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Is Small Beautiful?:
The debate over large states versus small states
T
he idea of difference, or strangeness,
dominates the human psyche. As a
species, we believe that we are
different from animals (though science would
classify us as mammals, and therefore an animal
species). Even as individuals, we believe that we
are different from the others.
This belief, the outcome of social, cultural, and
religious moorings, shapes our identity. It also
develops our perspective, shapes our attitude,
and defines our understanding of the world
around us.
In a multi-cultural and multi-religious country like
India, the interests of various groups tend to
diverge, which, unfortunately, has engendered a
divisive nature in us. Concerns, arising from
threats to ones distinct identity, often precipitate
the process of transformation of a religious or
ethnic or linguistic or cultural identity into a
political movement designed to protect the
so-called distinct identity. Cultivated theory can
bolster uncomplicated bigotry.*
BHARAT JAIN
The Idea of Identity & Exclusivity The Idea of Identity & Exclusivity The Idea of Identity & Exclusivity The Idea of Identity & Exclusivity The Idea of Identity & Exclusivity
A
social composite, or segment of society,
may fear that identity and culture would
be swamped, whether within a state or in the
country at large. Smaller groups within a state or
province may have legitimate fears of being
overridden by larger or more powerful groups.
This happens when we adopt a solitarist
approach to human identity, which sees human
beings as members of exactly one group,
sometimes defined by race, civilisation, language,
or religion.
In his seminal work, Identity and Violence: The
Illusion of Destiny, Amartya Sen says: (In) our
normal lives, we see ourselves as members of a
variety of groupswe belong to all of them. The
same person can be, without any contradiction,
an American citizen, of Caribbean origin, with
African ancestry, a Christian, a liberal, a woman,
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a vegetarian, a long-distance runner, a
historian, a schoolteacher, a novelist, a
feminist, a heterosexual, a believer in gay
and lesbian rights, a theater lover, an
environmental activist, a tennis fan, a jazz
musician, and someone who is deeply
committed to the view that there are
intelligent beings in outer space with who
it is extremely urgent to talk (preferably
in English).
Each of these collectivities, to all of which
this person simultaneously belongs, gives
her a particular identity or singular
membership category. Given our
inescapably plural identities, we have to
decide on the relative importance of our different
associations and affiliations in any particular
context.
Mr Sen also says, violence is promoted by a
cultivation of a sense of inevitability about some
allegedly uniqueoften belligerentidentity that
we are supposed to have and which apparently
makes extensive demands on us (sometimes of a
most disagreeable kind).
Like all ideas, the idea of a distinct identity is not,
by itself, good or bad. It is simply an idea. Of late,
however, this idea of exclusivity has begun to take
a worrying shape, in India. This writer is referring,
of course, to the growing demand for smaller states
in different parts of the country.
T TT TTug of W ug of W ug of W ug of W ug of War ar ar ar ar
T
he last few years have seen a constant tug
of war between the champions of smaller
states and those who stand for the maintenance
of the status quo i.e. that large states should not
be divided further.
Today, there are demands in many parts of the
country for creation of new states. These
demands are not new, nor are the reasons
behind such demands. There have been
persistent demands for the creation of
Telangana in AP, Vidharbha out of eastern
Maharashtra, Harit Pradesh out of western
Uttar Pradesh, and Bodoland out of Assam.
The first and the only State Reorganisation
Commission gave its recommendations to the
INDIA AND THE WORLD: IS SMALL BEAUTIFUL?
I N D I A
Telangana
Vidharbha
Harit
Pradesh
Gorkhaland
Bodoland
Bundelkhand
Purvanchal
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Jawaharlal Nehru Government. The SRC
recommended that states be organised along
linguistic lines. Hence, the first states (like Andhra
Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Tamil Nadu) were
created with language as the prime organising
factor. Being united by language and a common
linguistic culture was considered to be a good
basis for creating states to help development.
In making language the only principal organising
factor, other crucial factors were ignored.
Ethnicity and commonality of terrain are two
important factors. When Punjab was partitioned,
besides forming a Punjabi-speaking region, even
the Hindi-speaking regions were split into
Haryana and Himachal Pradesh because it was
believed that hill people (in Himachal Pradesh)
have little in common with people living in the
plains (Haryana). Also, a linguistic scheme failed
in the North-Eastern regions, where states have
been created on the basis of ethnicity. The creation
of Chhattisgarh, Uttarakhand, and Jharkhand, now
means that a state can be created for being a
distinct territory within a large province.
The Lar The Lar The Lar The Lar The Larg gg gge States v Small States e States v Small States e States v Small States e States v Small States e States v Small States
Debate Debate Debate Debate Debate
E
conomic prosperity. Small states, some
argue, tend to do better economically, as in
the cases of Punjab and Haryana, two of the more
prosperous states in India. The opponents of the
idea of smaller states cite the case of the backward
North-Eastern states (all except Arunachal
Pradesh are small) to rebut the argument that small
states do better.
B
alanced regional development. The
advocates of smaller states point out that
large states breed deep alienation among vast
sections of people. To this end, they cite the case
of Maharashtra. A relatively prosperous state,
development here has been limited to the areas
in and around Mumbai-Pune industrial belt, and
in recent years, around Aurangabad (an industrial
zone). They argue that it is in the light of such
facts that the demand for a separate Vidharbha
state should be seen. On the other hand, the status
quo proponents point out that regional imbalance
is a short-term phenomena and that in the long
term, development spreads evenly across all parts
of the state.
E
conomic & political domination. The
supporters of the need for smaller states
often voice their fears that large states tend to
dominate economically (for example, Maharashtra)
and politically (Uttar Pradesh is a case in point).
This they say calls for the creation of smaller states.
However, the proponents of large states argue that
such fears could be taken care of by greater
INDIA AND THE WORLD: IS SMALL BEAUTIFUL?
Supreme Court
(State of West Bengal v Union of India, 1963)
Boundaries of states may be altered or redistributed if the Union Executive
and Legislature so desire.
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devolution of political power to the masses (like
Panchayat Raj), and by creation of economic
opportunities (like employment generation).
E
ase of administration. The champions of
the case for smaller states contend that such
states are easier to administer. They argue that small
states make it easier for people to reach their
governments. Grants and development funds are
easier to distribute and development is more even
in various regions. Also due to smaller size and
population, governments are more responsive to
peoples needs. Rebutting this, status quo champions
point out that in such case the NE states should have
seen greater economic development. They argue
that smaller states, apart from being economically
unviable, are often wracked by deep fractures
between various social and ethnic groups. They cite
the example of Manipur, where a simmering ethnic
conflict between the Kukis and Nagas has spawned
a culture of mass killings and ethnic cleansing.
Constitutional P Constitutional P Constitutional P Constitutional P Constitutional Position osition osition osition osition
T
he creation of a State is a decision made
by the Central Government. Under our
Constitution, it is possible for the Parliament to
reorganise the states, or to alter their boundaries,
by a simple majority, in the ordinary process of
legislation.
The makers of the Constitution of India have,
through Articles 3-4, empowered the Parliament
to reorganise the states by a simple procedure,
a process which the affected state(s), though free
to express their views, cannot stop. Simply put,
the affected state(s) cannot resist the will of the
Parliament if it embarks on the creation of a new
state. Read together, these two Articles reflect the
flexibility of our Constitution.
Article 3 of the Constitution of India says that
the Parliament of India may by law
(a) form a new state by separation of territory
from any state or by uniting two or more
states or parts of states or by uniting any
territory to a part of any state;
(b) increase the area of any state;
(c) diminish the area of any state;
(d) alter the boundaries of any state, and
(e) alter the name of any state.
Provided that no Bill for the purpose shall be
introduced in either House of Parliament except
on the recommendation of the President and
unless, where the proposal contained in the Bill
affects the area, boundaries or name of any of
the states, the Bill has been referred by the
President to the Legislature of that state for
expressing its views thereon within such period
as may be specified in the reference or within
such further period as the President may allow
and the period so specified or allowed has
expired.
INDIA AND THE WORLD: IS SMALL BEAUTIFUL?
In the long run, only a participative, pluralist democracy will prove
sustainable.
Dr Manmohan Singh
Prime Minister of India
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Article 4 provides that any such law may make
supplemental, incidental, and consequential
provisions for making itself effective and may
amend the First and Fourth Schedules of the
Constitution, without going through the special
formality of a law for the amendment of the
Constitution as prescribed by Article 368, which
lays down the amendment procedures.
In fact, a Supreme Court verdict (State of West
Bengal v. Union of India, 1963) said as much
that the boundaries of states may be altered or
redistributed if the Union Executive and
Legislature so desire.
Here are a few examples of how these procedures
were used:
(a) The Assam (Alteration of Boundaries) Act,
1951, altered the boundaries of Assam by
ceding a strip of territory from India to Bhutan;
(b) The Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh (Transfer
of Territories) Act, 1959, transferred certain
territories from the state of Rajasthan to that
of Madhya Pradesh;
(c) The Bombay Reorganisation Act, 1960,
partitioned the state of Bombay to form two
states - Gujarat and Maharashtra.
Last W Last W Last W Last W Last Word ord ord ord ord
T
he edifice of political democracy is built
on the foundation of social democracy.
Equality in social, economic and political spheres
INDIA AND THE WORLD: IS SMALL BEAUTIFUL?
lies at the core of social democracy. It is equally
important that political democracy obtains
economic contentment and even more that it gives
a sense of involvement and belonging as well as
empowerment to all Indians.
Appropriate, and careful, management of the
aspirations of distinct groups, is critical to ensure
stability, good governance, and maintenance of
law and order in the country. In the light of this,
the major challenge we face, as a nation, is to
absorb and resolve the clashes that may arise
between contending interests, while ensuring the
freedom, security, and prosperity of all Indians.
We need to ensure that political movements,
be they for smaller states or any other cause,
do not affect the territorial integrity of our
country. Simply put, we must accommodate
the aspirations of different groups in the
national dream. An India that denies itself to
some will end up being denied to all.
* Amartya Sen, Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny
(Penguin / Allen Lane, 2006)
M E &
C
Each one of us has multiple identities religious, cultural, linguistic,
ethnic, regional, or national. What we choose here defines our
understanding of the rest.

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