Teacher Education and Special Education: The Journal of the Teacher Education Division of the Council for Exceptional

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Self-Concept and African-American Student Achievement: Related Issues of Ethics, Power and Privilege
Gloria D. Campbell-Whatley and James Comer Teacher Education and Special Education: The Journal of the Teacher Education Division of the Council for Exceptional Children 2000 23: 19 DOI: 10.1177/088840640002300105 The online version of this article can be found at: http://tes.sagepub.com/content/23/1/19

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Self-Concept and African-American Student

Achievement: Related Issues of Ethics,

Power and Privilege

Gloria D.

Campbell-Whatley and James Comer

Abstract: School-aged children spend most of their daytime hours in school. Therefore, the school is in a strategic and powerful position to influence the development of their self-concept, self-image, self-worth and self-esteem. Academic success attributes most to positive school effects. But for too many African-American learners, school is a setting of limited achievement. Pre-existing structures within the educational system impede academic achievement and contribute to low self-concept. In the early part of the twentieth century, educational and social structures and practices in the United States were established according to the belief systems ofpowerful decision-makers. Many now entrenched practices fail to promote the full potential of African-American students. As a result, many AfricanAmerican students are misplaced, mislabeled and channeled into special education and other lower academic tracks. Responsible, ethical behavior requires change. This article explores the psychosocial and educational dynamics of the process. Methodologies and strategies needed to change these practices and/or to limit their ill effects will be suggested.

self-image, selfelf-concept attitudes toward self (Crocker,

esteem

Luhtanen, 1994; Harter, 1993; Obiakor, Algozzine & CampbellWhatley, 1997; Verkuyten, 1995). It is shaped and molded by a persons unique experience
in
an

includes and Blaine & Broadnax,

family

interactive system that includes the and its primary social network of

friends and kin and meaningful organizations ; institutions from which they attempt to acquire basic needs such as workplace, healthcare, etc.; and in the larger society. The collective views of powerful opinion leaders in all three social networks, and the policies and practices they establish-as well as the perceptions and responses of the individual--eventually determine the core self-concept. The core self-concept that emerges

influences an individuals performance in school and in life. While home and primary social network experiences prior to school are powerful, structures and practices in school can play a significant role in shaping self-concept. School can reinforce the desirable socialization, development and self-concept formation that begins at home, or have an adverse effect on it. The school experience can compensate for or minimize the ill effects of development that does not prepare a child for school and mainstream success. For historical reasons many in the dominant group perceive African-Americans as less capable and subordinate (Crocker, et. al,

1994; Jacques & Chason, 1977; Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher & Wetherell, 1987;

Verkuyten, 1995).

This

is

reflected

in

19
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and many other aspects of American life. Because of negative perceptions, African-American children have historically been recipients of less affirming treatment in school. This, in turn, contributes to low self-concept and sub-optimal performance. The cyclic, fixed educational system and the resulting expectations of low achievement and low performance, lock African-American learners into special education or lower academic tracks. Intelligence tests, achievement tests and other examinations in school appear to provide objective confirming evidence of lower ability levels, and at best, a lack of desire

employment, police practices

school

personnel

and the school programs

(Comer, 1997; Norton, 1993; White, 1993.). Living in non-mainstream cultures does
not

necessarily

Some schools

development backgrounds. Also,

common set

school unreadiness. to promote the of children from any and all

lead
to
are

prepared

(Deno, 1987; Grossman, 1995; Heron & Heward, 1982; Karier, 1972; Zarry P. v. Riles, 197y Lora v. The Board of Educ., 19 77). But these measures ignore developmental, rela-

most cultures promote a of humane values and behaviors. In complex and diverse societies most families prepare their children to live and work in their own culture as well as the mainstream culture. This requires parents to give attention to gender, racial and other characteristics. These issues arise as the three or foui-year-old becomes less egocentric and begins to take in messages from and seek belonging beyond the family. Negative messages about self begin to do damage (Comer,

tionship, and other social context issues, and the dynamics by which they limit the academic performance of too many AfricanAmerican students. While students from families under social and economic stress are

1997; Norton, 1993; Reising, 1997; White, 1993).

The primary social network or commusome children however, provides them with enough positive experiences to help them develop positive group identities. Some family structures prepare children to meet school expectations and elicit a positive response from school people. Successful engagement and achievement deepen the confidence and competence of the children and makes the mastery of increasingly difficult academic material possible; deepening confidence and competence in a circular fashion. An opposite circle usually takes place for those children who are candidates for special education (Norton, 1993). A good initial school experience, particularly in reading, increases a childs chance of later school success. Students who achieve well academically are less likely to act up and act out in troublesome ways in school. They are more likely to engage in artistic, athletic, community service and other constructive activities. They are less likely to be drawn into problem groups and need special education (Haynes & Hamilton-Lee, 1987;

nity of

adversely affected, African-American students from across the socioeconomic spectrum are vulnerable. It is important for teacher educators to understand the historical and developmental perspectives of selfconcept and how it relates to current special education practices. This knowledge gives teacher educators a foundation for acknowledging needed changes in educational training programs at more than surface levels. The current article will explore and address these issues, as well as applicable approaches, strategies and solutions.
most

Development
The school is a product of the mainculture. Children from families immersed in the mainstream culture are in good alignment with what will be needed to meet the expectations of the school if other aspects of the preschool child rearing experience are adequate. Children from nonmainstream and antisocial networks, differstream

economically being prepared in

ent

different or, and what is more important, do not enable them to interact positively with

and socially, ways that are

are

often

simply

McCreary & Slavin, 1996; Owens, Mortimer & Finch, 1996; Osborme, 1995; Phinney, Cantu, & Kurtz, 1996; Trusty & Watts, 1995; Waschull & Kernis, 1996). Perceived and real negative responses to
students race, class and gender from school personnel can limit confidence, and
a

20
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in time lower the

cept of

competence and self-constudent. Troublesome outcomes,

economic power

possible

in

one

generation.

for example special education referrals, can be established among such students, but particularly those who are repressed in the first

Public and private sector jobs and constructive social and community activity were generated (Cose, 1998; Karier, 1972; Kershaw,

1992).

place (Brophy, 1983; Grossman, 1995; Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1968; Seyfried, 1998).
For historical reasons,
a

disproportionate

number of African-American childrens selfconcept may be lessened in school settings. Examining the core historical foundations of our educational systems, provide insight to the infrastructures in our present special and general education programs.

prospered expanded, owners often drew their employees from fellow countrymen. As a result a large percentage of EuropeanAmericans were able to undergo three generations of development and change that paralleled the needs of the economic system
and
the past century; from uneducated and unskilled in one generation, moderately educated and skilled in the next, to highly educated and skilled thereafter (Cose, 1998;
over

As ethnic owned businesses

Historical Influences

on

SelfAmerica
was

Concept
During the 19th Century,

Karier, 1972; Kershaw, 1992).

tem was in

gradually transformed from a self-sufficient agricultural society to a largely industrial, commercial-consumer society. This led to the creation of powerful political, economic, and social structures, and networks of powerful people who controlled them. Knowledge, skills, contacts and information were gained in tightly woven circles of family, business
and community. All of this put insiders in the best position to take advantage of the most promising emerging opportunities, to drive future economic and educational development, and to establish the tenor and tone of social life (Cose, 1998; Kershaw, 1992). Each generation built on the activities, institutions and structures of past genera-

Indeed, the American educational syslarge part created to meet the

tions, transmitting knowledge, skills,

contacts

and wealth within families or among their own kind. All groups who came later had to tap into these structures or create new ones themselves in order to gain major wealth and power, or even reasonable employment. There was significant resistance to the expansion of power and privilege (Cose,

1998; Karier, 1972; Kershaw, 1992). Later immigrant groups came

in

large

numbers often from the same place and were frequently received into families and ethnic enclaves of their own. Many were able to maintain cultural continuity. Cultural continuity contributed to group cohesion. The American political, educational, and economic systems were almost immediately open to them. This made ethnic political and

needs of these emerging groups. At the same time intelligence tests and other school practices served to limit their opportunities (Karier, 1972). But the open political and economic system made it possible for a large enough nucleus to participate more fully in the mainstream economy and create communities that supported the well functioning of families that, in turn, made it possible for parents to give their children the kinds of experiences they needed to succeed in school. This made it possible for these groups to decrease the antagonism towards them. The African-American experience was different. African-Americans experienced several enormously traumatic conditions. The first was the disruption of West African culture that had a close-knit kinship structure at the core of its political, economic, and social organization. The middle passage, or second trauma, dehumanized and further separated people from their cultural roots. The third-slavery-was a system of imposed dependency and inferiority, with no opportunity to improve ones status. The social context, even when slaves were treated reasonably well, was demeaning and harmful. The fourth was the release of slaves into a hostile environment in both the North and the South (Cose, 1998; Karier, 1972;

Kershaw, 1992).
21

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Slavery
core

is antithetical to

organizing value of the

was

freedom, the new society;

were

arrival and with

citizenship (Cose, 1998;

Karier, 1972; Kershaw, 1992).

African-American children confront school practices and attitudes based on an inadequate knowledge of history and its consequences, denial, and too often, continuing racism. And while children from families and communities greatly stressed are most adversely affected, all African-American children are at risk. This phenomenon is repeat-

thus,

it had to be rationalized. The central

argument
inferior

that African-Americans
a

to

European-Americans,

notion

codified by a series of legal decisions in Virginia. While there was opposition, the apparent educational, economic, social, and psychological benefits for most non-African-Americans carried the day. And the notion of African-American inferiority became a deep seated, pervasive cultural belief that remains potent (Cose, 1998;

eventually

Karier, 1972; Kershaw, 1992). Maintaining the notion and related privi-

leges in the face of evidence to the contrary required massive denial, symbolic and real exclusion and abuse. In many places were African-Americans made significant ecogains, terrorism was used to stop progress. Much violence was used to deny
nomic

the

ture

after slavery. The disruption of culand other traumatizing experiences made group cohesion and the creation of powerful economic and political structures difficult, even without terrorism. Education was separate and greatly less adequate. And within the context of serious structural racism, petty and gratuitous acts took place
vote

demonstrated through the overidentifiof African-American children in special education and lower academic tracks (Patton, 1998). For example, the sons of two African-American professors in two different states were &dquo;accidentally&dquo; placed in the second academic track after making straight &dquo;As&dquo; in the first two previous years. The error was discovered in the second month of their senior year and they were returned to the first track, and continued to make straight As. It is highly unlikely that this would have

edly

cation

happened

to two

European-American

stu-

(Cose, 1998; Karier, 1972; Kershaw, 1992).

An African-American church-based
com-

dents from academic families without someone challenging the placement. The fact that it happened to two African-American students in widely separated situations suggests the pervasive and high level of low regard for African-American intelligence (Kean, 1993; Kershaw, 1992; Oakes, 1995; Oakes & Wells, 1998; Oakes & Wells, 1997; Tanner,

and protected and African-American promoted development and functioning to the degree possible. The church led fight for opportunity and justice, supported by other groups opposed to injustice, eventually enabled most AfricanAmericans to participate in the political mainstream by the 1960s. But by this time the nation was already in the last stage of the Industrial Revolution, requiring a high level of education, skill and social development for mainstream participation with living wage jobs and opportunities. Without significant economic power a disproportionately large undereducated population without skills, information and contacts had developed. African-American leadership energy that should have been based in a group promot-

munity emerged early

on

1965).
and

reviews-developmental historical-help us put current school practices in perspective. As general and special teacher educators acknowledge present
conditions,
current structures are

These brief

educational

practices and

challenged.

Present Conditions That Diminish

Self Conce t
While many conditions and practices lower the self-concept of students in school-limited social and academic success included-three will be discussed here: a) low teacher expectations, b) the inappropriate use of intelligence and achievement tests,
can

c) sorting through tracking. Teacher Expectations. The collective

views of those holding privileged positions in society combine with the interrelated vari-

ing

economic-political-educational-social

infrastructure had been consumed obtaining what most other immigrants received on
22

ables of tracking,

intelligence testing and low

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teacher expectation to provide an environment that promotes poor self-concept. &dquo;The way in which one is identified in the larger society, as well as where one is located in the social structure, affects the way in which one identifies oneself&dquo; (Jacques & Chason, 1977, p. 405). Teachers and administrators are representatives and/or symbols of privileged people in the larger society. Research shows that race and class contribute significantly to negative and biased expectations for African-American learners (Brophy, 1983; Grossman, 1995; Rosenthal & Jacobson, 1968; Seyfried, 1998). Higher performance in academically related tasks and prosocial behavior are expected from majority culture students. Lower expectations can make it difficult for students to make a positive attachment to the teacher, as well as to the system. We believe that this is one of the reasons that African-American students do less well in school, resulting in disproportionate placements in special or remedial education tracks (Russo & Talbert-Johnson, 1997). There are some who still believe that African-Americans have lower intellectual potentials and find disproportionate representation in special education or lower tracks understandable (Karier, 1972; Russo &

achievement

yet they continue

abound in the literature, be the basic assessment instrument used to determine eligibility for special education. (Deno, 1987; Grossman,
tests
to

1995; Heron & Heward, 1982; Karier, 1972; Larry P. v. Riles, Z~76 Lora v. 7be Board of Educ., 1977). The first intelligence test was
created in France by Alfred Binet to identify students who might benefit from additional help classes (Beirne-Smith, Ittenbach & Patton, 1998). The test items were modified to serve a different purpose in the United
States

(Goodard, 1920; Karier, 1972).

Terman

(1916), one of Intelligence test,

the modifiers of the believed that measured intelligence reflected genetic inheritance and expressed the need for a differentiated curriculum to meet the needs of the intellectual elite. While this view is under strong challenge, it is still very prominent and favors the children of the socioeconomically privileged.

Many

recent

Intelligence
on

test

versions, sup-

posedly
remain

normed

diverse

populations,

heavily based on verbal items (Grossman, 1995; Karier, 1972). Testing procedures for dialect
times contain

speaking students somevocabulary words that are

Talbert-Johnson, 1997; Terman, 1916; Thomdike, 1940). The lower expectations of AfricanAmericans held by majority culture school

people are often unconscious. An AfricanAmerican principal reported that a mathematics teacher who was not overtly racist directed African-American students new to the building to the second track because she assumed that they did not belong in her first
track class. The African-American principals son achieved the highest score on a national standardized achievement test in a largely European-American elementary school. His teacher was very friendly and supportive of the child but amazed that he outscored the sons and daughters of European-American professionals, professors, business and political leaders. The teacher had no appreciation of the implicit statement she was making by her reaction. Intelligence and Acbieve/nent Tests. Discussions of the misuse of intelligence and

unfamiliar to the student. Also, tests administered by evaluators who are unfamiliar with the students dialect or language may not provide a true picture of what the child knows. On many tests, learners may appear not to be aware of information that they may, in actuality, know. For example, items for dialect speaking students sometimes contain vocabulary words that are unfamiliar to the student (i.e., &dquo;behind the sofa&dquo; rather than &dquo;in back of the couch,&dquo; &dquo;beginning to climb&dquo; rather than &dquo;starting to climb&dquo;). Differences in articulation could be viewed as speech omissions or distortions (i.e., &dquo;delight&dquo; could be perceived as &dquo;the light&dquo;). Also, differences in oral reading patterns could vary (i.e., omitting endings for plurals, tense changes). Because diverse learners have not had the same exposure, related experiences as the dominant culture, or privileged positions
in society (Grossman, 1995; Yssledyke, Thurlow, Graden, Wesson & Algozzine, 1983), the appropriateness of some items on

Intelligence tests are questionable. For example, an item may ask about paying for goods
23

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with who with

check. Is it

are
a a

appropriate to ask learners experiencing poverty, about paying

tem :

check when their parents cannot

afford

checking account (Grossman, 1995)?

Test use for federal guidelines and fundcriteria creates the illusion of &dquo;scientific ing objectivity&dquo; (Karier, 1972). Given the current unequal distribution of wealth, it is possible

a) special education, b) vocational programs for the non-college bound, c) regular preparation for the college bound, and d) honors and accelerated programs for the gifted (Kean, 1993; Oakes, 1995; Oakes & Wells, 1998; Oakes & Wells, 1997; Tanner,

1965). Supposedly, tracking systems were designed to channel students into educational situations that will enable them to achieve at the level of their potential and in the areas of their interests. In reality, however, tracking exposes students of low socioeconomic status, disproportionately African-Americans, to dramatically different and unequal levels of curriculum that offer fewer resources and less vigorous leaming environments (Karier, 1972; Kean, 1993; Oakes, 1995; Oakes & Wells, 1998; Oakes &

that the test really measures privilege and status rather than true greater knowledge and ability (Karier, 1972). Stemberg (1996) has pointed out that subgroups within the society develop interests based on family and group modelsmusic, verbal styles, business acumen-as well as varied opportunity structures. Involvement in these activities can promote the expression of a great deal of creativity and other indicators of intelligence that cannot be measured by existing tests. Also, Gardner (1995, 1997) and others (Jacobson, 1992; Oliver, 1997) have pointed out that there are multiple intelligences. There is some evidence that appreciation of these abilities can lead to higher performance in the analytical areas that standard intelligence tests favor. But opportunities to display nonanalytical intelligence and to receive recognition for it are rare in most schools. Also, the question of the effects of distrust and not belonging, or despised status within traditional institutions and society, have never been fully examined. A European-American psychologist in the Harlem section of New York City was giving an intelligence test to an African-American youngster thought to be retarded and he was performing as expected. During a break in the testing she encountered an AfricanAmerican colleague who had been helpful to her. The youngster observed them embracing warmly. On return to the testing situation the youngster scored in the above average intelligence range. And now with the new brain research showing that full genetic expression is determined in part by the earliest social context conditions, we must be extraordinarily careful about interpreting what intelligence measured by existing instruments actually means (Lindsey, 1998). Tracking. Generally, four basic tracks operate within our current educational sys24

Wells, 1997).
In many cases children from marginalized and lower socioeconomic backgrounds are simply repressed, and with support could achieve at a higher level. Little effort is made to compensate for their circumstances in school. This leads to mediocre performance or early school failure which, in turn, often leads to behavior problems and placements outside the classroom, often in special education. But more than student development is involved. Oakes (1995) examined school systems in California in which tracking was employed. African-Americans were consistently overrepresented in low ability tracks while students in the dominant culture were overrepresented in high ability tracks. Each track contained students from a wide range of measured ability; therefore, scores from each student track overlapped considerably. For

example, percentiles in Honors English ranged from 31 to 99 while the range in Regular English was one to 95. Similar patterns of overlapping were demonstrated throughout all subject areas.
Data indicated that African-American students with the same test scores as majority students were much less likely to be placed in higher tracks. When scores would qualify students for either track, majority students were placed in higher tracks, while minority students were placed in lower tracks. In many instances, even high scoring

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African-American students were enrolled in low track classes. Because of such practices high level achievement is often related to
in society (Kean, 1993; Oakes, 1995; Oakes & Wells, 1998; Oakes & Wells, 1997). Students placed in special education or

understanding

privileged positions

a lower track are fully aware that they are considered &dquo;dummies.&dquo; A high achieving student was &dquo;accidentally&dquo; placed in a lower track so that he could take a commercial course. When he entered the room the other students asked almost in unison, &dquo;What are you doing in our class.&dquo; A number of years ago a student transferred from Alabama to Indiana and was placed in the special education class. She remembers the hurt of being called a dummy by other students. Twenty years later her daughter achieved the highest honors at the state university. Despite the inequities and the psychological and social damage done, tracking continues almost unabated. Low expectations, the misuse of tests and tracking deny many students, dispropor-

in

of student potentials and needs. Teacher and Administrator Preparation. Pre-service preparation must change so that special and general educators enter schools prepared to support the development of children ; with an understanding of the relationship of development to learning. Existing practitioners need help to work differently and to create and maintain the organization and management of schools that promote good development, teaching, and learning. To increase cultural sensitivity pre-service educators should learn to study the culture, values, and lifestyles of their students families, as well as understanding how policies and programs of the large societies impact these communities. Scientific knowledge can be derived by including reading, media, interactions, interviews, and examinations of other socio-cultural data in special and general teacher education programs

tionately African-American,
education. This situation is
ous to

high quality morally and ethia

Asher, 1987; Grant & Gomez, 1996; Liebert, 1988; Nordhoff & Klienfield, 1991; Ramirez & Castaneda, 1974; Renzulli & Mazurek, 1998) (see Smith, 1978; Winzer &
(Fuller
&

cally unacceptable (Patton, 1998).

It is

injuri-

individuals and the society. How can these conditions be addressed in our special education teacher education programs?

Table 1). It is recommended that the pre-service work force in general education-teachers and administrators-learn to recognize: a) the difference between underdevelopment (special needs) and different development

Methods and Strategies for Decreasing Harmful Practices

Much of what is problematic about in general contributes greatly to the troublesome beliefs, attitudes and practices that are harmful to African-American children in school. Several school improve-

(cultural background), b) appropriate teach-

schooling

ing strategies, and successful non-academic learning (Comer, 1997). A significant amount of pre-service time should be spent in supervised learning, in
schools in which the staff works collabora-

ment

suggested approaches

can

provide prea

service teachers and administrators with

better understanding of teaching, learning and development and the ways to help promote it among all students. Structural changes can create district and school-level conditions that improve teaching and learning among school staff and students. Teacher and administrator educators can provide future and current practitioners with preparation and support that enables them to work in a more effective and fair way. Alternative assessment strategies can give us a better

tively and in a way designed to promote the development of students. There is a problem here. Because education has traditionally ignored development, particularly applied development, there are too few faculty with
the experience needed to prepare students in the classroom and in the field. Too often junior faculty is asked to provide the supervision. Also, given the fact that many current practitioners are not prepared to work individually and as a staff to promote development, they need help. National, state and local funds can be used to create teams of education and behavioral science profession25

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TABLE 1. Educational

Strategies for Students from

Diverse

Backgrounds

als

to

help existing practitioners

work differ-

The Yale Child

nance

Study

Center School

ently.
Such direct supervision can be costly. But with modern technology it should be possible to use fewer master teachers with the necessary skills and experience to help a greater number of pre-service teachers and staffs already in practice. Child development and behavior courses without field supervision of practice is of limited value. It is often argued that schools are asked to do too much. And supporting development is viewed as just one more demand. Our work suggests that adequate student development is the foundation for learning and makes improved teaching possible. It is our impression that the greater problem is that schools have no way to systematically integrate their multiple tasks because most do not have an effective governance and management structure. Staff must be prepared to participate in the governance and management process and enable the school to handle multiple demands, solve problems and achieve success.
26

Development Program (Comer, 1997)

goverand management structure creates a climate that promotes collaboration among all the stakeholders. Anchored in this relationship climate we are working on a balanced curriculum. This curriculum is aligned with state, national, and local standards designed to simultaneously help children grow

along developmental pathways-social

interactive, psychoemotional, ethical, linguistic, physical, intellectual-cognitive. All of

these matters are taken into consideration with every teaching unit or activity. In many low-income communities children are school-dependent for the kind of preparatory experiences that many middle and upper-income children receive simply by growing up with their parents. School activities are designed to provide them with a social and intellectual immersion experience that can make it possible for most to participate in mainstream institutions without demeaning their own backgrounds.

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Other strategies used are peer tutoring, cooperative learning, teaching students how to think through questions, error analysis, mastery practice, and so on. Instruction is assessed and reassessed on an ongoing basis. General education teachers, special education teachers and other professionals within the students environment, as well as parents and others, think together to design these experiences. Again, a focus on child development that leads to a better school climate, behavior and achievement reduces the kind of beliefs, attitudes and behaviors of staff that negatively affect African-American students. Grant and Gomez (1996) suggest, when possible, that teacher educators provide immersion experiences for pre-service teachers. Student or practicum teachers can be placed in an urban pre-service setting where people of color constitute the majority of the

of instruction is ignored. When the role of psychological and social determinants is considered they are generally focused on the student and experiences outside the school. The powerful effects of staff-studentparental interaction on development, teaching, and learning outcomes are not widely considered. Many teachers and administrators believe that promoting child development and desirable behavior is not their

quality

responsibility (Grant
Grossman, 1995;
A

& Winzer &

an

Gomez,

1996;
was

Mazurek, 1998).

parent in

upper middle income

European-American suburban school

population.

Simultaneously,

pre-service

teachers should receive course work related to the history, culture, lifestyle, political issues, and communication common to the field experience. Required course work projects should include collective case study information about the community. Activities may include the collecting of oral histories,

told that nothing was being done to address the drug problem because good children will not get involved and bad children will. Such schools are often considered good because their average test scores are high. Whether they are preparing students for success as people in school and in life is not considered. Thus, many do not see the need for structural change; or the changes in teacher and administrator preparation and support

required to support

it.

Teacher educators need to work collaboratively with public school and state

neighborhood walks, performing community service, and becoming acquainted with people in the community.
Teacher education programs located in communities that are limited in diversity can develop a substitute for immersion programs

department personnel to implement changes at the building level. Pre-service educators should be taught appropriate collaborative approaches. Traditional school and classroom
on

organization and management is based

by organizing
(Fuller
& An

cultural

exchange
Grant &

program

Gomez, 1996). organized program, exchange of letters, photographs, artifacts, are mutually arranged with universities and colleges
located in urban centers. Students placed in immersion type settings and programs viewed the experiences positively while learning to understand the lifestyle of people different from themselves (Liebert, 1988; Nordhoff & I~lienfield, 1991).
Structural Change. Currendy, teacher and administrator preparation is based on our deeply established cultural belief that school achievement is a product of a students intelligence and will, and the quality of instruction. And in most discussions even the

Asher, 1987;

mechanical teaching and learning model that ignores development. Structures must be changed to enable system and building level adult stakeholders-administrators, general and special education teachers, parents, support staff-to collaborate in a way that promotes the development of students. Once such a model is established and sustained, restricted students can grow along the developmental pathways and in time be prepared to function and achieve adequately in school. Such outcomes change the expectations of teachers and parents, and the way
a

they respond

to

students. Students

develop

the confidence, competence and positive self-confidence that leads to the motivation to learn- increasingly difficult academic material. It decreases problem behaviors that limit individual learning, the learning of other stu27

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dents, and the enthusiasm and performance of teachers (Comer, 1997; Reising, 1997).
number of models designed promote comprehensive school change at the building level, and a few at the system level. Our Yale Child Study Center School Development Program model uses prescribed elements to re-create the kind of caring community in school that existed in natural ways around the school forty to fifty years ago (Comer, 1997; Reising, 1997). A representative governance and management team, (School Planning and Management Team), made up of the adult stakeholders and students included at the middle and high school, collaborate to create a comprehensive school plan in both social and academic areas. This provides direction for all. Staff development based on goals established by the governance and management team, assessment and indicated program modification produces a sense of ownership and mutual responsibility. The parent group works with the staff to design a program to support the comprehensive school plan. This contributes to cultural sensitivity and accountability in a powerful way without &dquo;preaching.&dquo; The mental health or Student Staff Support Team provides knowledge of child development and ways to make the school child sensitive. All agree to live by three guidelines-problem-solving rather than faultfinding (no-fault): consensus decision making to reduce winner-loser behavior; and collaboration rather than paralysis. These structures and operations have a synergistic effect that creates a community of mutual respect, high expectations and good student achievement. The number of inappropriate placements and referrals to special education are reduced (Comer, 1997; There
are a

student

development

and

learning (Comer,

1997; Reising, 1997).

Alternative Assessment Strategies. In
most cases, student placement decisions are limited to standardized measures (Meltzer &

to

Reid, 1994; Poteet, Choate & Stewart, 1993; Taylor, 1997; Wiggins, 1989; Winzer & Mazurek, 1998). Intelligence and academic
measures

limit the identification of differ-

ences

behavior, cognitive and learning, styles (Winzer & Mazurek, 1998). Teacher
in

educator programs should train general and special teachers in educational testing methodologies that are more global, holistic and inclusive. Methodologies and strategies with these characteristics create an environment that reduces assessment bias (Meltzer & Reid, 1994). There are a number of methodologies that measures the global abilities of students while emphasizing strengths and

learning style preferences. Alternative approaches

mance

such as perforauthentic assessment, portfolio assessment, curriculum-based assessment, and ecological assessment directly examines the students achievement as an ongoing process and measures the students academic and non-academic abilities. Authentic and performance assessments allow students to exhibit the processes of problem solving in a naturalistic setting (Poteet, Choate & Stewart, 1993; Wiggins, assessment,

Reising, 1997). Also, students experience equitable

treatment
amount

in such an environment. The of scapegoating between special and general educators, parents, and students is reduced greatly. Racial, class, and other tensions experienced before the organization and management of the school was transformed are greatly reduced. In this environment teachers can pay careful attention to

1989). Ecological assessments, not only include standardized tests, but involve the combination of variables that affect the student such as student records, interviews, teacher-administered test, observations and checklists. In addition, ecological assessments are flexible to the extent that student diversity, factors affecting students performance, psychological factors, and student and teacher interactions are noted (Heron & Heward, 1982). Curriculum-based assessment evaluates learners according to the curriculum to which they have been exposed (Deno, 1987; Lovitt, 1991). Student achievement can be monitored on a continuous basis and is directly useful for instruction. Portfolio assessment emphasizes the leatners performance by presenting a sample representation of various academic and non-academic skill areas (Hansen, 1992;

28
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Taylor, 1997).
materials that

The
are

portfolio

may contain -

constructed, described,

or photographed by the student. Information about the students learning style, communication preference, and preferred mode of participation is also provided. Teachers and administrators, parents and community are only going to be comfortable with these new approaches to organization and management, teaching, learning, and assessment when all are thinking and acting from a developmental model or

written, taped,

perspective. Schools using this approach can and must produce optimal academic performance as demonstrated by achievement test

harmful perception of some teachers about African-American students and the troublesome perceptions some African-American parents and children have about themselves. Again, much of what is problematic about schooling in general contributes greatly to the troublesome beliefs, attitudes and practices that are harmful to AfricanAmerican children in school. Structural changes, improved pre-service and in-service training and support of teachers, and more useful assessment strategies can help us provide all children with a better educational experience and opportunity in school and in life.

multiple educational that the performance of AfricanAmerican students will improve significantly. Nonetheless, every educator involved with African-American students can act independently to recognize troublesome behaviors and replace them with beliefs, attitudes and behaviors that can promote the positive selfconcept of the students and improve social
scores.

It is with these

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Professor

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Youth and

Adolescence,

Gloria D. Campbell-Whatley is an Assistant at Indiana-Purdue University, Fort Port Wayne, Indiana. James Comer is a Professor at Yale University Child Study Center, New Haven, Connecticut.

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