Unity & Struggle No 08

UNITY & STRUGGLE
no.8
Autumn-Winter 2000
Workers of all countries, unite!
Unity & Struggle

Organ of the International Conference of
Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations
Unity & Struggle
Journal of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations.
Published in English, Spanish, Turkish and Portuguese
in the responsibility of the Coordinating Committee of the International Conference.
Any opinions expressed in this journal belong to the contributors.
This version was created in August 2009 by the “Movement for the Reorganisation of the KKE 1918-
55” with use of the texts found in the web page of TDKP (Revolutionary Communist Party of
Turkey).
UNITY & STRUGGLE AUTUMN-WINTER 2000
CONTENTS
Introduction
International Conference
Present day imperialism

Report of the Regional Conference in Latin America
The Yugoslavia War: A product and manifestation of the increasing crisis of imperialism in
Europe
Report of the Regional Conference in Europe
Report of the Regional Conference in the Middle East and the Balkans
A brief evaluation of the conferences
Conference Resolutions:
For a combative May Day

Solidarity with Hamma Hammami and the people of Tunisia
Solidarity with the people of Volta and the PCRV
Solidarity with the people of Ecuador and the PCMLE
Solidarity with Francisco Caraballo
Message to the Congress of the Workers Communist Party of Denmark (APK)
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6
Introduction
The collapse of the Berlin Wall, the disintegration of the former USSR, the collapse of socialism in
Albania, the failure of many revolutionary processes, all this led to the development of an extensive
anti-communist campaign. With its political and ideological essence, this attack had a profound
effect on communists, the parties of the proletariat and the international Marxist-Leninist movement.
We all have been affected and weakened by this wave of attack, but not annihilated.
Imperialism, reaction and opportunism chanted cries of victory and declared the end of history and
of all ideologies. They forgot about the scientific validity of Marxism-Leninism and the soundness
of the ideology of the proletariat. They missed out the nature and the revolutionary tradition of the
working class and the oppressed peoples. They forgot about the existence of the proletarian
communist parties and their devotion to the revolutionary principles. They left out of account the
determination of the proletarian revolutionaries, their resistance and decisiveness in keeping up the
struggle. They overlooked the existence of the objective and subjective reasons forcing for change
and giving way to revolutions. They forgot the fact that the history of humanity always developed in
a spiral form, and that the retreats were the zigzags of the uninterrupted march of the proletarian
social revolution.
The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations is a revolutionary

platform of the communists. We exist and struggle in our countries; we work for the unity and
strengthening of the international communist movement. We are the followers of the Paris
Commune, the October Revolution and the Communist International. In the revolutionary struggle
we are guided by the proletarian ideas of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. We are based on the
proletarian internationalism and the internationalist tradition of the communists of all countries.
In the course of the International Conference, our aim is to study seriously the old and the new
problems of the revolution and socialism; to conduct a continual struggle against the bourgeois
ideology, proposals and distraction; to keep up the fight against revisionism and opportunism; to
consolidate our line and unite the struggle of the workers and peoples in every country an on the
international scale. We have made some advances, but it is a long way, and we are determined to go
to the end.
For the International Marxist-Leninist Commun-ist Movement it is of vital importance to achieve the
ideological and political unity of the communists and their parties on an international scale through
revolutionary practical and theoretical debates. This will also contribute to the growth of the parties
of the movement and their organisational re-building.
The only way of making advances in the path of organising and realising the revolution is to link
Marxism-Leninism with the life and the struggle of the working people. In order to enrich the theory
and practice of the revolution we must continue to make profound analysis of the new problems of
the revolution, without forgetting that we have Marxism-Leninism as our guide. We insist on the
communist tradition of having open and sincere debates in order to identify and resolve the problems
and to struggle. We are determined to undertake our responsibilities and fulfil our tasks accordingly.
The debates held during the sessions of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and
Organisations prove the necessity of further deepening the discussions about the important problems
of the revolution. With the intention of making the militants of our parties and organisations, other
revolutionary organisations, our friends and sympathisers part of this discussion, we have decided to
publish the documents presented to the Conference held in Germany in April 2000.
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In this issue of Unity and Struggle we publish the documents with ideas and proposals not agreed by
all the parties and organisations.
These documents were written by different parties and organisations designated by the Conference.
The opinions expressed in them belong to the contributors, thus they should not be considered as
collective documents of the Conference, unless stated otherwise. These documents are as follows:
“Present day imperialism” by the Red Flag Party of Venezuela and the M-L Communist Party of
Ecuador.
“Evaluation of the Conferences”
“The Yugoslavia War: A product and manifestation of the increasing crisis of imperialism in
Europe” by the Workers Communist Party of France and the Communist October Organisation of
Spain.
“Report of the Regional Conference in the Middle East and the Balkans” by the Party of Labour of
Iran (Toufan), the Organisation for the Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy, the
Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey, the Organisation for the Communist Party of Greece.
In addition to these documents we are publishing some decisions of the Conference. These are:
•For a combative May Day
•Solidarity with Hamma Hammami and with the people of Tunisia
•Solidarity with the people of Volta and the PCRV
•Solidarity with the people of Ecuador and the PCMLE
•Solidarity with comrade Francisco Caraballo
•Message to the Congress of the Workers Communist Party of Denmark
Publishing these materials is important for they show the level of unity among our parties and
organisations, and that there may be differences in the approach of the Marxist-Leninists to different
problems.
In any case, the journal Unity and Struggle manifests that we are the communist parties and
organisations in action, fighting for the revolution and socialism.
The Coordinating Committee

October 200
8
International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and

Organisations
Germany, April 2000
The new plenary session of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and
Organisations took place in Germany.
It was attended by 16 parties and organisations from Africa, Latin America, Asia and Europe. The
Communist Labour Party of Dominican Republic could not participate due to visa problems but
expressed its adherence to all the resolutions of the Conference. Some other parties and
organisations did not attend because of the police repression, like the Tunisian party, and others due
to financial difficulties.
The Conference had important items on its agenda which were dealt with in an atmosphere of unity,
comradeship and openness which allowed to make important advances in the process of construction
of the International Marxist-Leninist Communist Movement.
The Conference reviewed the expressions of the present day imperialism, the crisis that corrodes it,
the important manifestations of the organisation and the struggle of the workers and the peoples, of
the revolutionary and communist movement. It drew attention to the events in Yugoslavia and
condemned the aggression of North American imperialism and of the members of NATO, which
manifested serious inter imperialist contradictions. It discussed about the problems of the Middle
East.
The Conference dedicated a good part of its work to the debate on its own reality, the experiences of
the process of its formation and development, as well as its limitations, shortcomings and mistakes
that it suffered. It affirmed the validity of the revolutionary proletarian organisation in each country
and on the international scale. It emphasised that in the international order we represent the interests
and the cause of the proletariat, of socialism and communism, that other expressions claiming to be
communist and Marxist-Leninist continue to be immersed in confusion and eclecticism. It
established once again the responsibility of more intense work facing it, and the forging of new
Marxist-Leninist parties and organisations, as well as the fortification of its members in each
country.
The Conference knew the unfolding of the revolutionary struggle in Burkina Faso and Ecuador.
In Burkina Faso, as of the last quarter of 1999, great popular mobilisations developed and put the
reactionary regime to a halt. The workers, peasants, teachers, youth and the democratic movement
were involved in these mobilisations. In these actions, the Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta
played a leading role which has allowed it to grow and acquire great experience and political
influence.
In Ecuador a great popular uprising took place in January, which led to the overthrow of the pro-
imperialist government of Mahuad and the establishment of a few hour long Council of National
Salvation. The workers and the people of Ecuador, particularly the Indian people, played an
outstanding role, and advanced to understand their newspaper as a result of their responsibilities and
political conscience. The Conference emphasised the newspaper of the PCMLE.
9
In analysing the development of these processes, the Conference assumed a new stage in terms of its
existence and responsibilities, and opened the way for the concrete analysis of the situation to
advance the theoretical discussion about the old and new problems of the revolution.
The Conference saluted the accomplishment of the Founding Congress of the Workers Communist
Party of Denmark, which was being held simultaneously with the Conference.
It approved a resolution on Burkina Faso and undertook the task to spread still more its struggles and
saluted the activity of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta.
It has given its support to the revolutionary process in Ecuador and the PCMLE.
The Conference condemned the reactionary political repression of the Tunisian government, and
showed its solidarity with the Workers Communist Party of Tunisia and its leaders.
It resolved that the solidarity campaign demanding the freedom of Francisco Caraballo, First
Secretary of the Communist party of Colombia (M-L), should continue.
The Conference decided to impel an international campaign for material support to the PCMLE.
It was proposed that the publication of the international journal Unity and Struggle should become
regular.
It called for the doubling of the efforts for the accomplishment of the Anti-fascist and Anti-
imperialist International Youth Camp to be held in August in Venezuela.
It supported the achievement of the International Seminar on the “Problems of the Revolution in
Latin America” to be held in July in Quito.
It resolved the publication, on the part of the parties, of Lenin’s work “Imperialism, the Highest
Stage of Capitalism”.
The Conference closed its work with the balance sheet of the fulfilment of the tasks and resolutions
set forth in the previous meeting in 1998 in Caracas and chose the new Co-ordinating Committee.
This plenary session of the International Conference constitutes an important step forward in the
process of construction of the International Communist Movement. It means in itself and its
resolutions an operating reality, and in the perspective, a potential force that will fulfil its
responsibilities. It still has questions to resolve, difficulties to surpass, but there exist the grounds
and the conditions to fulfil these in a mediate term.
The proletarian internationalism, the international revolution and the revolutionary processes in each
country are fortified. New tasks are raised, and the conditions and the positions exist for fulfilling
them.
Participants of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations:
Communist Party of Benin (PCB)

Communist Party of Chile (Proletarian Action)
Communist Party of Colombia (M-L)
Workers Communist Party of Denmark (APK)
M-L Communist Party of Ecuador (PCMLE)
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Workers Communist Party of France (PCOF)

Communist Party of Germany (KPD)
Organisation for the Communist Party of Greece
Labour Party of Iran (Toufan)
Organisation for the Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy
Communist Party of Mexico (M-L)
Marxist-Leninist Organisation Revolusjon of Norway
Communist Organisation October of Spain
Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP)
Red Flag Party of Venezuela (Bandera Roja)
Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta (PCRV)
11
Europe
The Yugoslavia War:

A product and manifestation of the increasing crisis of imperialism in
Europe
This analysis is based on the war waged by the US and European imperialism in the
Balkans.
I. Inter-imperialist contradictions
1. Some points on imperialism

Before analysing the situation in the Balkans, in other words Nato’s attacks on Yugoslavia, we
believe it is necessary to mention some criteria which constitute the basis for a common stance for
our M-L parties and organisations and a guide for our analysis.
These criteria can be found in Lenin’s work “Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism”. One of
the characteristics of imperialism is uneven development which changes the economic balance of
power between various imperialist forces and which brings about a re-division on the basis of this
new balance of power. On this issue Lenin says:
“Finance capital and the trusts do not diminish but increase the differences in the rate of growth of
the various parts of the world economy. Once the relation of forces is changed, what other solution
of the contradictions can be found under capitalism than that of force?” (Lenin; Imperialism, the
Highest Stage of Capitalism; French edition, p.115)
And later he continues: “... for any other basis under capitalism for the division of spheres of
influence, of interests, of colonies, etc., than a calculation of the strength of the participants in the
division, their general economic, financial, military strength, etc., is inconceivable. And the strength
of these participants in the division does not change to an equal degree, for the even development of
different undertakings, trusts, branches of industry, or countries is impossible under capitalism.”
(ibid., p.143-144)
In addition he says: “... an essential feature of imperialism is the rivalry between several great
powers in the striving for hegemony, i.e., for the conquest of territory, not so much directly for
themselves as to weaken the adversary and undermine his hegemony.” (ibid., p. 108)
In the “Political Economy Textbook” which synthesises Lenin’s analysis on imperialism, it is stated
that: “The relation of economic forces among the imperialist powers changes with unprecedented
rapidity. (...) The changing relation of economic and armed forces comes into conflict with the old
distribution of colonies and spheres of influence. This inevitably gives rise to a struggle to re-divide
the already divided world. (...) The unevenness of the development of the capitalist countries causes
a sharpening of the contradictions in the imperialist camp and makes armed clashes inevitable,
which results in the imperialists weakening one another.” (Political Economy Textbook, French
edition, p. 288-289)
For that reason we have analysed the crises of imperialism in Europe and particularly the military
conflict in the Balkans in the light of Lenin’s principles.
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On the other hand, this analysis, in accordance with the doctrine of dialectical materialism, aims to
bring into light what is new and open to development, although they may seem to be insignificant or
secondary at the time. What is dominant today is the hegemony of US imperialism. What is new and
open to development is this hegemony being challenged firstly by Germany these days and maybe
later by imperialist powers such as China.
2. The changes that took place in Europe after the collapse of the USSR regime
We need to re-examine what is called “the collapse of the Eastern Bloc” in order to understand the
imperialist attack on Yugoslavia. After the collapse of the USSR regime, which was described as
social imperialism by Marxist-Leninists, enormous changes took place in the whole world and
especially in Europe. The Eastern Bloc regimes, which were part of the Warsaw Pact, Comecon and
the “Sovietic” bloc, collapsed one after another in the period before and after these events. The
weakening and the partial collapse of a power such as the USSR has changed the relations of power
between countries of the Soviet Bloc and those of the Western Block. This has created for
imperialist forces an open arena in the Eastern Bloc and the Balkans.
With the disappearance of a bi-polar system, US imperialism has become the dominant power in the
world. However, this reality does not diminish the significance of the presence of and the fight
between other imperialist forces. The contradictions among them are always increasing and
sharpening. One cannot predict from today how or in whose favour these contradictions will
develop, or what kind of alliances will be formed. It is important to highlight what Lenin said about
this issue:
“... alliances, no matter what form they may assume, whether of one imperialist coalition against
another, or of a general alliance embracing all the imperialist powers, are inevitably nothing more
than a ‘truce’ in periods between wars. Peaceful alliances prepare the ground for wars, and in their
turn grow out of wars; the one conditions the other, giving rise to alternating forms of peaceful and
non-peaceful struggle out of one and the same basis of imperialist connections and relations within
world economics and world politics.” (Lenin; Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism; French
edition, p. 185-186)
The German imperialism, with what is called the unification process, has gained strength by
swallowing East Germany, and thus held a position which has given it the power to prioritise its own
interests within the European Union. It has benefited from the weakening of the Russian hegemony
in the region. It has extended and strengthened its economic hegemony in Hungary, the Checz
Republic, Slovakia, Croatia and Slovenia, also sharing the economic hegemony in countries such as
Poland with the US. In other words, it has strengthened its hegemony in the industrialised countries
of Eastern Europe, being less influential in Bulgaria and Romania where industry is weaker.
There is a history of the war against Yugoslavia in the Balkans. The German imperialism has played
an active role in the secession of Slovenia and Croatia. The military occupation of various
imperialist powers in Bosnia explains the different interests of the present forces in the region.
3. The war in Yugoslavia
The war in Yugoslavia, which took place last spring, was a manifestation of the conflict between
different imperialist forces and a measure of the balance of power between them.
a) Why an intervention in Yugoslavia?
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This intervention for which the US imperialism gave the go-ahead, was a reminder of the economic
and military leadership of the US on the world scale as well as a preventative measure against the
spread of German imperialism in Central Europe and the Balkans.
Previously the US imperialism confronted with German imperialism in Bosnia against Germany’s
plans to divide Bosnia into two regions: one under the control of Croatia and the other under the
control of Serbia. The US opposed the idea which would have resulted clearly in favour of German
imperialism. For this reason, although not quite stable, a plan was put into practice, taking into
account a balance of interests of the forces in the region.
In order to understand this region and the US intervention at this time, it is necessary to look at how
it was related with other developments. It is important to remind that this intervention coincided with
the US celebrations for Nato’s 50th anniversary and with the period of integration of Poland and the
Checz Republic into this military organisation. The intervention started just a couple of weeks before
the European elections and at the time of the debates about the European Defence Force and the
introduction to the Single European Currency which was described as “a declaration of war against
the dollar” by the directors of big German banks.
The US military intervention was a threat to the interests of German imperialism in the region. It was
also aimed at encircling Russia which was undergoing a deep rooted crisis with prospects for social
explosions.
b) Tactics indicate differing interests of different powers in the region
In Kosovo, the contradictory interests of the US, Germany and Russia have become apparent.
Despite their sharp conflicts, the US and Germany did not keep away from jointly destroying
Kosovo and Serbia with other interventionist forces.
Russia’s interest was to preserve the status quo, that is supporting Milosevic and keeping Kosovo
within the Serbian territory, which was the least harming solution for Russia. The changes that took
place in Albania (the advent of the social democrats who have intimate relations with German SPD,
replacing the US favourite Salih Berisha), the Kosovans’ desire for secession and the possibility of
playing the UCK card up to a point, all paved the way for the German imperialism to mobilise and
increase its influence in the region.
With its support for Rugova, the US was for a solution through negotiations, which would have
weakened Serbia, hence Russia, and which would have prevented Germany from taking advantage
of this situation. The reason for US imperialism using the card of war was to prove once again its
might and to prevent any possible secession which would favour German imperialism.
The German imperialism, right from the beginning of the intervention, wanted to use its diplomatic
relations with Russia and China. (The US bombed the Chinese embassy in Belgrade three days
before Schroeder’s visit to China!)
The peace agreement that was signed after the bombing of Yugoslavia, although it included a
significant conciliation with the US in terms of Kosovo’s secession, is in fact a document which
proves Germany’s increasing influence. Kosovo was not going to remain, at least in formality, as
part of the Yugoslav Federation. Germany partly accepted the support of Russia in order to achieve
this result. (It was Germany who ensured the stationing of the Russian forces in the region in spite of
US opposition).
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At present, DM is the official currency in Kosovo and the most valued currency in Albania.
Whereas, just a few years ago, after the collapse of socialist Albania, the valued currency was the
dollar!
None of the three main powers that were battling in Kosovo could realise their plans fully: the
German imperialism could not openly and clearly bring about the disintegration of Kosovo. Russians
could not preserve the pre-war status quo. Nor could the US keep Kosovo under its control alone.
And the result here is again an unstable balance which has to take into account the contradictory
interests of these three powers.
4. The inter-imperialist rivalry within the EU
Although the US imperialism is the dominant imperialist power in the world, its hegemony in
Europe is being challenged by German imperialism which has an increasing influence within the
EU. Germany is consolidating its strength in its fight with other imperialist forces in Europe,
especially the French and British imperialism. The US imperialism is using these contradictions to
its advantage to divide its rivals. Britain, whose interests are tied with the US imperialism, is playing
an important role here. France is trying to defend its interests against its rivals by using its former
colonial imperial influence and its military might, making alliances with different imperialist powers
at different times as it can no longer fight alone with the German or the British imperialism.
The formation of the EU under the leadership of Germany has not been developing on a straight line.
It affects and is affected by the developments in the world. The intervention of Germany in the war
in Yugoslavia, militarily for the first time, has shown not only its desire for but also the presence of a
military might which enables it to defend its economic interests. The recent merger of Aerospatiale
and Dasa, aimed at creating an armament monopoly on a world scale, should be considered from this
angle.
There is a growing trend of sharpening contradictions between the EU led by Germany on one hand
and the US on the other. Since the collapse of the Berlin Wall, the developments that have taken
place are in favour of German imperialism which has an increasing influence within the EU.
The European imperialist powers who are involved in the process of unification and the single
currency are not yet in a position to oppose the US imperialism, alone or collectively. However, the
process they have undergone is pushing them towards this opposition, whose signs can already be
seen on various issues (e.g. the fight over marketing the genetically modified food). On the basis of
common interests, the German imperialism is trying to win over other countries (such as Japan and
China) as allies in other parts of the world as well as its partners and rivals in Europe. Under the
present conditions, this rivalry results in unstable conciliation in every way (economic, political,
military, and diplomatic), as is seen in the war in Yugoslavia.
Before concluding this part we can state the following:
- The US imperialism, being the most powerful and dominant power in the world, has to strengthen
its economic, political and military power all the time in order to maintain its position. This is the
reason why it is so aggressive.
- The German imperialism which is getting stronger economically is striving to weaken the
hegemony of the US in Eastern Europe, the Balkans and even in Western Europe where the
formation of the EU is going in line with its interests.
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- The sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions and the crisis of imperialism in Europe is

particularly affecting the African countries where the European imperialist powers and the US have
contradicting interests. This situation manifests itself in bloody military conflicts in many African
countries.
II. The war in Yugoslavia and the stances of different political forces
1. On the teachings of Marxism- Leninism and historical experiences about social democracy
and revisionists
Social democracy has maintained its reactionary orientation since Lenin's period. In countries such
as ours, it has gone completely along with imperialism. Capitalist oligarchies in different European
countries are not keeping away from bringing social democrats to governmental positions in order to
carry out their tasks. Social democrats, either alone or in coalition with classic right wing parties or
other forces, are in power in France, Germany and Britain today. In Spain, after providing years of
“good and honest service”, they were replaced by the right wing party a short while ago. Having
insisted on reforming capitalism for years, they have now become the best defenders of the system.
As is witnessed in the Balkans, they did not refrain from being involved in the war in order to defend
the interests of imperialist monopolies.
The revisionist agents of the bourgeoisie within the working class movement have also gone through
a process of evolution. However, the labour aristocracy, or in Lenin’s words “the class stratum
whose life style has become completely like the petty bourgeoisie and bourgeoisie”, has continued to
be the social basis of this current. They have been bought off as a result of immense profits made out
of exploitation of the colonies and semi-colonies. For this reason, in our imperialist countries, they
have become the main basis of imperialism within the working class.
The deep crisis that has shaken the imperialist system has divided and weakened the revisionist
forces and sharpened the contradictions among their ranks. It is our responsibility to use these
contradictions for the interests of the working class. We want to emphasise once again that these
forces are not homogenous, they have frictions and conflicting attitudes and interests in their ranks.
We can work with some sections of this group on the basis of conjectural and concrete problems,
without loosing our awareness or leaving the arena to the opportunists. The Spanish comrades are
carrying out such an activity within the “Izquierda Unida” (Left Unity), which is dominated by
reformist and revisionist sections.
2. Different political forces’ stances on the war
In Germany:
Different right-wing parties (CDU, CSU) were generally in support of the intervention, but with a
close look one could see the differences among them. Voices were heard that this war was an
American one and that one should not involve in it.
The Social Democrats in the government and their coalition partner, the Greens, were for the war by
95 per cent, with the argument that “this war which defends the human rights is a compulsory one”.
The majority of the people were against the military intervention of Germany in this war because of
its history and the role it played in the Second World War. This psychology was even echoed in the
military. However, in order to prove that it was not expansionist, the German imperialism needed a
reason, and this war was going to give them the opportunity to conceal its real interests, by hiding
behind the defence of human rights cause. The Social Democrats and the Greens played this role.
16
With the constant propaganda machine, the war against Milosevic who was identified with Hitler
was presented as an anti-fascist war.
The left wing of the social democracy and the revisionist parties (SPD, DKP) formed a bloc and
became dominant on the strong anti-war tradition of Germany. These forces supported Milosevic
and Russia. According to them, the problem started with Nato’s intervention in Kosovo! They were
arguing for negotiations with Russia, and denying the right to self-determination of the peoples such
as the Palestinian, Kurdish and Kosovan. According to them, these kinds of movements would lead
to division and the establishment of small countries which would not be in the interest of the people!
This led to strong polemics. This anti-war opposition bloc worked in close collaboration with the
Serbian nationalist movement in Germany.
On the other hand the Maoist party MLPD, Trotskyites and the KPD formed another bloc to oppose
Nato’s attacks on Yugoslavia, in order to expose Milosevic’s politics and to defend the Kosovan
people's right to self-determination. Activities were carried out mainly within the trade union
movement and discussions were held around petitions. The main tendency among the trade union
movement, although not with a clear basis, was the opposition to the war.
In Spain:
The right-wing parties and the social democrats in the government (Javier Solana, a leading figure
among the social democrats, was the spokesmen for Nato) supported the intervention. All social
democrats, especially Felipe Gonzales, compared the Nato intervention with that of the International
Brigade in Spain. In order to justify Nato’s intervention they also compared Milosevic with Hitler.
Revisionists and other left forces together with other critical sections, despite some differences,
opposed the war. While the CPS and the circles it has direct influence opposed the war on the basis
of supporting Milosevic and the “remains of socialism”; the majority of “formalists”, the majority
within the Workers Committee (CCOO) and the far right of the Trotskyites together with Izquierda
Unida (Left Unity) opposed Nato’s attacks as well as Milosevic. However, considering the period
when they started to take this stance (during the most intense time of the bombardment) and their
insistence in trying to show Milosevic as the sole responsible person for the war shows that they
became the instruments of the “humanitarian” sections of social democrat politics. Gradually they
concentrated on secondary problems and left to one side the actual subject: opposing the imperialist
attacks on a sovereign state.
The revisionist leadership of the “Left Unity” made a "popular" start by declaring Solona as a war
criminal. When social democrats attempted to establish historical parallels with the anti-fascist war,
the revisionists called upon all popular forces to take side with Milosevic in order to defend
“socialism” against the present day Hitler, American imperialism!
Marxist-Leninists took the same approach as that of the sister parties in other countries: to oppose
the war in Yugoslavia on the basis of it being an imperialist attack, but at the same time to reveal the
character of the Milosevic regime and the oppression on the Kosovan people.
A general ignorance among the masses was observed and the anti-war movement did not turn into a
mass scale one.
In France:
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The Chirac-Jospin administration and the majority of the “left” in parliament supported the military
intervention, in which the French military was also part. Although support was given to the policy of
French imperialism, this does not mean that there was total harmony among the left and the right.
For example a number of prominent figures of the right stated their hesitation in this intervention
which was obviously led by US imperialism. These were the representatives of a current in the right
(also in the left), who still wish for France to take decisions independently.
The Greens complained about the intervention not being fast and extensive enough, and argued that
a ground attack was necessary to protect the people from Milosevic’s barbarity.
In the CPF (the French Communist Party) there was as many diversity as in the candidate list for the
European Parliamentary election! There were those like Herzog who supported the intervention, and
those like Hue who opposed the war but refused to discuss their partnership in the government. In
fact, as expressed by Hue, one can talk about differences in the approach to the intervention rather
than opposition to the war. The “official” line of the CPF was for peace keeping, in defence of the
UN and diplomacy, and for Russia having a say in this matter. This stance was not in contradiction
with that of the government. It was in fact in line with the interests of French imperialism which
wanted to play the diplomatic card by relying on Russia and by taking advantage of the inter-
imperialists contradictions. Opposition to Nato’s military intervention soon faded out with the
campaign for solidarity with the Kosovans. Under these conditions where the public opinion is
shaped by the media, what was left for the CPF and other left forces was to run this campaign.
Under these circumstances, our party carried out an informative campaign around these issues: who
are the targets in the war, the aims of different imperialist forces, the interests of the people (Sebian,
Kosovan) involved in the war, and the interests of the people of the aggressive imperialist countries.
This activity was based on the workers’, the trade union and the women’s movement. Despite the
strong pro-war propaganda, it helped the manifestation of a conscious and pro-people opposition.
III. The interests of the working class and people in this war
We need to see where the interests of the working class and the people lie in this conflict and what
should the stance of the communists be.
1. In opposition to the imperialist aggression on Yugoslavia
If we agree to call this war an imperialist one, created by the imperialist powers for their interests,
then, it is obvious that the peoples of Yugoslavia, of Europe and of the world as well as the working
class in general had no interest whatsoever in this war but to oppose it. Since this was a war of re-
division of the spheres of influence among the imperialists, the parties and organisations of these
countries which joined this attack had the responsibility of revealing the participation and the aims
of their country’s imperialism. In our opinion, up to a certain point, independently of tactics and
taking common actions with other forces fighting against the war, our parties should explain the
aims of the war in their propaganda, they should refuse to rely on one imperialism while fighting
against the other, and should not leave any doubt about the reactionary character of the Milosevic
regime.
2. The Kosovo question

Where did interests of the Kosovo people and its working class really lie in? The Kosovan national
ethnicity, which represents the majority in the Kosovo region of the Yugoslavia Federation, has been
subject to the oppression of the Belgrade regime for years. This oppression, among other things, led
18
to the emergence of a resistance and the Kosova national movement represented by the UCK (which
is not the only one).
The UCK was established by the forces who claimed to be the “advocates of Enver Hocha”. Its
attitude was of a character of progressive national forces. It was pointing at the Serbian chauvinism
as the enemy. Despite being a small group at the beginning, it obtained an important position among
the Kosovan people in a short time. It was the only power who called for armed struggle against
Serbian atrocities. (During this period Rugova instead went around the capital cities of Europe to beg
for money). This rapid development of the UCK led to the initial small group loosing control and
other forces leaking into the movement. From this point onwards, the quality of the organisation has
changed and the imperialists started to show a closer interest. This was because, although this
organisation was not against imperialism, it could have functioned as a barrier before the
implementation of the regional plans of imperialist powers. For this reason, it needed to be kept
under control. American imperialism did this by opening military training camps for the UCK. At
the same time, this organisation owed its development to the tolerance of the German imperialism. It
was supported financially and logically by the Kosovan immigrants in Germany (and Sweden).
Without the approval of the German imperialism, or at least by its turning a blind eye, trucks full of
guns could not have passed through Germany.
In our opinion, the Marxist-Leninist stance in this situation should have been:
Before the war
-opposing Milosevic’s tyranny against the people of Kosova;
-defending the legitimate national demands of the Kosovan people, and their right to self-
determination, including and up to the right to secession from the Yugoslavia Federation and the
status of republic;
-supportive work among the progressive forces of the Serbians and other peoples living in
Yugoslavia for UCK’s national demands.
During the war
All the progressive forces of the Yugoslavian Federation, including the people of Kosovo, the
peoples of Europe and the world and the working class should have taken a stance against the
imperialist intervention. The right to self-determination for the Kosovans at the time could not have
been brought forward on the agenda as a practical issue. This was because, under the bombardment
of the US, France, Britain, Germany, etc. and under the imperialist protectorate what kind of a right
to self-determination could have been talked of.
On this point not all the parties and organisations of the Conference took the same stance. While
some saw the stopping of the bombardment and the Kosovo people's right to self-determination on
equal footing, others supported the UCK. The stances of different parties were shaped in accordance
with the development of incidents and the amount of information they had.
3. Spontaneous movement against the war and its characteristics; some analysis
and results
People’s spontaneous movement against the war, at least in our countries, was rather weak compared
to the one during the war against Iraq, namely the Gulf war. Why was it so?
19
It is obvious that the masses have been subject to a wide and powerful ideological propaganda once
again. The aim of this ideological campaign was to justify this war by drawing historical parallels
with the Second World War and by slandering the Milosevic regime associating it with that of
Hitler. On the other hand, the horrendous situation of the Kosovans and continuos images and
reports of their migration, stories about the injustice and insults carried out by Serbian paramilitaries,
etc. led to a general acceptance of the principle of “humanitarian intervention” which was presented
by imperialism and its branches within the popular movement.
Although the ideological and media propaganda during the Gulf War was used as effectively, this
could not stop the masses from taking actions in a stronger form.
This was because, during the attacks on Iraq the real aims of the war (control over petrol sources and
transport routes) were more clear, whereas now, the imperialist aims were not seen as clear cut.
Furthermore, violation of human rights was a real problem experienced in Kosovo (it was not an
artificial problem created by imperialism).
Particularly the comrades in Germany felt that they had to express their opposition to the Milosevic
regime and their support for the Kosovo people’s right to self-determination before they made any
statement about their stance in relation to the war.
Considering the characteristics of this complicated situation, the spontaneous movement could not
comprehend on its own the real reasons of the war. Consequently, the responsibility to explain this
was left to the Marxist-Leninists despite their limited resources in their countries.
IV. Our parties’ evaluation of criticism and self-criticism. Lessons to be learned for future actions
Our parties in three countries took the stance in line with the interests of the working class and the
people, and aimed to reveal the reactionary character of this war. In response to the intervention of
Nato they joined the anti-war movement through their analysis. They tried to raise the consciousness
of the working class, take the movement along the right stance and get them connected with the
progressive trade union currents in Yugoslavia. However, it is obvious that our parties have limited
possibilities that cannot be compared with that of the media in the service of imperialism.
The actual question in this war was to explain and reveal the aims and interests which provoked the
war in the beginning.
In fact, the most open minded and conscious sections of the working class should have been the
initial target group for our informative activity in order for them to understand this complicated
situation.
Imperialism used the defence of human rights and the humanism weapon rather well in order to win
over, or at least make neutral, the petty bourgeois sections who are very responsive to such
problems. Only a determined class stance which has the support of the sections who can represent
the working class, could have saved the petty bourgeoisie from this imperialist propaganda. For our
parties this points to the importance of working within the working class and a political activity
based on revealing imperialism and the war.
Why did not the parties of the Conference take a clear and common stance about this war?
When we look back, if our organisations (the three parties), which are closely connected with this
war and which took similar stances against it, had taken a common stance, this would have had a
positive influence on our work and given us a greater authority (and maybe formed the basis for a
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statement to be undersigned by other parties and organisations). This stance could have assisted
other parties of the Conference with their analysis. It is rightful of the other parties to have such an
expectation, considering the location of the intervention and the imperialist powers involved.
Not taking a common decision in such a situation can also be a sign of different opinions among the
Marxist-Leninist parties and organisations of the Conference. If it is so, these problems need to be
discussed and a common answer to the basic problems of the popular movement still needs to be
developed. It is not a secret that when responding to different problems, different opinions can exist
in terms of experience, development and as a result of different levels of organisation. However,
since we act on the basis of a presumed common ideological basis, our differences have to be
discussed openly and in an environment of internationalist fraternity.
Another issue is the Co-ordinating Committee becoming non-functional and not fulfilling its
responsibility of co-ordinating. The aim here is not to blame the Committee or to avoid personal
responsibility, but to put down everything as they are. It is necessary to identify and draw the lines of
the responsibilities of the Committee. The Conference cannot be silent in a serious situation like the
war attacks on Yugoslavia.
This situation has shown that the Conference can only get stronger with the contribution of all
parties, and that it does not replace bilateral or multilateral work between the parties, on the contrary,
it must encourage this.
For this reason, the International Trade Union Meetings and other initiatives in this field are of great
importance. These meetings give our parties and organisations the opportunity to create the current
of class based trade unionism, educate the workers on the basis of proletarian internationalism, and
develop a common line of struggle to stop capital’s exploitation policies; therefore these meetings
need to continue and be developed. These meetings help us understand the conditions of the working
class of the participating countries, build mutual confidence between the participating forces, and
help our parties' activities. In fact, these can help develop a communist organisation in those
countries where there is no Marxist-Leninist organisation in real terms.
In conclusion, if we are to start with the analysis of the aims of this war in terms of the imperialists,
the German imperialism as a rising power is trying to gain strength against the working class and the
peoples of Europe and the colonial and semi-colonial countries. On the other hand, it is obvious that
the US imperialism will follow more aggressive policies against the workers and peoples of the
countries dependent on it, but mainly the American working class -including the Latin American- in
order to continue with its hegemonic position in the world. This war is the indication of future wars
as it has signs of the intensifying inter-imperialist contradictions. The three main contradictions of
the imperialist epoch are also intensifying: the contradiction between labour and capital, between
peoples and imperialism, and between the imperialists themselves. In response to the intensifying
class struggles, the revisionist and reformist parties and currents will be forced to go more openly
onto the side of imperialism, which is their feeder.
And this will bring along internal disputes and contradictions in their ranks. In every opportunity the
Marxist-Leninists make use of these contradictions in order to organise activities with progressive
forces and sections. We do not avoid to see the organisational weakness of the Marxist-Leninists,
especially in Europe, and we see this as an additional reason to make use of and benefit from the
contradictions of the mass organisations under the influence of the revisionists and reformists.
With the aim of standing up against capital's open attacks as well as raising the anti-capitalist, anti-
imperialist, revolutionary and internationalist consciousness, our parties must strengthen their
activities in order to organise the resistance of the working class and the working people. It is only in
this struggle that they can benefit from the crisis of the revisionists and reformists, and develop both
quantitatively and qualitatively.
January 2000
Workers Communist Party of France (PCOF)
Communist Organisation October of Spain
21
Regional Conferences:
The Middle East and the Balkans
Report of the Regional Conference
Our parties came together in September 99 and discussed the preparatory work carried out in the
region for the next General Conference. In this framework, alongside with other topics, our regional
conference had debates about “imperialism, the working class, peoples’ struggles and the tasks of the
communists” and came to the following conclusions:
I.
Since our last regional meeting, imperialism’s many-sided attacks through its organisations such as
the IMF, WB and EU and in the name of “structural adjustment programmes” have continued and
expanded. These attacks are still continuing though at different pace because of the fight back of the
working class and people in the countries of the region.
International capital has not yet achieved all its objectives, nor have the working masses succeeded
in repulsing this wave of attacks. If we leave to one side the criteria for the statistics of the bourgeois
governments of the region under the name of “economic growth”, in terms of the lives of the
working class and working peoples we see the following developments which took place in the last
three years:
- increasing unemployment, falling real wages, growing tax burden on working people, and an
increasing absolute and relative poverty incorporating broader sections of masses both in the urban
and rural areas of the regional countries;
- a hastening process of liquidation of democratic rights and gains, increasing nationalism and
chauvinism, and a more tense international relations, with new elements of conflict.
To sum up, since our last regional meeting, we have witnessed wider class differences with sharper
contradictions and growing struggles. In the meantime, international agreements such as the MAI
(Multilateral Agreement on Investments) and MIGA have shown the imperialists’ attempts to push
our countries into a process of colonisation. These developments have also helped our working
peoples who have been subject to immense attacks to realise the fact that the present governments
especially in underdeveloped countries are in the service of international capital and its
collaborators. The character of these attacks and the position of different classes in the struggles
fuelled by these attacks have shown once again the leading role of the working class in the fight for
our countries’ independence and their liberation from imperialist plunder.
II.
The conflicts and wars that have taken place in our region in the last three years have proven correct
our analysis that “we have entered a period of new conflicts and wars” in our region which has been
the scene for the most intense and the most evident inter imperialist rivalry and dogfight for the re-
division of the world. At present, in the Balkans, the Caucasus and the Middle East, we are
witnessing wars or war conditions incited by or with the participation of imperialist states. Also,
elements of conflict in the region are increasing as in the case of the recent tension between Iran and
Turkey.
The US imperialism has been successful to a certain extent in its attempts to enforce its positions and
bases in the Middle East through the Turkey-Israel Co-operation Agreement and through the support
given to Egypt. However, on the other hand, it has continued to gain the hatred of regional peoples
because of its continuing bombardment, together with Britain, of Iraq, and its direct or indirect
threats on Iran. The humiliating impositions and sanctions on the people of Palestine in the
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framework of the “Israel-Palestine Peace Process” presented by the US as a blueprint for the Middle
East “peace process” have shown to the peoples of the region the meaning of “Pax-Americana”.
While the Anglo-American alliance has become apparent in the imperialist dogfight in the region,
especially the Middle East and the Balkans, other imperialist powers such as Germany and France
have not been sitting idle. They are continuing to fight for the control of the oil reserves in the
Middle East and the Caucasus, and making greater efforts to take Iran on to their side and not to
leave Iraq to Anglo-Americans.
The turbidity created by the propaganda about the “New World Order” is clearing up, and the
peoples of the region are becoming more and more aware that the conflicts or wars in Iraq, Kosovo
and Daghistan, no matter who seems to be the parties and no matter what excuses they put forward,
are being incited and waged by the US and other imperialist powers in order to expand their spheres
of influence in these regions which are of great economic and military-strategic importance.
Another important change that has taken place in the last three years is that the religious reactionary
forces in the region have begun to lose credibility. Their influence on broad masses is weakening
both in Iran and Turkey. The fact that the religious reactionary parties and currents in our region
have been losing their power of controlling the struggle against imperialism and capital creates new
opportunities for our parties and other progressive and revolutionary forces.
We must also highlight the fact that a diplomacy based on threats and the threat to use military
violence, punishment and war have become more widely used instruments by imperialist powers
both in their inner fights for spheres of influence and in their relations with underdeveloped
countries. This has brought about two important developments:
1. Especially the war in Yugoslavia has revealed that, despite being in the same military
organisation, the US and Britain on one side, and the European imperialists, mainly Germany and
France, on the other, are fighting for hegemony, and that this fight has intensified with new
dimensions. This war has frightened the peoples of Europe who had been under the illusions of
“dialogue”, “peace” and “co-operation” created especially by the propaganda about the “New World
Order”. And these illusions have been replaced by scepticism and concern.
2. The bloody and destructive burden of these imperialist conflicts and wars is put on the peoples of
the region. These wars are being “justifed” by use of peoples’ sensitivities, aspirations and demands,
as was the case with the Kosovo-Albanians. The peoples and ethnic minorities of the Balkans have
been made enemies. However, the biggest obstacle for them to practise their right to self
determination is the very imperialism itself which has militarily occupied the region again. They are
not yet aware of how imperialists make use of their demands and aspirations, but this does not
change the fact that imperialism has drawn itself into an impasse.
Mass anti-war actions in Italy and Greece prove that our peoples are becoming more concerned
about imperialist aggressions and incitements. It is important that this concern has become a growing
tendency again. This is because our countries are continuing to be the subject of inter-imperialist
struggle for the re-division of the world and they have been practically drawn into being the
controlled spokespersons of imperialist aggression. Under these conditions, withdrawal from the
existing imperialist alliances like NATO and the EU has become a current demand in our countries
which are part of these alliances.
We must also emphasise that in a period when imperialism has incited nationalism, especially in the
Balkans, and when nationalism and chauvinism have gained significant positions in Turkey a short
while ago, the solidarity of the peoples of the world, especially of the region, with the earthquake
victims in Turkey has expanded the grounds for the consolidation of fraternity amongst our peoples.
The earthquake has shaken the prejudice and distrust created between the peoples of advanced and
underdeveloped countries based on the hierarchy of the “New World Order”. It also created an
atmosphere of hope and fraternity which the peoples have always aspired for.
23
III.
In the last three years, despite not being able to repeal the attacks of the imperialists and the
collaborating monopolist bourgeoisie, the workers’ movement in the regional countries has scored
achievements which cannot be overlooked.
Most importantly, the working class and working people in general have manifested a clear stance
against international capital’s attacks implemented through bourgeois governments. Certainly, these
stances and struggles have sometimes resulted in defeat and sometimes in victory. In Turkey, the
exemplary struggle of the power and paper workers against privatisation, or more recently, the 500
thousand strong general strike of 24 July 1999 against international arbitration and new regulations
in social security; the student demonstrations and workers’ local strikes supported by the working
people of Iran; the ongoing strike, general strikes and boycotts against privatisation and the EU
directives by the workers, the rural and urban working people and the youth in Greece, etc.; all this
indicates that the opposition of the workers and working people of our countries is getting stronger,
and that they are not putting up with the decisions and attacks of capital and their governments.
In the last couple of years, the “left” government in Italy has played a restraining role in terms of the
workers’ movement. For this reason, in the last European parliamentary elections, the “left” lost 3.8
million votes. The D’Alema government is now preparing for further attacks on the working people
and pensioners, in line with the IMF directives. The contradictions within the trade unions are
getting bigger, while general opposition and acts of protest are increasing all over the country. With
the movement of the unemployed, students and peasants, and anti-war demonstrations, the mass
basis of the struggle is broadening. This rise of the movement is taking place out of the control of the
revisionists and the trade union bureaucrats.
In Greece, public workers, especially in the electric, mail and banking-finance sectors, are
continuing with their struggle against privatisation. University students are opposing the
government’s plan for privatisation. Secondary school students carried out a several months long
struggle against a planned education reform. They organised boycotts, occupations, and mass
demonstrations all over the country. Pensioners held demonstrations against the government’s
pensions policies and received the support of the workers. Workers from different sectors protested
against the fragmentation of the social security and the increase of the retirement age. The Greek
peasants organised demonstrations, including setting up barriers on motorways, against the
agricultural policies of the government and the EU. The workers’ struggles during the war waged by
the Nato imperialists against the peoples of Yugoslavia turned into anti-war demonstrations with an
anti-imperialist character.
In Iran, the working class revolted with a political general strike in 1979 against the Shah regime, the
servant of imperialism, and played a determining role in its collapse. The Iranian working class
joined the revolution in order to achieve their economic, social and political demands. However, the
Islamic government did not only omit these demands but also took away all the basic gained rights
in its 20 years in power. According to official figures, the inflation rate is around 26 per cent, and 22
per cent of the economically active workforce is unemployed. In the last 20 years, the GNP has
decreased by one third, and the crude oil production has dropped from 6 million barrel to 3.5 million.
In the same period, foreign debts has reached 30 million dollars. The reduction of the crude oil
prices and the spread of corruption in the society since the beginning of the 90s have led to the
deterioration of the living conditions of the working people. The economic and fascist political
attacks have led to a growing discontent among the people. The workers held strike actions in the
main industrial centres, including the oil refineries. They demanded an increase of wages, backdated
payments, and the establishment of independent trade union confederations. They also expressed
their opposition against unemployment and privatisation. The struggle of the working class gave
courage to other sections of society. The six day long student actions which started in Tehran spread
all over the country. These actions were the expressions of the anger of the past 20 years.
* * *
24
Despite its weaknesses, the workers’ movement is experiencing a growing tendency to organise
itself and to reclaim the existing mass organisations. The mass movement, in spite of its spontaneity
and retrogression, is accumulating experience and strength, developing and bringing out its dynamic
forces and leaders.
This period creates greater opportunities for our parties, but also puts more responsibilities and tasks
on us. For example, there are greater opportunities to fight against the de-unionisation attacks of
international capitalism and to gain new positions. Collaborationist policies of trade union
bureaucracy have increased contradictions with and oppositions from the rank and file. In order to
rebuild the workers’ movement, whether unionised or not, and to gain new positions, different
tactics have been developed in different countries. This is of particular importance in imperialist
countries. The international trade union conference organised in our region has been a concrete proof
of this.
Unless our parties rely on this tendency of the workers’ movement and overcome the weaknesses
which restrict their ability to utilise and expand the opportunities presented by this tendency, their
assertion to win over the working class leaders and to rebuild themselves as real parties of the
proletariat will be a hollow one. This is the way forward for the workers’ movement to organise as a
party and for our parties to become the main body of this movement.
Independently of the present situation of our parties and organisations, the conditions and
opportunities exist for this.
Declaration
The threat of war and tension in the Balkans, the Middle East and the Caucasus is continuing. This
region is known for its strategic importance in the struggle for world hegemony and for its natural
resources. It is a region of sharp contradictions which are open to manipulations and which lead to
capitalist fights.
With the aim of strengthening the imperialist control and hegemony, big imperialist countries,
particularly the USA, Britain and Germany have disintegrated Yugoslavia, pushing the peoples of
the Balkans to turmoil and creating enmity between them. This continues to be one of the most
significant developments of the present day and causes new fights.
The imperialist rivalry facing the Middle East and the Caucasus is in a sharper state today. Contrary
to the claims of the top bandits of the world reactionary forces, the elements of fight and rivalry have
not been diminished but grown. The US imperialist bourgeoisie proves that it does not work for
”stability in the region” or ”co-operation for development”, but leads the imperialist attacks and the
fight for greater spheres of influence, strengthening its position in the Middle East through the
Turkey-Israel Co-operation Agreement, and striving to maintain the ”order” through the creation of a
Turkey-Israel-Egypt-Jordan and Saudi reactionary front, and through forcing Syria, Iran, Iraq and
Libya to kneel down to threats and siege. Russia, in proportion with its economic, political and
military power, and the British and French imperialists, the former colonialists in the region, exploit
every opportunity and accumulate power to strengthen their influence on the countries of the region.
The turmoil and national slaughter in the Caucasus, with the interference of imperialists, is
continuing to escalate.
The imperialists show their presence in the region as something inevitable and imperative ”for peace
in the region”, plundering the resources and keeping the peoples of underdeveloped and dependent
countries under their yoke. Those who provoke the Serbian-Bosnian, Serbian-Albanian and
Armenian-Azarbaijani conflicts, who played an active role in the Chechnian ”rebellion”, and who
armed the Afghan tribes in order to incite enmity, want to spread the illusion that all this was done
for ”peace” and ”in defence of common values of humanity”. The imperialist bourgeoisie and their
army of propagandists call this the ”New World Order” which is supposedly free from
25
contradictions. In fact, it means capitalist slavery of the world proletariat and peoples as well as
subordination of underdeveloped countries.
This ”order” has proved to be out of order, with sharpening contradictions causing two grave wars,
on Iraq and Yugoslavia, which pulled in all ”big powers”. Sharpening contradictions and the state of
being out of order prepare the grounds for new wars and attacks.
All these developments require our peoples to have greater alertness against imperialist bourgeoisie,
imperialist aggression and the countries of our region being wrecked in blood for the interest of
international monopolies. The working class and peoples cannot kill each other for the interest of
imperialist and the collaborationist bourgeoisie. They must live in fraternity, freedom and peace. The
only way to achieve this is to raise the struggle against imperialist reactionary forces.
It is inspiring to see a new rise in the struggle of the working class and peoples against the economic
and political attacks of international capital in spite of the bourgeoisie’s attempts to demoralise and
divide them through chauvinist provocation. This struggle has to develop and expand in order to put
an end to these regional fights, national slaughters and imperialist attacks which give peoples
nothing but blood, grief, poverty and destruction. The growing anger against imperialist reactionary
forces in the ranks of the proletariat and working people and the acts of protest attended by hundreds
of thousands in some countries prove the possibility of developing and broadening this struggle.
Considering the particularities of our region and the trend of the events, our parties believe that for
the future of our peoples and for them to live in friendship and fraternity, it is vital to fight for the
following demands:
- an end to the occupation of Kosovo, and withdrawal of all foreign and imperialist military forces
from the Balkans and the Middle East;
- an end to the embargo on and the bombardment of Iraq;
- withdrawal from imperialist military alliances such as Nato and the WEU, and dismantling of the
military bases of such aggressive organisations from our countries;
- withdrawal from the EU which is based on the exploitation of our peoples and which is an
instrument of the hegemony of monopolies;
- refusal of the colonialist agreements such as the MAI and MIGA imposed by the WTO under the
directives of big imperialist states;
- refusal to pay the economic bills of imperialist wars, mainly the war in Iraq and Kosovo;
- unconditional defence of the oppressed peoples’ right to self-determination, including the right to
independence.
Being aware of our increasing responsibilities in advancing the organised struggle of the working
class and the peoples, we call upon all the workers and peoples of the region to take up the struggle
for these demands.
Labour Party of Iran (Toufan)
The Organisation for the Communist Party of the Proletariat of Italy
Organisation for the Communist Party of Greece
Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (TDKP)
26
A BRIEF EVALUATION OF THE CONFERENCES

At a time when the proletarian movement had the most advanced positions in its history and
challenged imperialism on every front, the struggle against modern revisionism gained a new
dimension with the stance taken by the parties and organisations adhered to Marxism-Leninism in
line with the PLA led by Enver Hoxha. This happened immediately after Stalin's death when the
Khrushchevite clique took over the CPSU through every possible insidious method and betrayed the
party line and Marxism-Leninism. With the task of furthering the principles of Marxism-Leninism,
the historical gains of the proletarian movement and the working class's march forward, the stance of
these parties from the 1960s onwards encouraged the formation and advancement of new M-L
groups and parties with ever increasing numbers and influence, which went through specific
processes in different countries. These M-L parties, with the line they followed in their countries,
have given particular importance to eliminating the influence of revisionism and reformism over the
workers and working masses. As a current they have also been the defenders of the general line of
the International Communist Movement. Each party and group, within its own capacity and
understanding, has tried to advance the unity based on ideological and theoretical principles, and
develop the grounds for material and organisational unity.
Modern revisionism, led by Gorbachev, joined together with the counter-revolutionary so-called
"liberalisation" and "globalisation" campaign carried out internationally since the early 1980s by the
imperialist and reactionary gang led by the US. It dropped its socialist mask and openly became an
accomplice of capitalism. This was followed by the collapse of the revisionist powers. All this
inflamed the attacks on the historical gains of the proletariat and Marxism-Leninism on an
international scale with unprecedented dimensions.
With the help of provocations, this wave of attacks was followed by the cowardly stance of the
leadership of the PLA who, instead of resistance and struggle, chose to submit and accepted the
defeat without a fight. This was in no way in line with the practice of Enver Hoxha or the history and
combative tradition of the people of Albania. This stance led to the disintegration of socialist
Albania. In the face of these developments, the liberal and opportunist tendencies which emerged in
the mid-80s in many parties of the international Marxist-Leninist movement and led to the
liquidation of some fraternal parties, took an orientation which threatened the existence and the
future of the movement. The relations between fraternal parties weakened, and uncertainties and a
chaotic situation emerged in the ranks of the international M-L movement.
Subsequently, the M-L parties were faced with a new test in encountering the attacks and
undertaking their historical tasks. The question posed was whether they would enter a path of new
doubts and distrust with regard to the universal principles and theses of Marxism-Leninism,
abandoning their objectives and reasons for existence with no belief in their legitimacy; or whether
they would accept and declare the fact that the betrayal which began with Khrushchevite revisionism
has created its natural consequences which this in itself has given a new meaning and importance to
their reasons for existence, legitimacy and responsibilities. That they were ready to shoulder every
responsibility in preparing the working class for new struggles in accordance with their historical
tasks and objectives for the advancement and the future of humanity as a whole.
The former would inevitably pave the way to submission to the bourgeoisie, to hopelessness and to a
tendency towards liquidationism; while the latter would indicate an orientation towards more
27
advanced struggles with a higher level of consciousness and organisation, renewing and
strengthening the hope and confidence of the working class in their future.
The 1992 Congress of the Brazilian Party created the grounds for openly expressing the liberal-
opportunist tendency within the international M-L movement. The open stance taken against the
opportunist tendency at this Congress, and the call for an international meeting in Dominican
Republic fuelled the revolutionary tendency in our movement to reorganise itself.
The March 1993 meeting in Dominican Republic was called by six fraternal parties and attended by
nine. It was an evidence of the tendency within the M-L movement towards uniting their forces and
taking their responsibilities to fulfil their historical tasks for the working class and the oppressed
working masses. This meeting marked the first step in declaring the fight against the reformist
tendency within the movement, and it was followed by other meetings.
Another meeting was held later that year in Europe. It was attended by 13 parties which discussed
international developments and the state of the Communist Movement and declared their adherence
to their ideological, theoretical and historical foundations. It decided to organise the next meeting on
the subject of the organisational platform of international M-L movement, and set up a preparatory
committee to enable participation in line with its objectives.
The 1994 Quito Meeting, attended by 15 parties and organisations, expressed in its final declaration
the common determination not to abandon "our effort and work until we fulfil our historical mission"
and to "keep high the flag of Marxism-Leninism, to fight for its implementation, and to turn our
parties and organisations into political, social and organisational alternatives nationally and
internationally". It also took the minimum organisational steps to strengthen the ideological,
political and organisational bases of the International Communist Movement and to meet its needs: it
decided to establish certain instruments and organs, among which were the institutionalisation of the
conferences, the setting up of the Co-ordinating Committee, and the publication of an international
journal.
With its decisions and the stance it represented, the Quito Meeting has marked a significant turning
point in terms of our M-L movement regrouping itself and shouldering its historical tasks and
responsibilities with a higher level of consciousness.
In this way, international M-L movement has entered a more advanced path since 1994, namely the
period of "Conferences". With the fight the movement has waged since 1991, this step has ensured
the failure of the distorting / time consuming attempts of the liberal-opportunist tendency which tried
to drag the movement on to its platform of petit-bourgeois socialism. With its ideological and
theoretical platform as well as the minimum organisational steps it has taken, the M-L movement has
become the only current which could shoulder the responsibility of the working class. This was at a
time when the workers of advanced countries, the most conscious and experienced sections of the
working class, have begun to wage the most advanced struggles of the last 20-30 years. Particularly
in 1995, the workers of France inflicted the first serious blow against the attacks and the demagogic
campaign of imperialist bourgeoisie. This led to a new mobilisation of the struggles of the workers
in many underdeveloped and dependent countries.
28
Our Conferences since Quito
The M-L movement has held its conferences regularly with the set framework. In line with the tasks
set forth in the general conferences; regional conferences, international youth gatherings and trade
union conferences have also been held. The Conference has re-established links with some of those
fraternal parties who had lost contact with the M-L movement. The journal has begun to be
published in more countries. The expression of the relations between fraternal parties on the
Conference platform the responsibilities of which have already been set, has improved mutual trust
and the level of utilisation of experiences. The agenda of our conferences has evolved towards
discussions on the practical problems of class struggle and towards establishing an international
tactical line from these discussions.
The steps taken and the work done have strengthened and given courage to the struggle of our
individual parties. While the currents which distanced themselves from Marxism-Leninism have
entered a process of disintegration and dissolution on the platforms of bourgeois parties, our
fraternal parties have gained new positions in the struggle. These positions have improved their self-
confidence and have given strength and prestige to our M-L movement as a whole. In other words,
on one hand, the creation of the minimum organs and instruments of our movement since the Quito
meeting has mobilised and encouraged the struggle of our individual fraternal parties, and on the
other, the gains achieved by our fraternal parties in their own countries have strengthened the
foundations of our M-L movement. Present developments consolidate internationally the legitimacy
of our movement as a current which has historical roots and a history of struggle, and give our
parties the right to carry on their path with more courage and confidence.
However, if we take into consideration the developments in the international workers' movement; the
experiences, requirements and tasks derived from these developments; the shortcomings which
emerge in the functioning of the existing organs of our ML movement -as was stated at the
Venezuela Conference; it is true that we are faced with the question of expanding the scope of our
work and of strengthening the ideological, political and organisational bases of our unity, and that
each party is concerned about this question.
There is no doubt that the problems we are facing today are not a result of retrogression or
disintegration. On the contrary, they are a result of historically significant developments that have
been taking place internationally in the working class movement (particularly since 1995). They are
a result of a progress and development, of our M-L movement becoming more important and
encountering with more concrete tasks and responsibilities.
This is because during this period, although the workers' struggle experienced some kind of
stagnation from time to time; in general, some concrete signs of a flow, of fundamental changes and
renovation have emerged. Our parties have tried to utilise fully the possibilities created by the
expanding struggle and organisation as a result of these developments. The experiences they have
gained from the struggles in their own countries have also contributed to the International
Communist Movement in general, consolidating and developing the previously taken steps.
In other words, the unity that emerged in 1994 on the basis of the defence of the universal principles
of Marxism-Leninism against the imperialist-revisionist demagogic campaign and against their
liberal opportunist reflections in our ranks, is at present faced with the question of progress towards
the ideological, political and organisational problems of the international workers' movement.
29
It is for this reason that one of the main preconditions for our development and for the
accomplishment of our historical tasks and responsibilities for the emancipation of humanity is to
study the general conclusions of the struggles that have taken place since 1995 for the international
workers' movement -without overlooking the different forms and characteristics they have taken in
different countries. This is also necessary for our fraternal parties and our M-L movement to become
more aware of the process they are going through, to utilise and evaluate their own experiences with
a wider perspective, and to concentrate their energy on the most vital problems.
Developments in class struggle since 1995 and some conclusions
The events and the facts of the present period have shown that since 1991 not only in former
socialist countries and people's democracies but in the imperialist system as a whole, a period of
many sided disintegration, contradiction and sharpening has begun. We witness this in the relations
between imperialist countries; between the monopolies; between the imperialist and dependent,
colonial and semi-colonial countries; between the capitalist bourgeoisie and ruling classes on one
hand and the working class and popular masses on the other; shortly in class relations as a whole. In
connection with this, the actions which spread in 1995 against the attacks of the imperialist
bourgeoisie and reactionary forces led to significant developments both for our parties and for the
international communist movement:
Ideologically, vivid developments in class struggle and their manifestations have become concrete
proofs which consolidate the theoretical foundations of Marxism-Leninism. Ideological-theoretical
struggle has expanded its sphere of influence, joining together with the concrete developments
emerging as a result of the practical movement and according to its requirements. As a result of these
developments, old revisionist parties have begun to make an effort to renew their platforms. The
pressure from the working class movement has fuelled internal contradictions in the ranks of these
parties, and in some countries it has led to the emergence of "left" fractions at different levels. In
some parties which broke away from the ranks of M-L movement there has emerged -even though
ambiguously- a tendency to break away from and to struggle against the liberal opportunist line. The
orientation of popular masses in former socialist countries towards the struggle against unbridled
capitalist exploitation and plunder has upset the illusions spread by the revisionist demagogy. Thus,
internationally, with more direct and clear manifestation of class contradictions, the demagogic bases
of revisionism which have become a part of the imperialist campaign claiming the end of the
historical revolutionary role of the working class, have weakened.
Politically, as a natural result of the sharpening imperialist contradictions, we see a rising struggle
against the many-sided attacks on the rights achieved by the working masses in almost every
country. In the majority of underdeveloped countries as well as in capitalist countries the ruling
classes have conducted these attacks through "national" coalitions consisting of bourgeois "left"
parties such as social democrats and socialists as well as "communist" parties. As a result of this, the
role of bourgeois left parties as an extinguisher of the workers' struggles has further weakened. The
workers and working people in general have begun to distance themselves from these parties and to
orientate towards new alternatives.
The pressure of these developments has begun to shake the trade union bureaucracy and strengthen
the tendency among trade unionists towards a struggle against the bureaucracy. It also led to a
tendency within the middle and lower sections of trade unionists towards a break away from left
parties such as ex-revisionists, social democrats, etc. Within the trade union movement, the tendency
30
towards solidarity and co-operation has improved on an international scale. This is a tendency that
the Trotskyist and ex-revisionist currents are trying to take under their control by trying to
reorganise.
The working classes of advanced countries, with the ability of organisation and consciousness that
they have gained from their historical experiences, have re-orientated themselves towards strikes,
general strikes, acts of resistance and demonstrations as different forms of struggle, in other words,
towards "schools of struggle", which the bourgeoisie is trying to erase from their minds. This has
inspired and given courage to the struggle of the workers in other countries with a relatively poor
history of struggle. Especially the events that took or still are taking place in many underdeveloped
countries such as Ecuador and Burkina Faso have proved that the working class in these countries
can play a more solid vanguard role in social struggle. The objective/material bases for solidarity and
co-operation between the working class of advanced countries and those of underdeveloped
countries have widened as never before and gained a mutually strengthening role. In this way, the
influence of "anti-imperialist, petit bourgeois revolutionary" currents, the majority of which have
moved towards reformism in underdeveloped countries, has gradually weakened, and the working
class has proved to be the most consistent defender of anti-imperialist demands in these struggles.
As a result and an element of all these struggles, the most significant phenomenon which has a
determining character for the workers' movement and its future is the fact that in many countries
where the working class has orientated towards struggle at this or that level, especially in advanced
capitalist countries, there has emerged, out of the struggle, a new advanced section of workers, who
are in the forefront of the movement, and who, with their practical actions, distance themselves from
ex-revisionist or bourgeois left parties. Their number and influence vary in accordance with
conditions and from action to action, and they do not yet have any ideological-political unity in the
real sense. It is obvious that, under the present circumstances, the main reason for the emergence of
this advanced section of workers, is their stance in daily struggles against capitalism and the
positions they have gained through their experiences in the struggle. What proves the importance of
the role of these sections in class struggle is the capacity they have shown since 1995 in the struggles
in advanced countries like France, Germany, the USA, Russia and in many underdeveloped
countries in unifying some sectors of the working class. These sections also play a significant role in
the trade union movement, and our fraternal parties in different countries come face to face with
them in different forms. Under the present circumstances, the question of organising these advanced
sections -going through different processes particular to each country- in the revolutionary working
class party is the main condition for re-uniting the workers' movement around a revolutionary line,
advancing its struggle and overcoming the destruction caused by revisionism. In the forthcoming
period, it will also be the focal point of the fight against the attempts of the out-of-the-class "left"
currents at reorganising themselves and dividing the movement. Of course, at present, this question
manifests itself under particular conditions in which the working class unity in action and in practice
and their experiences have a special meaning. For this reason, the approach of our parties and our M-
L movement to this question has a particular importance in terms of facilitating the advanced
workers taking their future into their own hands with courage and confidence. Every success in this
field will serve the unity of the M-L movement also in the form of international unity of the workers’
movement. It will help them to head towards revolution and socialism, and enrich their agenda with
the experiences of this struggle.
For this reason the M-L Movement must concentrate all its attention and effort on this vital question
with which our parties have been engaged for some time. It must expand its agenda to the daily
31
practical, political and organisational problems of the struggle against the capitalist-bourgeoisie and
imperialism. Also, without ignoring the historical and social characteristics of every country, it must
develop a style of work which will help develop a common approach to common problems, and it
must form the necessary mechanisms to do that.
What does this mean?
First of all, it means bringing onto the agenda of our Conference the problems in every country, the
forms of struggle and organisation that have emerged, the tactics of political and trade union
struggle, and the negative or positive experiences gained from them. It means drawing the maximum
common results on the basis of which each individual fraternal party could utilise its own
experiences with a wider perspective. Subsequently it means having a lively accumulation of
experiences which will serve the unification of the international workers' movement around a
common line, and deepening and strengthening our ideological-theoretical discussion and unity on
the concrete tasks of the movement.
Secondly, it means that we must evaluate and make a self-criticism of our journal in order to make it
an instrument of the ideological-theoretical struggle which will serve the common objectives and
concrete tasks we have set forth. It means that the call to improve the journal must be considered as
an essential task and responsibility rather than a "recommendation".
Thirdly, it means that we must make the "Regional Conferences" more systematic and efficient, and
renew and improve the internal functioning of the Co-ordinating Committee and its relations with
Regional Conferences and with fraternal parties in accordance with the concrete tasks of our General
Conferences.
Fourthly, we must get to know more closely those parties and groups which are trying to establish
links with the M-L movement, share the experience and collective knowledge of the historical
process that was gone through with them, enabling them to claim that process as a common basis of
the M-L movement, and help them develop and participate in the Movement at a more advanced
level.
We are aware that more advanced forms of organisations require a more advanced level of unity of
will and action, uniting the international workers' movement around a common line. They have to
correspond with the level of development of the Movement itself and the level of influence of our
parties on this movement. However, on the other hand, to the extent that our Conference draws
concrete and general conclusions from every development in the movement and sets itself tasks and
responsibilities accordingly, it can influence and advance the movement. This is the meaning of
"being in front of the movement". And our movement consists of parties which have proved, even in
the hardest times, to be more courageous and responsible and ideologically and theoretically more
equipped than others in order to be "in the front".
32
Conference Resolutions
The Appeal of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and

Organisations to the workers and all working people of the world:
For a combative May Day

The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations, meeting in plenary
session, appeals to the workers and peoples to celebrate this May Day in a combative fashion. It is
necessary to mobilise our forces and ceaselessly raise the level of our struggle against capitalist
exploitation and oppression.
Contrary to what they want us to believe, imperialism is in a deep crisis. We are faced with the task
of inflicting blows on "our" reactionaries and the whole gang of opportunists who are playing their
game. Reaction is placing on the shoulders of the peoples, especially the workers, all the burdens of
its crisis and its consequences, its policies of plunder, aggression and war.
We have to confront numerous problems, such as unemployment, poverty-level wages,
discrimination against women, marginalisation of the youth, reactionary education, etc. The
bourgeoisie and capitalism are increasing their brutal hegemony and oppression. We, the
communists, are fighting against all this, and it is for this reason that we are the main target of
reactionary forces. We have received serious blows and suffered setbacks and losses. However, the
communist spirit and ideals continue to be strong and valid.
Confronting the obscurantism of reaction, against pessimism and the spirit of capitulation, we must
raise higher the banner of progress, of freedom of peoples, and of the revolution. The future belongs
to us, but it is necessary to go forward to win it. Our banners of struggle are also banners of hope.
Our enemies are trying to divide the people, and turn one against the other. They stir up racism and
xenophobia. We must fight with determination against this as well. Neither the colour of one’s skin,
nor one’s language, nor cultural differences can justify confrontations among peoples. On the
contrary, class unity against our oppressors, fraternal solidarity among the workers and peoples
should always be present in our struggles. Today more than ever our slogan remains in force:
"Workers of the world, unite!"
On this May Day, our Conference salutes the popular movements and the struggles that are taking
place in Ecuador, Burkina Faso, Colombia, Venezuela, Bolivia, Indonesia, South Korea and many
other countries. In the world today, in spite of the reactionary forces and the undermining work of
the opportunists and the reformist trade union bureaucrats, popular struggles against the yoke of
capital are growing and developing. We are in solidarity with the peoples, countries and nations,
who are victims of imperialist barbarism, such as Iraq, Cuba, Yugoslavia, Kosovo, Chechnia and
many others.
Our era is not one of the "end of history" or of a "single thought", as reactionary forces claim. On the
contrary, we are in the era that Lenin defined as that of decadent imperialism and the proletarian
revolutions in motion.
It is for this reason that this May Day, the international day of the workers of the world, we wave
the red flag of the proletariat and of the struggle for national liberation in our countries. We call on
the peoples to mobilise themselves, to develop their struggles boldly, to dare to confront national and
international reaction. The proletarians and peoples have nothing to lose but their chains. They have
a world to win.
Long Live May Day!
Long Live International Solidarity!
*****
33
Resolution of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations on

solidarity with Hamma Hammami and with the struggle of the Tunisian people for freedom
and democracy:
Solidarity with Hamma Hammami and the people of Tunisia

The treacherous dictatorship regime of Tunisia has been conducting a savage campaign of terror
over this country’s democrats, progressive forces and communists for many years. In spite of signing
basic international conventions which secure individual and collective liberties (self expression,
media, right to protest, etc.), Bin Ali and his clique, ignoring the protests of international human
rights organisations and public opinion, has been continuing to arrest and torture those who show the
courage to oppose the system.
Hamma Hammami, who is a leading figure of the political movement in the country and the
spokesman of the Workers Communist Party of Tunisia (PCOT), after exposure to torture in prison
for years, is now being pursued by the police of Bin Ali. The rulers are implementing repression on
the family members of the comrade, and doing everything in their power to liquidate the Party.
In response to this, a solidarity committee has been established in Tunisia, led by the historian
Mohamed Talbi, in order to inform international public opinion and for the comrades return to
normal life -in other words, for the search warrants and sentences to be dismissed. This committee
has been receiving the support of different sections of the Tunisian society as well as of international
circles.
The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations meeting in Europe in

April 2000 and considering the practices of the Bin Ali regime towards comrade Hamma Hammami
and the difficulties experienced by our fraternal party in Tunisia:
- condemns the oppressive criminal policies of the Bin Ali regime, which is the guardian of the
interests of French Imperialism and the Tunisian bourgeoisie;
- salutes and encourages the Hamma Hammami solidarity committee in its struggle for the
recognition of individual and collective liberties;
- calls on all parties and organisations to support and show solidarity with comrade Hamma
Hammami and his party PCOT in all fronts.
*****
34

the Revolutionary Process in Burkina Faso and the Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta
Solidarity with the people of Volta and the PCRV

As throughout the world and particularly in Africa, Burkina Faso is undergoing a many-sided
structural adjustment crisis -an economic, political and institutional, social and moral crisis. The
horrible assassination of the progressive journalist Norbert Zongo and his three friends on 13
December 1998 in Sapouy (100 km. from the capital city Ouagadougou) by the authorities of the
IVth Republic is one of the factors that has revealed this crisis. It has also been the trigger of a vast
popular movement ("Enough is Enough") against exemption from punishment and for winning
political liberty which, under the leadership of the Collective of Mass Democratic Organisations and
Political Parties (CODMPP), has been shaking the country for more than 16 months. The platform of
the Collective takes into account the democratic aspirations of the people of Burkina Faso and their
desire for a qualitative political change in their favour.
Faced with this unprecedented powerful popular movement, which has undergone a burst of patriotic
energy for national liberation, the authorities of the IVth Republic -with the mafia clan of Blaise
Campoar and his party-state, the Congress For Democracy (CDP) at its head- supported by
imperialism, especially French imperialism, has done everything in their power to stifle the
legitimate aspirations of the people of Burkina Faso.
It has unleashed barbarous repression against the leaders and members of the CODMPP and against
the people as a whole: arrests, tortures, assassinations, death threats, administrative sanctions,
shooting on demonstrators with real bullets, sham trials, organising fascist-type militias, etc.
At the same time, by using delaying tactics and dirty political tricks (creation of numerous phoney
commissions whose work continue aimlessly, inadmissible pressure on the judicial apparatus, crude
frame-ups against democrats, revolutionaries and communists, etc.), it is trying to gain time to divert
the people, to lead the popular movement astray in order to eliminate it.
Despite all this, the people are increasing their mobilisation every day, they are gaining confidence,
organising themselves better, reinforcing their determination and their will to win their just demands,
supporting the CODMPP, which is proving more and more each day to be the real representative of
the country. The political consequence of all this is the deepening of the chasm which separates the
rulers from the ruled in Burkina Faso, where the course of events has signs of an approaching
revolutionary situation. All this indicates that Burkina Faso is ripe for a revolution.
Thus, the International Conference of M-L Parties and Organisations met in April 2000:
- denounces and condemns the fascistic, reactionary and treacherous authorities of the IVth Republic
who have transformed the neo-colonial state of Burkina Faso into a mafia and mercenary state;
- denounces the manoeuvres of imperialism, especially the French imperialism, which is trying to
prevent the emancipation of the people of Burkina Faso in order to continue to keep them under their
yoke;
- firmly supports the just struggle of the people of Burkina Faso for their emancipation;
- salutes the decisive role which the Revolutionary Communist Party of Volta (PCRV) is playing in
the present struggle of the people of Burkina Faso; firmly supports them in their efforts to set up a
Provisional Revolutionary Government (GRP), the convocation of a Constituent National Assembly
(ANC) and for the realisation of the National Democratic and Popular Revolution (RNDP);
- calls on all Marxist-Leninist parties and organisations to give their internationalist support to the
35
people of Burkina Faso and to the PCRV in their struggle for the advent of a democratic and popular
government in Burkina Faso.
*****

the uprising in Ecuador and the work of the PCMLE:
Solidarity with the people of Ecuador and the PCMLE
The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations held a discussion about
the developments in Ecuador and the experience of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of
Ecuador (PCMLE) in this process. With the analysis of these events, the Conference came to the
conclusion that the revolutionary struggle in Ecuador was developing positively. This manifestation
of the revolutionary struggle constitutes a great source of joy for the international Marxist-Leninist
communist movement, and it means taking greater responsibilities in order to prepare the grounds
for the revolution in our countries. The mass mobilisations in Ecuador are concrete indicators of
rising movements in all continents.
The workers and people of Ecuador smashed the bourgeois institutions and toppled the Mahuad government,
which was a servant of imperialism, through a big popular uprising. What happened there was neither an
ordinary action, nor an attempt for a coup d’état, or a show of might between the bourgeois cliques. On the
contrary, it was a popular uprising which has shaken the Ecuadorian society, which has constituted a leap in
the consciousness and organisation of the working class, and which has given strength to other peoples,
mainly to those who live and struggle in Latin America.
The crisis that is jolting the Ecuadorian society; the profound discontent of the working people; the conflicts
within the bourgeoisie itself; the lack of trust in the institutions, governments, parliament, judiciary organs
and political parties; the friction within the armed forces; the actions and organisations of various social
layers; the social and political actions of the indigenous people; the place and struggle of the left forces,
principally of the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party, in the actions... All this constitutes the reason for and
the essence of the events in Ecuador.
Undoubtedly, the political crisis was overcome in a way that imperialism and the bourgeoisie desired for. The
same policies as those of the past are in function with a new mask. Noboa represents the continuation of the
imperialist and bourgeois hegemony. His government is a reactionary one and the working masses and the
people of Ecuador have no doubt about this. Both the social movement, the proletarian revolutionaries and the
democratic and patriotic forces on the one hand, and the bourgeoisie, imperialism and the opportunists on the
other are faced with a new situation. The economic crisis is deepening and affecting, as usual, mostly the
urban and rural working people. The labourers and peoples are being subject to capitalist exploitation and
oppression; the search of the bourgeoisie and imperialism, on the other hand, for ways to get out of this crisis
is proving to be a failure. One must also add the division within the bourgeois armed forces. Revolutionaries
have suitable conditions to go forward. What is needed is an immediate action.
The PCMLE has fulfilled its responsibilities in this process, thus has become the main target for the attacks of
the bourgeoisie and its apparatus. However, the party did not take a step back in the face of the assassination
of Haime Jurtado and his friends, turning suffering into strength and clinging tighter to its responsibilities
36
towards the workers and the people of Ecuador. It came out of these events with determination in order to arm
itself with experience, overcome its problems and weaknesses, and to rise to a level that is required by the
conditions.
The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations, shares fully the analysis of the
Ecuadorian comrades that “the north-west region of Latin America, where Venezuela, Colombia and Ecuador
is situated, is one of the weakest links of the chain of imperialism”. It declares its determination to do
whatever in its power to weaken further this links and to give full support to the CPC(ML) of Colombia, the
PCMLE of Ecuador, and the Red Flag Party (BR) of Venezuela.
We undertake the engagement for spreading information about the struggles and victories of our comrades,
for renewing the campaign for comrade Francisco Caraballo to regain his freedom, and for showing solidarity
with the PCMLE with the slogan “a revolutionary paper for Ecuador for the revolution and socialism”.
The process developing in these countries requires the engagement of the labourers, peoples, patriots and
progressive forces. We consider it our task to raise the revolutionary struggle and to develop the solidarity and
support of the communists of different countries.
*****
37
Solidarity with comrade Francisco Caraballo

The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations drew up the balance sheet of the
aims it had set up. Despite the activities of the fraternal Colombian Party and of various parties and
organisations, the collaborationist reactionary government of Colombia still keeps comrade Francisco
Caraballo, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of Colombia (M-L), in prison.
Our Conference will continue to raise the international campaign for the release of comrade Caraballo.
All revolutionaries and communists, progressive and patriotic forces should do everything in their power and
express their solidarity with the comrade. We must call upon the Colombian government, the International
Red Cross Organisation and all Human Rights organisations for the release of this communist who was
imprisoned for his activities and beliefs, and whose trial has been continuing for long years. We must also
carry out this campaign particularly among the workers’ movement, among the peoples and revolutionary
organisations, joining it with the struggle of the Colombian comrades.
Francisco Caraballo has been in prison for six years. The struggle of his party, of the Popular Liberation
Army (EPL), of the workers and the people of Colombia is advancing. Therefore, comrade Caraballo’s
release is of greater importance today.
*****
The message of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations
To the Founding Congress of the Workers Communist Party of

Denmark
The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations salute the Founding
Congress of the Workers Communist Party of Denmark, which is part of the International
Communist Movement.
The success of this Congress is our success, and the strengthening of the Workers Communist Party
of Denmark means the strengthening of our movement.
Comrades, we wish you success in your Congress. Your participation in the International
Conference with the objectives and tasks you have undertaken will make stronger the Conference
and the International Communist Movement.
The struggle of the working class of the world and the exploitation they are subject to require the
communist vanguards to consolidate their positions nationally and internationally.
We believe that this will only be achieved through the political and organic unification of our parties
with the working class and labouring masses. This is how we can fulfil the task of seizing the
political power by leading the masses and of building socialism on the basis of Marxism-Leninism.
We express our trust in the Danish comrades that they can accomplish these objectives demanded by
the proletariat and by the future of humanity.
Long live the First Congress of the Workers’ Communist Party of Denmark!
Long live the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations!
Long live Marxism-Leninism!
38

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UNITY & STRUGGLE

Unity & Struggle

Present day imperialism

A brief evaluation of the conferences

For a combative May Day

The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations is a revolutionary

“Evaluation of the Conferences”

•For a combative May Day

•Solidarity with Hamma Hammami and with the people of Tunisia

•Solidarity with the people of Volta and the PCRV

•Solidarity with the people of Ecuador and the PCMLE

•Solidarity with comrade Francisco Caraballo

•Message to the Congress of the Workers Communist Party of Denmark

The Coordinating Committee

International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and

Participants of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations:

Communist Party of Benin (PCB)

Workers Communist Party of France (PCOF)

The Yugoslavia War:

1. Some points on imperialism

new balance of power. On this issue Lenin says:

3. The war in Yugoslavia

b) Tactics indicate differing interests of different powers in the region

4. The inter-imperialist rivalry within the EU

Before concluding this part we can state the following:

- The sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions and the crisis of imperialism in Europe is

2. Different political forces’ stances on the war

1. In opposition to the imperialist aggression on Yugoslavia

2. The Kosovo question

Before the war

-opposing Milosevic’s tyranny against the people of Kosova;

During the war

A BRIEF EVALUATION OF THE CONFERENCES

Our Conferences since Quito

Developments in class struggle since 1995 and some conclusions

What does this mean?

The Appeal of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and

For a combative May Day

Resolution of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations on

Solidarity with Hamma Hammami and the people of Tunisia

The International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations meeting in Europe in

Resolution of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations on

Solidarity with the people of Volta and the PCRV

Resolution of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations on

Solidarity with the people of Ecuador and the PCMLE

Solidarity with comrade Francisco Caraballo

The message of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organisations

To the Founding Congress of the Workers Communist Party of

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Unity & Struggle No 08

Unity & Struggle No 08