responses to institutionalization,the conclusion is drawn that Wallis' model oversimplifies the relationship between charisma and institutionalizationand is inadequateas a tool to explain the behaviorof this particularleader. It is proposed that a 'four, and that a distinctionbetween fifth category, that of Abdication,be added to Wallis two aspects of charisma, the Performerand the Pastor, be drawn in order to understand this new category. A study of the career of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh, the 55-year-old guru from India, revealsa leadershipwhich constantlyfluctuatesin its style and in its authoritative claims. The (RFI), is remarkablefor its history of his movement, the RajneeshFoundationInternational demandsmade upon its members. abruptchanges in policy, and the variedand contradictory Due to his considerable personal charm and a certain dramaticflair, Rajneesh was able to render these divagations coherent and meaningful to his disciples for whom their leader's inconsistences were an integralpart of his charisma. As one member explained: When you are with Bhagwanyou never know what to expect. He takes you on a journey thatis full of surprisesand mystery.He says whathe is experiencingat thatmoment, so he might say the opposite the next day. If you are looking for a dogma, a creed, you are wasting your time. He is a reflection of life itself which is a paradox and full of contradictions. In order to interpretthis patternof unpredictable and apparentlyarbitrarychange which has characterizedRajneesh's leadership, I will refer to Roy Wallis' theory of relationships between charismaand institutionalization which is outlined in his paper, "Charisma, Comand Control in a New mitment, Religious Movement" (1982). Wallis attemptsto refine Max Weber's theory of charismaticauthority,which he finds Birdforsuggesting theResponsibility/Performance 1. Theauthor Dr.Frederick wishesto thank model of routes to institutionalization. various charisma andfor explaining Weber's

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in ambiguity" briefandnotentirely (Wallis,1982: 73). WhileWeber's lacking "relatively or traditionalization afterthe leader's to bureaucratization routes the various traces theory to keephis or her charismatic with the livingleader'sstruggle death,Wallisis concerned Wallisfocuseson the careerof untrammelled authority by the forcesof institutionalization. of God, a deviant of the Children Christian MosesDavid,the prophet-founder groupwhich therelationship between in 1968,andthenanalyzes charisma andits in California originated fourpossible of charismatic leaders institutionalization, "nemesis," responses by identifying are: Encouragement, to thisproblem. The responses andReAcquiescence, Displacement, sistance.Wallisthen arguesthat the seeminglyerraticbehaviorof "Mo" Davidcan be a deliberate to undermine the as an exampleof Resistance; strategyintended interpreted his movement. He describesthis to stabilizeand institutionalize of his followers attempts as follows: response thethreat of institutionalization leaderforesees ... in whichthecharismatic subverting it (Wallis,1982: 119). his authority andtakesactiveandeffectivestepsto forestall as anexample Inattempting to explain of Resistance, I encountered Rajneesh's leadership a series of obstacleswhichsuggestthatthe relationship betweencharisma and institution allowfor.Although thanWallis' fourcategories is morecomplex Rajneesh building employed the strategyof Resistance at manypoints in his career,he also adopted the strategy of a as describes Wallis Encouragement process Encouragement. in whichthecharismatic embraces thepossibilities involved leader in institutionalization it andutilizeinstitutionalized andactively in sucha wayas to control theprocess directs to buttress hisauthority, rather thanallowing andprocedures it toconstrain structures him (Wallis,1982: 117). In outlining of Rajneesh's I haveattempted to showthathe vacillated thesevenphases career, betweenthese two extremes.On the one handhe encouraged strongleaderswithinhis and conferred movement On the other powerin decision-making. uponthemconsiderable handhe occasionally theirinstitutions if theyweresteering themor destroyed the challenged movement in a direction nottohisliking.Sincethesetwopoliciesareapparently contradictory to institutionalization, caserepresents a different it is clearthatRajneesh's relationresponses thanMo's. charisma andinstitution ship between building case to Wallis'modelof Resistance, The seconddifficultyin fittingRajneesh's is that did not appear to shareMo's desireto controlanddirecthis followers' lives. The Rajneesh this is Rajneesh's announcement on September 26, outstanding examplewhichillustrates He his role of guruand endinghis religion,Rajneeshism. 1985, thathe was renouncing advisedhis followers red andthe mala (necklace on this occasionto stopwearing bearing whichweresymbols of initiation intothemaster-disciple Rajneesh's photograph) relationship. Thisextraordinary to be an extreme case of Resistance, as it delivered gesture mightappear the deathblowto the institutions of the movement, butinstead of strengthening the leader's it over his it weakened Therefore I would like to followers, (see seven). authority phase be addedto Wallis'fourwhichrepresents a new relationship proposethata fifth category between charisma ThisI shallcallAbdication. andinstitutionalization. Inorder to explain the in Rajneesh's to interpret the meaning vacillations of Abdication, andto explore leadership, the innerlogic of this new category will be as follows: my strategy of To describe the nature andto examine the mecha(1) charisma, peculiar Rajneesh's nismswhereby it. he protects andenhances

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(2) To describe seven phases of Rajneesh's career, which represent different strategic and exhibit his tendency to vacillate between responses to the problemof institutionalization the two extremes of Resistance and Encouragement. (3) To arguethata close examinationof Rajneesh'scareer revealsthathis incompatibility arose not from his desire to exact total obedience from with the process of institutionalization his followers (as was the case with "Mo"), but rather from a reluctance to assume the responsible, authorizingrole. By distinguishingbetween two aspects of charismaticauthority, (i) Performance, and (ii) Responsibility, I will attempt to prove that Rajneesh's behavior indicateda desire for the adulation, deference, and fame that come with performance, but a dislike for the responsibility that leadership entails. I will then argue that Rajneesh was a brilliant performer but a weak or recalcitrant pastor, and that he chose to delegate the responsible role to various members of his core group. His final gesture of Abdication I interpretas his solution to the problem of responsibility and of institutionalization,in that it enabled him to get rid of his fully committed followers, or "flock," while retaining his devoted (and rotating)audience.

METHODOLOGY This study is based on my involvement with the Montreal Rajneesh center as a participant-observerfrom October 1984 to September 1986. During this period I interviewed ten sannyasinsand attendedfive therapygroups and various ritual and social events at the center. Initially my aim was to collect data for my Ph.D. dissertation on women in spiritual comfell I became fascinatedby Rajneesh himself. Throughout munes, but when Rajneeshpuram the exercise I managedto remainimpervious to his charisma, but not to his charm. I feel it is importantto note that while Wallis' theory is a useful tool for interpretingthe history of the RFI, it is inadequateas a means of fathomingthe inner workingsof the complex and creative mind of a spiritualmaster. That is to say, this study is not meant to imply that Rajneesh is acting out of secular motives ratherthan respondingto an inner religious drive.

THE NATUREOF RAJNEESH'SCHARISMA Rajneesh was born in 1931 in Kuchwada, India, to a Jain family of wealthy cloth merchants.While teachingphilosophyat the University of Jabalpurhe laid the foundationfor his career as a spiritualleader by giving lecture tours in which he expounded his eclectic and controversialideas. He conductedmeditationcamps, and in 1966 resigned his teachingpost to travel across India criticizing local religions and preaching that the individual was his own religion or god. In 1968 he delivereda series of lectures on sex as a meditativefirst step on the path to enlightenment,which attracteda large following of American and Europeantourists. By 1970 he had settledin Bombayand begun to initiatea group of disciples, which markedhis transitionfrom an intellectualcritic of religion to a spiritual master. If a leader's charisma can be measured by the number of his followers, Rajneesh's authorityhas been considerable,extendingto approximately350,000 sannyasins, or initiates, according to the claim of the Rajneesh 7imes, October 14, 1983. The Oregonian notes, "Figures supplied by Rajneeshee officials and by outside observers . . . were often wildly different"and quotes an "insider's figure of 60,000" (Oregonian, 1985: 3). Rajneeshmanifested his charismathroughhis "discourses" or public lectures, which have been transcribed

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on videocassette. intoseveral inover350 booksandalsorecorded Thesediscourses languages I interviewed Several effecton his followers. havehadan extraordinary saidthey sannyasins to his discourses. Evenhis criticsattestto the "fellin lovewithBhagwan" through exposure whowrotea rather of Rajneesh's account of life SallyBelfrage, power disparaging presence. in the Rajneesh Ashram in India,confessedon viewinghim in person,"He was AB-SOclaimsit is his message R-IVET-ING" LUTE-LY (Belfrage,1981: 131). The Oregonian whichhas attracted rather thanhis presence disciples: Theirguru'slectures ... tell his disciplesto live life to its fullest,to abandon theirown andto viewsexas ... creative in communal consciousness favor of a energy leading egos aboutand everyone to enlightenment. has the Sin and guilt are not worthworrying andworship to realize a personal dailymeditation divinity through (Oregonian, potential 1985:2). to Weber's modelof the exemplary leader,not the ethical however, corresponds Rajneesh, prophet. manwho,byhispersonal demonstrates to ... theprophet example, maybeanexemplary as in thecase of theBuddha. Thepreaching of this othersthe wayto spiritual, salvation, abouta divinemissionor anethical directs duty,butrather saysnothing typeof prophet to themthe same of thosewho cravesalvation, itselfto the self-interest recommending 1968: 263). (Eisenstadt, pathas he himselftraversed of his messageof self-realization: is the livingexample Rajneesh content. If I wereto die thisverymoment becomplete I amabsolutely (The mylifewould
Wayof the Heart, 1984: videocassette).

One"who returns His charismatic is basedon his claim to be the "Enlightened authority of seekers. anelitegroup of hisdisciples themillennia to awaken spiritually Many throughout work withhimbegunina previous life. Rajneesh believe stresses thenotion theyhaveresumed eventhe limitations transcends of death. thatthe master-disciple relationship Weber states:
The . . . leader may be requiredperiodically to offer miraculoussigns as proof of his

commitment 1947: 359). (Weber, [his followers'] powersin orderto maintain of maintaining A testimonial to Rajneesh's thereincarnation relationships power through whohaslivedwithhimsince 1971, Vivek,an Englishwoman cycle is offered by MaAnand whomhe describes claimedshe was the reincarnation as his "caretaker." of his Rajneesh in before she died childhood to waitforher 1947,madehimpromise sweetheart, Sashi,who, return. Vivekstates: Oneof the firstthingsBhagwan saidto me ... was, "Do youremember me?"I went
click! "I rememberthat you're someone I loved very much" (Joshi, 1982: 107).

leaderswho assumethe role andimageof fatherin Unlikemanywell-known spiritual relation to theirfollowers is described (as, for example,Reverend Moon),Rajneesh by his he appeared a child.Although to be, at age55, a frail disciplesas a lover,and,paradoxically,

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old man with long white hair and whiskers, his personality was that of a mischievous and women who by his core groupof attractive intellectuallyprecociouschild. He was surrounded played the role of the doting (but sexually liberatedand expressive) mother to the brilliant, capricious prodigy. Wallis notes: Since the charismaticidentity is precarious, it must be protectedagainst subversion or challenge by hiding the prophetawayfrom general contact, carefullyvettingall who may come into his presence, and immediatelyexcluding those who do not display complete surrender(Wallis, 1982: 5). To this end the core group at the ashramin Indiacreateda distancebetweenBhagwanand the large mass of his following. A bodyguardcontrolled access to the guru's presence. Sally Belfrage describes the proceduregoverningadmission to the evening darshan at Poona: At least half a dozen people are turned away from darshanevery night, it seems, for failing to pass the sniff-at-the-gatetest, which has become more stringentlately because one womanslipped throughwith a perceptibleodor of perfumeand it madeBhagwansick the whole of the next day.Some people havebeen turnedaway. . .. I havewashedmy hair eight times. . . . Shiva, a red-beardedScottish sannyasin who seems to be his chief bodyguardintonesthe drill beforethe smelling starts. Personalquestionsabout Bhagwan are not permitted. Do not go nearerto BhagwanShree Rajneeshthan a meter. Do not touch him except his feet. If you are turnedaway,wash hardernext time (Belfrage, 1981: 137ff). An importantfeatureof Bhagwan's special status (and regardedin the RFI as a sign of enlightenment)is his reputedautonomyand self-sufficiency. Throughoutthe RFI literature this notion is stressed. Stories of his childhoodpicturehim as an independent,anti-authoritarian being who was impossible to influenceor control. Even in infancyhe was supposedly not dependenton his mother: It is said thatthe child neithercried nor acceptedany milk for the firstthreedays (Sannyas 5, 1980: 8). Bhagwanhas described himself as follows: I have never been initiated into society. I entered as an individual, and I have remained aloof and separatelike an island (Sannyas 5, 1980: 10). In this respect he remained distant from his sannyasins, whose communal lifestyle and encounter group experiences encourage gregarious behavior and physical and emotional intimacy.

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THE SEVENPHASESOF RAJNEESH'SCAREER Phase I-Initiation and Discipleship: Claiming Charisma In 1970 Rajneeshcreatedhis ritualof initiationdarshanor "takingsannyas," in which he touched initiates on the "third eye," endowed them with Sanskritnames, gave each a mala and requiredthem to wear orange (necklace of wooden beads bearingRajneesh'sphotograph) (later changed to red). Through this ritual Rajneeshestablisheda following and claimed a charismaticstatus as an enlightenedmaster. He explainedthe meaningof initiationas a surrenderof the ego to the master. When you become a sannyasin I want to destroy that identity.... When all these identities have been destroyedyou will know who you are: the unidentified, the nameless, the formless, the indefinable(Joshi, 1982: 17). Rajneeshbegan to live in a close community of devoted followers which he termed his "buddhafield." To create a buddhafield, to create a sanqha means you are now creating an alternate society. Youare no longer a single individual;you aregatheringpower. . . . Now you can create a revolution(Joshi, 1982: 100). RobinTheobaldhad observed that an "Attitudeof complete submissionis what is requiredof disciples who form partof the Gemeinde"(Wallis, 1982: 107). The buddhafieldcorresponds to Theobald's description of the Gemeinde or household living in "an emotional form of communal relationship"with the leader. Spheres of authorityare not clearly defined and the leader assigns duties on an ad hoc basis and intervenesat will. Membersare chosen not for their skill or training, but rather,Weberargues, for their charismaticqualities. Wallis adds that an equally importantquality is the intensityof their devotion. Rajneesh'score group of women invariablydescribed themselves as "in love with" their leader. Phase II-From Acharya to Bhagwan: Building Charisma In 1971 Rajneeshchanged his name from Acharya(which means teacher) to Bhagwan (which means "blessed one" or "God"). Joshi narratesthe event as follows: I was knownall over the countryas Acharya. ... I was teachingand travelling.That was just the introductory partof my work . .. one day the wordteacherwill not be enough. . .. Find something which is universal. .. And then he found "Bhagwan"(Joshi, 1982: 112). This change in title implies not only that he was claiming greatercharisma, but that he affected a change in type as a spiritualleader. Accordingto FrederickBird's typology of new religions (Needleman and Baker, 1978: 173), there are three types: Devotee, Apprentice, and Disciple, each of which featuresa differenttype of leader-followerrelationship.The role of the apprenticeleader is to be a teacherof techniqueswhich the apprenticelearns in orderto tap a source of sacred power which is perceived as located within the self. The devotee type

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leader is looked up to as a lord, avatar, or Second Coming and is perceived to be the transcendentsource of sacred power to which the devotee must surrenderin order to find salvation. What is interestingin the case of Rajneeshis that he managedto retainsome of the characteristicsof the apprenticegroup, such as each individual being the source of sacred power, while raising his own status to that of the most powerful type of leader, the devotee type. His reply to the question, "Why do you call yourself Bhagwan?"demonstratesthis: Because I am-and becauseyou are-and because God is. . . . WhenI call myself God, I mean to provokeyou, to challenge you. I am simply calling myself God so that you can also gathercourageto recognize it. If you can recognize it in me, you havetakenthe first step in recognizing it in yourself (Joshi, 1982: 114). Like the initiationritual, this move was effective as a test of loyaltyandservedto weed out the less committedof his members: . . . people who used to come to me to gather knowledge they stopped.The day I called myself Bhagwanthey stopped. It was too much for their egos, somebodycalling himself Bhagwan(Joshi, 1982: 113). Phase Ill-The Poona Ashram: Encouragement In 1974 Bhagwanmoved from Bombay to Poona where he foundedthe Shree Rajneesh Ashram.The daily programbegan with the Dynamic Mediation, and in the eveningBhagwan would deliver his increasinglyfamousdiscourses. By 1975 western-styletherapygroupswere incorporatedinto the program and drew an internationalcrowd of one to two thousand participantsa week, accordingto the Oregonian. Timemagazine reportedthat between 1974 and 1978 more than 50,000 seekers had tried the therapiesat Poona (Oregonian, 1985: 9). The fast-growingmembershipand the transientpopulation meant that the leader could no longer be personally availableto his sannyasins, except for a small core group. Thus the problem of institutionalizationarose. Bhagwan's response at this point of his career fits the efforts of Wallis' category of Encouragement. Bhagwanencouragedgrowthand approved his "power ladies" to establish an efficiently run ashram while trying to imbue the growing with his own personal mystique. The ubiquity of his photographserved this superstructure purpose. Besides being displayed on every disciple's chest in the mala, his smiling visage decoratedthe walls of the ashram, inviting Belfrage's comparisonsto Orwell's Big Brother. Another strategy was to insist that Bhagwan was even more present to his disciples in his absence. For example, an empty chair was placed on the podium when he stoppeddirecting the Dynamic Meditation.Joshi explains: The master was present-but now his disciples had to feel Him on a more subtle level. Bhagwan reassuredthem: "even if I am not here in the body, the contact will not be of his occult presence, lost." This placedthe onus on the followersto cultivatetheir awareness and constituteda test of faith. A strongcore groupof whatWalliswould term "institutionbuilders"ranthe ashramwith maximumefficiency-and they were sufficiently high-handedand dictatorialin their modus operandito be labelled the "powerladies," and, by a disgruntledexsannyasin,as the "dowager duchesses." These women were chosen for their charismatic qualities which, in Bhagwan'sterms, meantreceptivityto his "energy." He explains in TheBookthatwomen are

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andthe essenceof the to men becausethey are morereceptive,less aggressive, superior The Oregonian thathe preferred to workwithwomenbecause suggests mysticis receptivity. thanmenandofferedno competition. theyweremoreobedient MosesDavid,Bhagwan allowed his coregroup a considerable Unlike of power in degree but at the same time he foundwaysto undermine and leadership, their decision-making on his charisma, theirdependence so as to discourage and to maintain any complacency his Of of charisma. to Laxmi,who personal signs secretary, tendency developindependent he said, of the Rajneesh trustee becamethe managing Foundation, on her own. She is the perfect that Laxmineverdoes anything "Alwaysremember is saidshedoes"(Joshi, vehicle,thatis whyshe is chosenforthiswork.. .. Whatever 1982: 102). thatBhagwan to the Oregonian therearemanyindications tookcareto keephis According core groupundercontrol: headsandpittedthemagainst He chosethe ashram's one another. department he delegated office dutiesto Laxmi,he was knownto countermand her Although decisions.
There was a hierarchy,but no one was protected. ... (Oregonian, 1985: 5). He was alwaysthe final word

to havebeen in close touchwithevery At the earlyperiodof Poona,Bhagwan appears fromthe individual He wouldlistento reports aspectof the ashram. therapy groups,offer darshans himself. the initiation advice,andperform personal a healthy ladiesandprevented the formarivalry encouraged amonghis power Bhagwan tionof permanent of institutionalization) offices(oneof theperennial symptoms by allowing themto oust eachotherfromtheirposts: saidSheelaedgedoutPremArupforthe number twospoton Rajneesh's Ex-sannyasins officestaff. andquarrels to encourage Bhagwan appeared competition amongthe powerladies andallowedSheelato oustLaxmias his personal 1985: 7). secretary (Oregonian, to demote or rotate Thisstrategy resembles MosesDavid's hisleaders, andis an tendency the of Resistance to of institutionalization. example process In thelasttwoyearsof the Poonaera, Bhagwan a less activerolein ashram life, played due to his declining health.Afflictedwithasthma, andbackpains,he temporarily diabetes, in 1979,andsubstituted anddarshans silentmeditation. In 1981he stopped givingdiscourses withdrew his physical fromthesesessions,andit wasannounced that"Bhagwan is presence into the ultimate, silentstageof his work"(Joshi,1982: 155). Threecore group entering members wereappointed to perform theinitiation darshans as "Bhagwan's mediums" andin "the silentcommunion betweenmasteranddisciple."The May,Satsangwas introduced, wasreintroduced: emptychairstrategy thisbeingempty, Thedayyouareableto see thischair,thisbodyempty, you will have whenthe disciplemeetsthe master. seenme ... that'sthe realmoment It is a dissolution, a disappearance. . . the dew dissolving into the ocean. . . . And there prevails

silence(Joshi,1982: 158). profound

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The gacchammi ritual was incorporatedinto the satsang meetings at this time, which involved bowing to Bhagwan'sempty chair or photo while chanting the buddhistcreed: Buddhamsharanamgacchami sangham sharanamgacchami dharmamsharanamgacchami This is translatedby sannyasinsas "I go to the feet of the EnlightenedOne. I go to the feet of the communityof the EnlightenedOne. I go to the feet of the Ultimate Truthof the Enlightened One." This is clear indicationthat the institutionalcharismaof the sangha, or community, now equalledthe personalcharismaof the master,and thatdue to his physical inaccessibility Bhagwanwas in danger of being reduced to a symbol, or (in Durkheimianterms), a totem of his community. In 1981 Bhagwanleft the Shree RajneeshAshramin Poona and flew to the United States. The move to America appearsto have been a unilateraldecision on the part of Sheela, who claimed it was for medical reasons. She oversaw the buying of the 64,229 acre ranch in Oregonand began to supervisethe buildingof what would soon be the city of Rajneeshpuram. Phase IV--The Silence: Acquiescence Bhagwan'ssilence began in the spring of 1981, and ended in October, 1984. During the silence the institutionbuilders were active, and Bhagwan's response at this time appearsto conform to Wallis' description of Acquiescence; ". . . in which the charismatic leader, finding himself trammelledand constrained, acquiesces to the situation with more or less good grace" (Wallis, 1982: 117)." As Bhagwan withdrew into self-imposed solitude and silence, and made Ma Anand Sheela his representative,he became increasinglyunaware of the administrative decisions, the political struggles with local authorities,and even the innovationsin religious life takingplace in his commune. In 1981 RajneeshgrantedSheela limited powerof attorney,and removedthe limits in 1982. In 1983 Sheela announcedthat "He" would only speak with her. At this stage it appears that his knowledge of goings on in the commune was exclusively derived from Sheela. He claimed in a later press conference that she kept him in ignorance. When I was in silence I was completely unaware ... for eight months I supported Sheela. ... All things came to my knowledgeyesterday.... I was in isolation (September 16, 1985). The rapiddevelopmentof institutionscan be observed duringthis phase. Sheela's book, Rajneeshism(1983) is a striking example of the routinizationof charisma. It describes the newly createdAcademyof Rajneeshismas an "ecclesiasticalorganization"in which there are three categories of ministers: Acharyas, Arihantas, and Siddhas. A symptom of creeping institutionalization for Wallis is the appointmentof officials "on the basis of their qualifications and experience rather than on their inspirationalvirtues" (Wallis, 1984: 116). Rajneeshism stipulates: To be eligible for the ministry,a person must have the following experience and training: a minimum of -two years as a neo-sannyasin -two years of participationand practice in meditation

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SOCIOLOGICAL ANALYSIS or apprenticeshipin Rajneeshism -one year of worship-meditation duties (Rajneeshism,1983). ministerial for the orientation -specific

Aside from creating a "charismaof office," Sheela seemed to be claiminga charismatic anddressing long red silk robes in statusby conferringupon herself titles like "Boddhisattva" her office as Chancellor of Rajneeshism. She declared in an interview, "I am the head of a religion" (Oregonian, 1985: 16). The head therapist,SwamiAnandTeertha,performedmost of the Ranch initiations and began to exhibit signs of independent, non-Bhagwan-derived charisma;-it was rumoredthat he was enlightened. Another sign of the routinizationof charisma was the creation of permanentoffices. of powersof controland of economic Webernotes that it "takes the form of the appropriation Wallis 1947: adds that the officials "hope to the followers" 367). (Weber, advantagesby a commensurate hitherto hoc status and their ad enjoy lifestyle and thus press for preserve some tenure of office and the regulation of office-holding in a non-arbitrary way" (Wallis, was governed by an efficient hierarchyof female coordinators 1984: 116). Rajneeshpuram called "moms" who were in turn directed by a small core of "supermoms."The Oregonian contraststhe luxurious lifestyle of the supermoms with the ascetic regimenof the rank-andfile sannyasins.Sheela kept her office as Bhagwan'spersonal secretaryfor almost five years and held executivepositions in all the majororganizationsof the city. "I am going to live like a princess. That's my style!" (Sheela, interviewedin the Oregonian, 1982: 16). Wallis notes that "to pay for the 'permanentroutinestructure'. .. some formof rational fiscal basis for the movementmust be secured" (Wallis, 1982: 116). A host of small chain businesses was established out of Rajneeshpuram,such as boutiques, restaurants,discos, therapy centers, and bookshops. An interesting effort was made to imbue these rational workadayventureswith mystery and humor (Rajneesheecharismaticqualities). The twelvehour day of unpaid labor expected from all residents was described in Rajneeshismas "An called abundance of creativity" and was regarded as a form of meditation-in-the-world "Worship."The Rolls Royce collection was a wise investmentof the commune's money but explainedto a skeptical public as "a sign of the great love between masterand disciple," or, alternatively,as a "joke": Bhagwan is like a child who delights in his toys. He has 92 Rolls Royces, the most expensive car in the world, and yet he ... can only drive one at a time, and for only half an hour a day. For us, it is a great paradox, a great joke. Sheela organizeda Rolls Royce Raffle for which every sannyasinwas expectedto buy tickets, and the winnerinvariablygave the Rolls back to Bhagwan.In Rajneesh'ssystemgamblingcan be a spiritual exercise as it involves "taking a risk" (in the language of Encounter); The City Council passed an ordinancein September1982 requiringthat a joke be Rajneeshpuram told at the beginning and end of every meeting. This appearsto have been an attemptto retain an atmosphereof spontaneityin the face of an increasing tendency towardorganization. Phase V-Prophecy and Resistance When Rajneeshcame out of silence in October 1984 his first discourse was what Weber would call a "charismaticdisplay." Havinghad the good fortuneto be presentat the Montreal effect on his disciples of Rajneeshcommune on this occasion, I witnessed the extraordinary their master's (taped)voice. Approximately300 people wept, laugheduncontrollably or sank to the groundas if in a swoon. It was clear from his wordsthathe was claimingan increase in

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charisma.He said that he had travelledso deeply into the Absolute throughhis silence that he was now virtually indistinguishablefrom It. Bhagwanannounced on this occasion that there was no God, which had the effect of elevating his own status to the next best thing. The convention of referringto Rajneesh as "He" and "Him" in the RFI literature certainlyimplies this. Bhagwanproceededto denounce referredfavorablyin the past. He then claimed to have whom he had leaders to great religious founded "the first and the last religion," Rajneeshism,and explainedhow it was superior to all previous attempts: Rajneeshismis a kind of religion-ness, not a dogma, cult, or creed, but only a quality of love, silence, meditation, and prayerfulness.Hence it can never end. . . . Jesus did not know about Buddha, Buddhadid not know about Lao Tzu. ... I have travelledall the paths ... WhatI am saying is going to last foreverbecause nothingmore could be added to it. This move can be interpretedas a strategyof Resistance. Rajneeshismwas contradicting previousstatements.In Poona he had often referredto God and had declared in 1971 that all religions were acceptable paths leading to the superconsciousness. Wallisexplains how Mo of the Childrenof God constantlycontradictshimself in order to resist institutionalization. Thus the prophet'scharismais furtherheightenedthroughthe fact thatthe only certainty left is himself. The arbitrarinessof his statementsentailed that one should not even be committed to any particularthing he said but to Mo regardless of what he said. Rajneeshalso attemptedto de-institutionalizeRajneeshismby explaining it as "the laughing religion," a "religion-ness," "the religionless religion." In March 1984 Rajneeshprophesiedthe death of two thirdsof humanityfrom AIDS, the "spiritualdisease." As a result, sannyasinswere requiredto wear rubbergloves and condoms while making love and to refrainfrom kissing. This developmentresembles Moses David's millennarian prophecies which Wallis interpretsas examples of Resistance. Certainly the newly institutedsexual taboos were a Resistancestrategyinsofaras they served to breakdown exclusive ties between couples and emphasized the ritual function of sexual activity. I have arguedelsewhere thatthe AIDS threatencouragedRenunciation,one of Kanter'ssix commitment mechanisms (Palmer, 1986). Rajneesh undermined the claims to charisma among his core group in the following manner: two sannyasinsintervieweddescribed his readingout a list of one hundredpeople in the commune whom he pronouncedenlightened. This caused a sensation, and excited rivalry and argumentuntil Bhagwanadmittedlater the whole thing had been a joke. One sannyasin who described the incident to me saw it as a test: It was to show what big egos people had, that they could ever imagine they were on the same level as Bhagwan. Rajneeshbegan to oppose Sheela's efforts to build a solid institutionto survive his death, and to ensure her succession. Over the summerof 1984 she had announcedthat Rajneeshhad createdthree sansads to offer spiritualguidance after his death. On August 19th of the same year Rajneesh flatly contradictedher in a deposition filed in Multnomah County Circuit Court:

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I am not making anybody head of my religion because I don't want any books to be followedby me exploitingpeople in my name. I am not going to be succeededby anybody. The day I am dead I am dead. There is no question of any succession.

Phase VI-Sheela's Betrayal: AttemptedDisplacement On September 16, 1985 Bhagwanheld a major press conference at Rajneeshpuram in which he revealeda series of crimes allegedly carried out by Sheela and her "fascist gang." These alleged crimes included three poisoning attempts, salmonella food poisoning in The Dalles, wiretapping, bugging rooms, and financial abuse which left the commune $55,000,000 in debt. From the evidence at hand it appearsthat Sheela's alleged crimes (of which she is now convicted and serving a prison sentence) were the end-resultof an unsuccessful Displacement attempt. Wallis describes the response of Displacement as follows: A third case is that which institutionalization proceeds without clear recognitionby the charismatic leader of what is occurring until too late for him effectively to reverse the situation despite a strong antipathytowardsit (Wallis, 1984: 118). A close look at her alleged crimes suggests that she was attemptingto preserve her exclusive access to the guru, which she had enjoyedduring his silence. Her three poison victims were the only sannyasinswho were close to him. The bugging devices found in his rooms suggest she wished to control his sources of information.Some of her statementsfrom prison indicate that she might have intendedto displace Rajneeshas the head of Rajneeshism: She said the allegations were merely a device used by Bhagwanto keep the sannyasins movementunitedbehindHim. Otherwiseit would have split into two camps, one following her and the other stayingwith Bhagwan .... "I'm still your Mom. Youmay not have a Dad any more but I'm still your Mom" (Rajneesh, March 11, 1986). Rajneesh appearedto regardher actions as a displacementattempt: It seems these people could haveeven killed me. If I was dead they could haveworshipped my dead body and have full power to do whateverthey wanted to do (September 1986 press conference). He ascribed her motives to jealousy of his charismaticauthority: As I startedto speak again, a strangething happened.Sheela became very sad. Everyone was ecstatic thatI spoke again except Sheela. Strange!Withina few days it became clear. While I was in isolation she had become a celebrity throughthe news media. She was famous all over the world. When I startedspeaking again Sheela's swollen ego started shrinking.If I speak myself thereis no need for a mediator,a messenger,a representative. I said .... "Youhave become addictedto being famous ... the worstdrug in existence" (September 16 press conference). Bhagwan's first reaction to Sheela's displacementattemptwas to protect his own charisma. He disassociatedhimself from her activities by publicly denouncingher. This laid him

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and weak leadershipin remainingignorantof her abuses. open to the chargeof irresponsibility charmand managedto treadthe fine line However,he deportedhimself with his characteristic events. On betweenacceptingresponsibilityand disclaiming responsibilityfor the unfortunate one hand he showed concern over the gravity of the situation: They were absolute criminals, inhuman, fascist in outlook! On the other hand he joked about it: "Adolf Hitler has died again!" He promised to take responsibilityfor the welfare of his commune in the futureI am going to continue to speak for the rest of my life. I will be here! -and yet disclaimed responsibility for Sheela's behavior: "One can never really know another human being." Another strategy (eagerly embraced by his sannyasins who wished to preserve their absolutefaithin theirleader's infallibility)was to blameeverythingon the followers. Bhagwan hinted that he had allowed the situation to develop as a learning "device": People were almost asleep. Unless somethingreally shakesthem up they don't see much. We have seen in time! One sannyasinechoed this notion: We thoughtwe were surrendering to Bhagwan,but it turnedout we were obeying Sheela. It was our own fault what happened. Bhagwanhas always warnedus not to give up our independentjudgment, not to be blindly obedient. He allowed Sheela to go crazy with power and it was a great learning experience for all of us. Phase VII--"I am not your guru ": Abdication On September 26, Bhagwan told his sannyasinsto stop wearing the color red and the mala, theirtraditionalsymbols of initiation(RajneeshTimes, 1986: 27). All malas were to be sent back to the ranch. When his followers protested,Bhagwanrelentedand allowed them to keep the mala. He announced the end of Rajneeshism, saying "A religion has died." A celebrationof the death of Rajneeshismtook place at Rajneeshpuram in which a bonfire was made of copies of Sheela's book Rajneeshismand her "pope's robes." The RajneeshTimesof October 4, 1985 offers Bhagwan's explanations which reveal his acute concern for the problem of institutionalization. In an interview with Bill Gravesof the Bulletin, Bhagwansaid he decided to take these steps in an effort to keep his movement from becoming institutionalized. The book and the word "Rajneeshee"were developedby Ma Anand Sheela against his wishes during his three-and-a-half years of silence. "I hate the word 'ism.' " Bhagwancontinued to deliver blows to the institutionsof his movement. The Rajneesh Times of October II reports that he abolished the daily "gacchamis" or bowing ceremony "which he said was too similarto ritualChristianand Mohammedan prayers"and at the same

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time he put an end to the terms "worship" and "temple" which were to become plain old communesby declaring "work" and "department" again. He attackedthe large international "I am absolutely against centralization"and invited his sannyasinsto start new communes. On October 18 the Rajneesh Times announced "Friends of Rajneesh Internationalis Internaborn" meaning the name of the movementwas no longer The RajneeshFoundation tional. This move was inspired by Bhagwan's statement that he was not a guru to his sannyasins, but merely a friend. On October27 Rajneeshboardeda Learjeton what he claimed was to be a vacation, but he was forced to land, was arrested,jailed, and charged with arranging"sham marriages" among his disciples in order to bypass U.S. immigrationlaws. He entereda technicalplea of guilty (while privately denying the charges) and on November 14 was deported from the United States. Rajneeshpuramofficials decided to close down their utopian city, since Sheela's alleged "financial abuse" had left them 55 million in debt, the Rajneeshwould no longer be in residence to attractthousandsof visitors to the summer festivalswhich were the city's main source of income. The internationalcommunes began to disband, the Montreal commune following suit in April 1986.

TWOASPECTSOF CHARISMA AND RESPONSIBILITY PERFORMANCE In orderto accountfor the divagationsin Rajneesh'scareerandto explainhis abdicationit is useful to distinguishbetween two aspects of charismaticauthority: (1) Performance,and (2) Responsibility. Performance.A charismaticleader's authorityrests on his ability to demonstrate "exceptional powersor qualities," to convince others of his "supra-mundane poweror knowledgefor which [he provides] the channel of which [he is] the source" (Wallis, 1982: 2). In this capacity his role is not unlike the inspired performer or the creative artist who receives adulationfrom his audience or fans. Responsibility. This role demands the leader's willingness and ability to provide a decisions. It also entails directionfor the movement,to set policies and handleadministrative giving counsel to his followers, and settling conflicts arising within the group and also from without: in confrontationswith the largersociety. In this capacitythe leaderassumes the role of the pastor who protects and guides his "flock." The portraitwhich emerges from a close study of Rajneesh's career is of a man who excels as a performer but is weak or recalcitrantas a pastor. Although Rajneesh showed considerable leadership ability in phases 1, 2, and 3 of his movement he demonstratedan increasingunwillingnessto assume the responsible, authorizingrole after 1980 and appeared to shy away from the active exercise of power, leaving the direction of his movementin the capable hands of Sheela. Many of the changes in his movementcorrespondwith shifts that allowed him to back away from assuming the authorizing,responsible role. The effect has been to preserve his personal, exemplary charisma as an object of devotion and to avoid institutionalrestrictionson this authority. Interviews with Montrealsannyasinssupportedthis view of Rajneesh'sleadership. His gifts as a performerwere praised: Bhagwanwouldget up thereandjust do his own thing. Youcould tell he was havinga ball! -The first thing I thought was, "This guy is a brilliantcomedian!" He was often described as childlike, innocent, carefree:

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Bhagwanis like a child, awakein the momentand filled with the wonderof life. . .. Even when he found out he was going to jail his reaction was, "What fun! Will they put handcuffs on me? I've never tried handcuffs before!" Many disciples did not appearto expect concrete guidance from their leader: Bhagwannever tells us what to do. After you took sannyas, it was up to you. Whateveryou chose to do with Bhagwan's energy, it was your affair. This analysis of Rajneesh's leadershipexplains his tendency to vacillatebetween Resistance andEncouragement.His aversionto the pastorrole led him to delegatethe responsibility of leadershipto Sheela and her core group of "supermoms"who were energetic and determined institutionbuilders. Rajneeshappearedto view his female leadersas receptaclesof his own charisma. His writings stress the passive, receptivequalitiesof women, and his policy of makinga woman-ruledcommune was a means of extendinghis charismainto the government of his movementthroughthe channelsof women devotees who were filled with his "energy." Free from the constraintsof responsibility,Rajneeshcould pursuean untrammelled career as the performerwhose gesturesof Resistancewere often his most exciting acts. Thus his jokes, tantrums,and shock tactics were a means of pruningthe institutionsto his own taste without necessitatingan active involvement in decision-makingprocedures,and at the same time a means of entertaininghis disciples, who interprethis more outrageousmomentsas "a device to wake us up." It could be argued, therefore, that Resistance and Encouragementare not necessarily contradictorystrategies, and that Rajneesh'scase challenges the assumptionunderlyingWallis' theory;that the process of institutionalization inevitablyconstitutesa threatto the leader's charisma. Even in his example of Mary Baker Eddy as a successful case of Encouragement, Wallis sees her institution-buildingas "a process of bureaucratization" in which "some charismaticelements were retained"whereas "initially ChristianScience was emphatically charismatic" (Wallis, 1982: 117). Weber,however,does distinguishbetween several typical thatamountsto an eclipse of the charismaticquality patterns.There can be institutionalization of devotionto authority: this occurs with bureaucratization and traditionalization. There are also forms of institutionalizationthat attempt to (or are able to) preserve the charismatic qualities. Weber discusses these in relation to the terms "routinizationof charisma" and "hierocracy." Rajneesh's strategies of Encouragementand Acquiescence, therefore, could perhaps be better described as the routinizationof charisma. Throughoutthis study I was confrontedwith the difficulty of distinguishingbetween the "pure" type of personal charisma and the slightly institutionalizedform which serves to buttressit. In other words there is no clear boundarybetween charismaand institutionalization. The relationship between the two is a subtle one, for charisma cannot exist without is fed by charisma.There were indications institutions,and the process of institutionalization that Rajneesh'scharismawas enhancedby some modes of institutionalization but threatened by others. For example, one sannyasinclaimed "Bhagwanwas at his most powerfulduringHis as "a MickeyMouse version silence." AnothercomplainedaboutSheela's book Rajneeshism of Bhagwan's religion." When Rajneeshdestroyedthe institutionsin his movementby abdicating, he inevitably underminedhis own charismatic authority.A therapist, Amitabh, is his act as quotedin Rajneeshsaying Bhagwanhas "lost it." Manyformerdisciples interpreted a loss of charisma, and some are writing books with titles like Bhagwan, TheGod WhoFailed and Oranges and Lemmings. Certainly in terms of possessing a visible following with a

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distinctive philosophy and life style, Rajneesh's authority is diminishing. These examples suggest that the relationshipbetween charismaand institutionbuilding is more complex than Wallis' model permits. Abdication:. Rajneesh'sdecision to abdicateis in partto be understoodin relationto his being a prophetof the exemplarytype. He lacked a world historicalmission and thus failed to satisfy some Oregonians'expectationsof anotherJonestown.Insteadof urginghis followersto defy state authoritiesunto death he remainedtrue to his claim as the "EnlightenedOne" to being "aloof and separate as an island," and therefore simply negotiated for the lightest sentence and skipped the country leaving his flock to fend for itself. Rajneesh'sabdicationhas met with a widely variedresponse from his sannyasins.Some, like the therapistAmitabh, feel "He" has "lost It" (Rajneesh,July 16). Othersexpressed in interview the notion that Bhagwanhad proved himself to be an authenticspiritualmaster by cutting his disciples off. This was explainedas the final stage of a spiritualpath in which the disciple has to prove himself or herself by continuing alone, giving up dependence on the who establishedhis credentialsas a master guru. Some sannyasinsreferredto Krishnamurti, by in fact disclaiming the role of avatarwhich Annie Besant had preparedhim for. Others referredto the Russian mystic, Gurdjieff, whose style of spiritual teaching often involved shocking his students or sending them away.It is perhaps significant that recent editions of and Gurdjieff, who both abdiRajneesh have contained frequentreferencesto Krishnamurti cated from positions of responsible leadership. One article describes how Gurdjieffclosed down his communityin Fontainebleu in 1924 andconcludes: "any resemblancebetweentheir our Be aware,however,thatthe Master's ways and life . .. be coincidental. experiences may are many" (Rajneesh 7imes, September8). andGurdjieffsharesimilarcharacteristics.They are all examples Rajneesh,Krishnamurti of what R. S. Ellwood would term the "hermetic magus" type of leader, representativesin their own way of the gnostic tradition(Ellwood, 1973: 49). The spiritualpaths they outlined emphasize liberation from mechanical patternsof thought and behavior. The source of the sacred is perceived to lie within the self and the function of the master is to awaken the disciples from sleep, or to shock them out of theirpreconditioned patterns.This is achievedby puttingdisciples throughordeals or stoppingthe mind throughoutrageousbehavior(as in the case of Gurdjeiff)or destroyingrationalthoughtprocesses throughparadox(as in the case of Krishnamurti and Rajneesh).In this sense their philosophiescould be describedas individualistic and antinomian. These masters exhibited an aversionto institutionsand an impatience with routine patterns of economic and social life. The modus operandiof each leader could be interpreted as an extreme example of Resistance. Each master stressed the impermanenceof life and the importanceof learningto live in the present moment. Rajneeshcalls it the "herenow," Krishnamurtithe "eternal present." They possess a certain detachmentfrom or self-consciousness towardstheir role as spiritual master, an elusiveness and a shamanicability to disappearor to change shape. For example when Rajneesh adopted the name, "Bhagwan," he called it a "device" which he could "drop" when the time came.

CONCLUSIONS Thus far I have attemptedto establishthat Abdicationdoes representa new relationship between charismaand institutionbuildingand that the meaningof this strategyin Rajneesh's case can be understoodby distinguishingbetween two aspects of charisma: Performanceand

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Responsibility.Having shown by my examples that Rajneeshis strong in the first aspect but solved the perennial weak as regardsthe second, I will conclude by arguingthathis abdication in several ways: problem of institutionalization First, it enabledhim to renouncethe responsible role of pastor,while retainingthe role of performer.He relinquishedhis followers but kept his audience and devoted "Friends." Second, it was undoubtedlya step to salvage his reputationand protect his personal charismawhich Sheela's scandalousbehavior threatenedto discredit. Thus he disassociated himself from the organizationand religion, Rajneeshism,which had sufferedan institutional "loss of charisma." Third, it servedas a sort of shaman'sordeal of initiation,a symbolicdeathwhich enabled him to change shape. Rajneeshchose to become a disembodiedsymbol, a mythic figure, on par with Gurdjieff and Krishnamurtiwho, even in death, resist attemptsto systemize or fromone type of charisinstitutionalize.Thus his Abdicationwas a means of transformation matic leader to another: in Fred Bird's typology it would representa transition from a Devotee-typeto an Apprentice-typeleader. Insteadof presidingover a utopiancity, Rajneesh has become an itinerantperformer,and is producingphilosophicalliterature.(Krishnamurti and Gurdjieffwrote or dictatedprolifically after they abdicated.)Recenteditionsof Rajneesh havecomparedtheir leaderto "The UnknowableGurdjieff"(Bennett1973). Both mastersare mysterious, unattached, and elusive, "teachers" who communicate their vision through verbalperformancesand cryptic behavior ratherthan throughthe creationof coherentbelief systems or the building and governing of utopian societies.

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