Mertan, Social and Emotional Development of Turkish Cypriot Children and Caregiving Style

Social and Emotional Development of Turkish Cypriot Children and Caregiving Style Biran Mertan * * Eastern Mediterranean University Abstract Since the number of employed mothers has steadily increased in Northern Cyprus, the need for non-parental caregiving has also increased. The lack of adequate numbers of childcare centres, and the widespread belief that children under the age of three are more loved and better tended by family members and close relatives, have led to the involvement of a greater number of grandparents as caretakers during daytime. The aim of the present research is to investigate parental behavior towards children and toddlers reactions towards their parents as reported by Turkish Cypriot parents. The sample consists of 68 children whose ages vary between 12 and 36 months. The instrument used in the data collection is the Babys Day Test (Balleyguier, 1979); adapted from French to Turkish by Mertan (1995; 1997) with computerized scoring. The results showed that maternal employment has some impact on childrens social and emotional development. Key words Child development, employed mothers, child care During the last three decades there has been an ongoing concern in the literature about the effects of maternal employment on childrens social and emotional development. The main research question, which is repeatedly addressed regarding child development, is whether maternal employment and/or non-maternal childcare are detrimental to children's social and emotional development. Two opposing views on the issue, both backed up by empirical evidence, have been expressed. One of these views asserts that non-parental day care for more than 20 hours per week for much of the first year of life may constitute a risk factor for infantmother attachment and for later social and emotional development (Belsky, 1988a; 1988b; Belsky & Rovine, 1988). The alternative view states that non-parental day care can possibly
*

Requests for reprints should be sent to Assoc. Prof. Dr. Biran Mertan EMU-PDRAM, Gazimausa, Mersin 10 Turkey. E-mail: biran.mertan@emu.edu.tr The author extends her thanks to the Turkish Cypriot mothers who made this study possible. 1
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be beneficial on aspects of social development, even when such day care starts early during infancy (e.g. Andersson, 1989; 1992). Recently, however, new interests have emerged emphasising not only the presence/absence of maternal employment and/or the nature of day care per se but the conditions under which these occur. (e.g. Clark-Stewart, Gruber & Fitzgerald, 1994; Etaugh, 1993; Roggman, Langlois, Hubbs-Tait & Reiser-Danner, 1994). Within this approach, social and emotional development is studied particularly in relation to age and sex of the child, ethnic background of the family, family structure and intra-family relations, the conditions and contexts of the mother's work situation, and the quality and variety of childcare arrangements.

The social and emotional development of the child is defined and operationalized by Balleyguier (1979) as a pattern of emotional expression and/or organization. She described the behavioral manifestations of this underlying emotional organization in terms of intensity, control, and behavioral orientation. Balleyguiers (1979) interest in temperament led to the development of an instrument called Baby's Day Test that has been successfully employed in studies on the emotional style of children in day care settings (Balleyguier 1988; 1996; Balleyguier & Malhuish, 1996; Balleyguier & Meudec, 1996; Balleyguier, Majunow, Godeau-Rebiers & Mertan, 1992, 1994). These studies were carried out in France, which has a long history of day care and nursery schools (les salles dasile) since 1880 and has relatively high maternal employment among European countries (Maruani, 1992; Pierrehumbert, 1992). Currently, at the end of maternal leave, most of the employed French mothers' babies by the age of two months had been cared for 40 hours per week in day care centers or in family day care homes. Even the mothers of those children who are employed part-time or do not have paid employment very often send their children to these centers for 15-20 hours a week.

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Like elsewhere, in Northern Cyprus, the effect of maternal employment on child development is becoming an intriguing question. However, due to the existing political situation in the country, Turkish Cypriot womens participation at the international level is very rarely cited (IWRAW, 1995). In the following paragraph a brief description of the Turkish Cypriot womens position will be presented.

During the last three decades, Northern Cyprus, with its 200,000 inhabitants and 3400 square km area has been subject to rapid geographical, economical and sociopolitical changes. The impact of the post-war economy (after 1974) in Northern Cyprus brought a sudden massive influx of Turkish Cypriot women into the labor force (27.1% of women have a paid employment, KKTCBDP, 2001) and, parallel to this, the need for non-parental caregiving had to be implemented.

Employed women have the right of paid maternal leave, 40 days before the delivery and 40 days after the birth. In addition to this maternal leave, employed mothers are given the right of breast feeding leave for two hours per day during the first six months after giving birth.

Until the 1980s, a limited number of private nursery schools and day care centers had provided care for children under the age of six. To date, there is no national policy on early childhood services. In addition to this, a limited number of research projects have been conducted on child development and on early childcare in order to guide parents and policy makers. As a consequence of women joining the workforce, an increasing number of under

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fives find themselves in childcare settings outside traditional family childcare provisions. This situation reflects the earlier experiences of Western-Industrialized cultures.

This study assumes great importance, since the Turkish family in Northern Cyprus has distinct characteristics from that of the Western family. The Turkish Cypriot family is an amalgam of the nuclear and the extended family, with strong intra-familial relations (See figure 1). Although the typical family is nuclear in nature, there also exist characteristics of an extended family. Typically, married couples own their apartment but they tend to live in the same building as their parents. The close proximity between parents and grandparents creates an environment within which not only frequent and lengthy interactions exist but also encourages a strong willingness on the part of grandparents to take care of the child when the mother is away. In line with this structure, evidence shows that employed mothers indeed show a preference for leaving their child in the care of the grandparents (Mertan, 1993; 1994; 1995). The willingness to care for the grandchild and the preference of grandparents over other forms of childcare could be attributed to a widely shared belief in society that children under the age of three are loved more and tended better by family members and close relatives in the home environment than collective day care center. Bearing in mind this peculiar characteristic of the Turkish Cypriot family, both theoretical and practical concerns make it important to examine how social and emotional development during early childhood relate to caregiving by relatives (e.g., grandparents) vs. non-relatives (day care centers).

INSERT FIGURE 1 HERE

The aim of the current study is twofold: first, to establish whether the Turkish Cypriot family environment indeed encourages different childcare practices. Second, to explore

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whether maternal employment status in a Turkish Cypriot sample and the mother's related behavior towards the child, influence the social and emotional development of children.

Method Participants The participants were mothers of 68 children between the ages of 12 and 36 months, with a mean age of 21.61 months and a standard deviation of 6.87 months. The average age of mothers was 28.25, ranging from 20 to 40 years (SD = 4.54), and the average age for fathers was 31.78, ranging from 24 to 46 years (SD = 4.60). The sample broke down almost equally between employed mothers (n=35) and mothers at home (n=33). The two subgroups did not differ in respect to the childrens sex and average age. There are no significant differences between the mothers and the fathers average age in the two subgroups. However, mothers of the employed mothers group have significantly higher formal schooling than the mothers at home group (t (68) = 5.72 p < .001). This also holds for fathers in respective groups (t (68) = 3.78 p < .001). Another variable on which the two groups also differed was the age at first marriage: mothers at home had their marriages at a significantly younger age than the employed mothers group (t (68) = 3.01 p < .001). However, this was not true for fathers in the two groups. All children were born to term without serious medical complications, and families were two-parent traditional nuclear in types.

Instrument The questionnaire was comprised of two sections: the demographic information section and the Babys Day Test section.

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In the demographic section mothers were required to respond to items related to age, education, working status, living arrangements, childcare practices and so forth.

"Baby's Day Test" (Le test de la journe de bb, Balleyguier, 1979) was administered in the subsequent section in order to gather information related to childrens social and emotional development. The original test is in French and was standardized on a sample of 1052 French children, with approximately 25 children for each month between the ages of one to thirty-six months.

Babys Day Test measures and classifies children's behavioral reactions to persons and objects, as well as emotional reactions to stressful situations such as hunger, frustration and the absence of the mother. This test is administered to the parents in the form of a questionnaire, and yields scale scores under two general categories: a) environmental scale scores which quantify the responses of the mother, the father and the siblings toward the child; b) child scale scores which indicate the child's responses to his/her social environment. Although Baby's Day Test has some disadvantages, such as its heavy reliance on memory and verbal ability, it does have some advantages over other methods of data collection such as direct observation (Tourette, 2001). Since a great portion of the test is self-administered, i.e. parents can fill the questionnaire at their convenience, it is an easier and more economical method to reach large samples. In contrast to direct observational procedures, the Babys Day Test also makes it possible to collect maximum information on everyday activities of the child by the responses given by the mother, since it is highly probable that the mother has the most meaningful and closest interaction with the child.

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The present study employed a partial replication of Balleyguier's (1979) study. In the original study, the author included Ainsworth's Strange Situation (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters & Wall, 1978), which was dropped in the current study due to methodological consideration. This is because tentative pilot testing with the current sample indicated the inappropriateness of several other measures such as mothers and fathers punitiveness including, the fear of strangers. Furthermore, pilot testing showed that the items to be adopted in the sub-scales were comprehensible and appropriate for the Turkish Cypriot sample.

The final adopted version of the Babys Day Test consists of an environmental and a child scale * . The environmental sub-scales are Mother's Affection (MA), Mother's Anxiety (Max), Mother's Sensitivity (MF), Bond Weakening (RL), Mother's Rigidity (MR), Education Given by Mother (ME), and Toilet Training by Mother (MP) each with items varying between 7 and 10. These items sample the mother's responses to the child relevant to each category. The Child sub-scales measure the child's responses to the mother. These are Submission to Mother (SM), Affect Toward Mother (AM), Imitation of Mother (IM), Dependency on Mother (DM), Aggression Towards Mother (AgM), and Opposition Towards Mother (RM) and include items varying between 8 and 17. Mother-Child relations of these two scales are shown in table 1. INSERT TABLE 1 HERE

The "Baby's Day Test" was adapted to Turkish and the scoring was computerized by Mertan (1995; 1997). Experienced French-Turkish bilinguals checked and verified the final version of the test against the original, by cross-translations.

The Environmental and the Child categories also include scales measuring fathers and siblings' reactions toward the child and the child's reaction toward them, but these are excluded in the current study.
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Procedure Mothers were selected and recruited by using the snowball technique. The consents of the mothers were obtained after the objective of the study was explained to them by the investigator. Two meetings with mothers were scheduled approximately within a week after the initial meeting. Both meetings took place either at home, at a day care center or at the work place of the mother. After a brief overview of the study the mothers were initially given the self-administered part of the questionnaire with 294 structured questions. This part which required either Yes, or No responses could be completed at the mothers convenience. In the second meeting the researcher asked 60 open-ended questions to the mother about what the child does at certain times and situations. For example, What does the child do when he is tired/awakened/eating/bathing/dressing, etc.?. Overall, all the questions in the Babys Day Test were about the daily activities of the child, mother, father, and sibling(s).

Results To address the first question raised in the current study, that is to explore whether the Turkish Cypriot family environment encourages differential childcare practices, data were submitted to the following analyses: in the first instance the profile of the sample in relation to the proximity of the living arrangements between the childrens parents and relatives indicated that there is no significant difference in relation to mothers employment status. Regardless as to whether mothers were employed or not, they chose to live in close proximity to their relatives. However, a greater proportion of the employed mothers were from urban areas (83.3%) while the majority of mothers at home (71.4%) resided in rural areas (2 = 15.24, p <.001). It should be noted that although Northern Cyprus can be perceived as both a rural and

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an urban area one needs to be aware that the maximum travel time by car from villages to the nearest town does not exceed one hour.

In order to analyze the stability of childcare practices across time, different modes of care, such as the care provided by the mother herself, by the grandmother, by a caregiver, a day care center, or other forms of care were computed according to the mothers' employment status. That is, for each child, his/her previous and current care practices were compared. The results showed that a great majority of children (76.5%) had stable caregiving practices (2 = 14.97, p <.001). Only 23.5 % of the children had been subject to the changes in their care taking experience i.e. from the mother's care to the grandmother's or/and the day care center. In the mothers at home group, mothers were the principal care providers (97.0%), whereas, with 57.2% grandmothers were the first, caregivers with 25.7% were the second and then day care centers with 17.1% provided care for the employed mothers children.

In order to determine if full time mothers and employed mothers differ in their responses towards their children and the reactions they received, t-tests were computed on the scale scores. The mean scale scores together with the standard deviations and the computed tvalues are given in Table 2.

Employed mothers were found to be more affectionate towards their children than mothers at home (t = 3.13 p < .001), the means being 7.82 and 6.75 respectively. Similarly, this former group had a significantly higher mean (mean = 4.71) than mothers at home (mean = 3.81) on bond weakening responses (t = 2.10 p < .05). On the other hand, mothers at home were more concerned with the education they gave to their children than employed mothers (t = 2.85 p < .01). As indicated on table 2, these means were 6.54 and 5.22, in that order.

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INSERT TABLE 2 HERE Table 2 also shows the means for child's responses towards the mother and the respective t-values. As can be seen from Table 2, the differences between the mean for the mothers in paid employment and mothers at home, on four of the six categories, did not reach statistical significance. The two scales that showed significant differences were the child's submission to and the dependency on the mother. Mothers at home reported a higher number of submissive responses by their children (mean = 10.42) than the employed mothers (mean = 8.77; (t = 2.30 p < .05), whereas employed mothers responded with a higher degree of child dependency (mean = 5.17) than mothers at home (mean = 4.06; t = 2.72, p <.01).

In general, mother's affection and bond weakening were higher in the employed mothers group where provision of care was most likely to be in-home arrangements with grandparents (57.2%) and caregivers (25.7%). An assumption underlying this pattern of childcare arrangement is that when employed mothers leave their children in their parents (relatives) and/or caregivers charge, mothers suffer less separation anxiety during working hours and that after returning home they tend to be more eager to spend their time with the child. Equally parallel is the childs expectation that the mother spend quality time with them after work, catering for all the childs needs, thus the child becomes more demanding vis--vis the employed mother. On the contrary, the mothers-at-home groups children were more submissive and less demanding in terms of their mothers undivided attention in comparison with the employed mothers children. Furthermore, the mothers at home appeared more concerned with their childrens education.

INSERT TABLE 3 HERE

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Scale scores both for the Environment (mother's behavior towards the child) and the Child categories were computed by summing the items the mothers endorsed. These scores were subjected to correlational analyses to find what aspects of maternal behavior related to which aspects of the childs behavior. Table 3 shows the correlation coefficients between Environmental scale scores and Child scale scores. As indicated on this table, mothers affection (r = .37, p < .001) and education provided by the mother (r = .24, p < .05) related positively to the childs affect responses towards the mother and his/her imitation of the mother (r = -.30, p < .01). Affectionate mothers and mothers concerned more with education of the child received more affection and imitative behavior from the child than the less affectionate mothers who were less concerned with the child's education. Education provided by the mother correlated positively with the child's submissive responses (r = .34, p < .001). Toilet training provided by the mother had positive significant correlations with childs submissiveness and imitation (r = .37, p < .002; r = .35, p < .001) and had negative correlation with childs dependency on the mother (r = -.27, p < .05). Increased aggressive responses by the child towards the mother were, correlated with the increased rigid (r = .26, p < .05) behaviors by the mother. There was also a positive significant correlation between the mother's rigidity towards the child and the childs submission (r = .27, p < .05). Bond weakening responses by the mother correlated negatively to the childs opposition to her (r = .32, p < .01). Two of the environmental scale scores, mothers anxiety and mothers

sensitivity did not relate to any of the measured aspects of the childs responses to his/her social environment. Thus, we can summarize that the mother's positive behaviors were correlated with concomitive positive reactions of the child towards his/her mother and vice versa.

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Discussion The findings of the present research shows that Turkish Cypriot families indeed organize different childcare practices.

In Turkish Cypriot society, parenthood is highly valued; family life is central for women, and traditional gender roles are widely accepted (Mertan, 2000). Consequently, becoming a mother for a Turkish Cypriot woman is perceived as a highly elevated status. In addition, the extended family typically assists with household and childcare tasks. Women remain the primary caregivers for their children and for their grandchildren thereby placing many women in continued contact with children.

The vast majority of young Turkish Cypriot parents prefer to live in a house with a garden (78.8%) rather than in an apartment. Among these young parents, the choice of living in the same building with close relatives i.e. parents, sisters, brothers is only 26.9 %.

Although many parents believe that childcare provided by family members is superior to care provided by non-relatives, early childhood care literature gives contradictory results. While NICHD (1996) showed that fathers and grandparents were more positive caregivers than unrelated providers, Galinsky, Howes, Kontos & Shinn (1994) reported that care by relatives was less sensitive than care by unrelated home care providers.

Collectively, results suggest that differences in maternal attitudes according to employment status may have some negative/undesired impact on children's development. However, this impact does not mean that maternal employment distorted the social and emotional development of children as was claimed in the 1980s (eg. Belsky et al.).

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As a result of the 1960s Women Emancipation, women from Western industrialized countries started to look for higher education and higher status careers. It was only after the 1980s that employed mothers who placed their infants in childcare were better informed about childcare issues and controversies due to intensive empirical research in the domain (Rosenthal, 1999). The ongoing discussion about the effects of childcare and the importance of high-quality care provision forced Western industrialized countries to conduct many research projects (i.e. NICHD, 1994; 1996; 1997) such as examining childcare in "context".

Belsky (2001) has recently suggested that family factors and processes are typically more predictive of child functioning than childcare factors and processes. As Katba (1996) emphasized the relationship between family structure and children's development requires a critical discussion of childcare and education research in different cultures.

Social policies concerning the conditions of womens employment, such as working hours and parental leave, are other issues that should be taken into consideration while evaluating early childcare and its effects upon child development in this new millennium.

The emergence of empirical evidence from non-western cultures where women joined the workforce (post-1960s movement) and where institutional day-care for children is only recently emerging has certain implications: because research has mainly focused on western cultures, research tools and consequent modeling tend to be biased in explaining the childs social and emotional development within this framework. Although one cannot deny the fact that the effect of some factors on development are universal, i.e. culture-free, one can equally argue that cultural factors have a substantial input into development. Therefore, establishing a wider understanding of the effects of cultural factors, such as the type of family as it affects

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development, will not only contribute to the elaboration and/or revision of theoretical frameworks but also will accommodate research instruments appropriate for a given culture. Suffice it to say that there is a need for further empirical studies specifically addressing issues partly raised in the present study. In this respect, since the issues of childrens social and emotional development and type of day care are pioneering steps in Northern Cyprus, the topic might be an incentive for future investigations.

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References Andersson, B.E. (1989). Effects of public day care a longitudinal study, Child Development, 60, 857-866. Andersson, B.E. (1992). Effects of day care on cognitive and socio-emotional competence of thirteen-year-old Swedish schoolchildren. Child Development, 63, 20-36. Ainsworth, M. D., Blehar, M. C. Waters, E., & Wall, S. (1978). Patterns of attachment. New York: Halsread Press. Balleyguier, G. (1979). Test pour lvaluation du caractre de lenfant et des attitudes ducatives de lentourage: La journe de Bb, Issy-les-Moulineaux, Edition scientifique et psychologique. Balleyguier, G. (1988). What is the best mode of day care for young children: A French study. Early Child Development and Care, 33, 41-65. Balleyguier, G. (1996). Le dveloppement motionnel et social du jeune enfant, PUF, Paris France. Balleyguier, G. & Meudec, M. (1996). Ecole ou crche pour les enfants de 2-3 ans? Enfance, 4, 487-500. Balleyguier, G. & Melhuish, E. (1996). The relationship between infant day care and socioemotional development with French children aged 3-4 years. European Journal of Psychology of Education, XI, 2, 193-199. Balleyguier, G., Majunow, B., Godeau-Rbiers, M.H. & Mertan, B. (1992). Reflexions sur les diffrrences inter-culturelles des processus socio-motionnels. Approches comparatives en psychologie du dveloppement, p.1-12, Rennes, France. Balleyguier, G., Majunow, B., Godeau-Rbiers, M.H. & Mertan, B. (1994). Types d'attachement et troitesse du lien mre-enfant: comparaison de trois milieux sociaux, in Michel Deleau & Annick Weil-Barais (Eds.), Le dveloppement de l'enfant: Approches Comparatives, p. 223-232, PUF (Coll. Croissance de l'enfant, gense de l'Homme), Paris, France. Belsky, J. (1988a). Infant day care and socio-emotional development: The United States, Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 29, 397-406. Belsky, J. (1988b). The effects of infant day care reconsidered. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 3, 235-272. Belsky, J. (2001). Developmental risks associated with early childcare. Journal of Child Psycholgy and Psychiatry, 42, 7, 845-859.
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Belsky, J. & Rovine, M. (1988). Non-maternal care in the first year of life and the security of infant-parent attachment. Child Development, 59, 157-167. Clark-Stewart, K.A., Gruber, C.P. & Fitzgerald, L.M. (1994). Children at home and in daycare. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Etaugh, C. (1993). Maternal employment: Effects on children. In J. Frankel (Ed.), The employed mother and the family context (pp. 68-88). New York: Springer. Galinsky, E., Howes, C., Kontos, S. & Shinn, M. (1994). The study of children in family child care and relative care: Highlights of findings. New York: Families and Work Institute. IWRAW- International Women's Right Action Watch (1995). IWRAW to CEDAW country reports on Cyprus. Independent information for the fifteenth session of the Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), University of Minnesota. Katba, . (1996). Family and human development across cultures. A view from the other side. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates INC. KKTC Babakanlk Devlet Planlama rgt (2001). 2002 Gei yl Program, Lefkoa, Devlet Matbaas. Marauni, M. (1992). The position of women on the labour market. Report No. 36, Women's Information Services. Brussels: Commission of the European Communities. Mertan, B. (1993). Garde des jeunes enfants Chypre du Nord, XI me Colloque du Groupe Francophone dEtudes du Dveloppement de lEnfant Jeune, Nantes, France. Mertan, B. (1994). Gardes des jeunes enfants par la grand-mre Chypre du Nord, XII me Colloque du Groupe Francophone dEtudes du Dveloppement de lEnfant Jeune, Montpellier, France. Mertan, B. (1995). Early childhood education in Northern Cyprus. 5th European Conference on the Quality of Early Childhood Education, Paris, France. Mertan, B. (1997). Okulncesi ocuklarda sosyo-emosyonel geliim ve bakc ilikisi. Okulncesi Eitimde Yeni Yaklamlar, 33-38, Ankara niversitesi Basmevi, Trkiye. Mertan, B. (2000). Dou Akdeniz niversitesinde kadnn konumu: Bir inceleme. Kadn/Woman 2000, Journal for Woman Studies, EMU Press, Gazimausa, Northern Cyprus, I (1), 1-9. NICHD Early Childcare Research Network (1994). Childcare and child development. The NICHD study of early childcare. In S. Friedman & H.C. Haywood (Eds.), Developmental follow-up: Concepts, domains, and methods (pp. 377-396). New York: Academic Press.
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NICHD Early Childcare Research Network (1996). Characteristics of infant childcare: Factors contributing to positive caregiving. Early Childhood Research Quarterly, 11, 269-306. NICHD Early Childcare Research Network (1997). Familial factors associated with the characteristics of non-maternal care for infants. Journal of Marriage and Family, 59, 389-408. Pierrehumbert, B. (1992). Laccueil du jeune enfant, politiques et recherches dans les diffrents pays. ESF diteur, Paris. Roggman, L., Langlois, J., Hubbs-Tait, L., & Reiser-Danner, L. (1994). Infant day care, attachment, and the "file drawer problem." Child Development, 65, 1429-1443. Rosenthal, M. (1999). Out-of-home childcare research: A cultural perspective. The International Society for the Study of Behavioral Development, 23 (2), 477-518. Tourette, C. (2001). Lvaluation psychologique des trs jeunes enfants au dveloppement normal et atypique (0-6ans). Edition Dunod, Paris.

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Turkish Cypriot Extended Family Model

Nuclear Family

Nuclear Family

Main Entrance Nuclear Family Nuclear Family Figure 1: Turkish Cypriot Family Structure

Figure 1: Turkish Cypriot Family Structure

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Table 1: Mother-child relation categories, Environmental Scale and Child Scale Environmental Scale Score measuring mothers' behavior toward the child.

Categories MA Max MR ME MF MP RL Mother's Affection Mother's Anxiety Mother's Rigidity Education Given by M. Mothers Sensitivity Toilet Training by M. Bond Weakening

Number of Questions 10 8 10 10 10 7 9 Example "Do you take him on your lap for his meal?" "When he has a fever, do you immediately call a physician?" "Do you insist on his finishing his meal?" "Do you prevent him from eating with his fingers?" "Do you take him sometimes to your bed?" "Do you put him on the pottie?" "Does somebody else feed him sometimes?"

Child Scale Score measuring child's reactions toward his/her mother.

Number of Categories AM IM AgM RM SM DM Affect towards Mother Imitation of Mother Aggression towards M. Opposition towards M. Submission to Mother Dependency to Mother Question 10 8 10 10 17 10 Example "Does he show pleasure when you arrive?" "Does he vocalize back when you talk to him?" "Does he bite you?" "He obeys, but do you have to repeat the command?" "Does he eat when you insist?" "What does he do when you refuse to hold him?"

Table 2: Means and Standard Deviations of Scale Scores According to

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Mothers Employment Status

EMPLOYED MOTHERS MEAN ENVIRONMENTAL SCALE MA (n=10) Mother's Affection Max (n=8) Mother's Anxiety MR (n=10) Mother's Rigidity ME (n=10) Education given by Mother MF (n=10) Mother's Sensitivity MP (n=7) Toilet training by Mother RL (n=9) Bond Weakening CHILD SCALE AM (n=10)
Affect towards Mother

MOTHERS AT HOME MEAN 6.75 4.51 3.78 6.54 8.09 2.39 3.81 SD 1.60 1.27 1.74 2.00 1.70 1.83 1.81 t Test 3.13*** .27 .92 2.85** 1.60 1.65 2.10*

SD 1.17 1.31 1.97 1.80 1.70 1.69 1.70

7.82 4.60 3.37 5.22 7.42 1.68 4.71

8.34 5.14 4.00 4.65 8.77 5.17

1.37 2.19 2.37 1.43 3.04 1.79

8.39 5.36 4.96 4.66 10.42 4.06

1.63 1.93 2.56 1.76 2.88 1.58

.14 .44 1.61 .02 2.30* 2.72**

IM (n=8) Imitation of Mother AgM (n=10)

Aggression towards M.

RM (n=10) Opposition towards M SM (n=10) Submission to Mother DM (n=10) Dependency on M.

* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001.

Table 3: Correlation Coefficients between Environmental Scale and Child Scale Scores

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Mertan, Social and Emotional Development of Turkish Cypriot Children and Caregiving Style

CHILD SCALE
ENVIRONMENTAL

SCALE

Affect towards Mother

Dependency on Mother

Imitation of Mother

Opposition towards Mother

Submission to Mother

Aggression towards Mother

Mothers Affection Mothers Anxiety Education given by Mother Mothers Sensitivity Toilet Training by Mother Mothers Rigidity Bond Weakening

.37 *** .10 .24 * .19 .01 .10 -.03

.06 .13 -.18 -.13 -.27 * .09 -.16

.30 ** -.15 .27* .05 .35 *** .17 .05

-.17 .10 .15 .01 -.03 .18 -.32 **

.02 -.05 .34*** .07 .37*** .27 * .15

-.09 .11 .13 .02 .02 .26* -.16

* p < .05; ** p < .01; *** p < .001.

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Mertan, Social and Emotional Development of Turkish Cypriot Children and Caregiving Style

ZET Birok lkede olduu gibi Kuzey Kbrs'ta da alan annelerin youn ve giderek artan bir biimde i dnyasnda yer almalaryla, kre ve gndz bakm evlerine olan gereksinim de artmtr. Okulncesi eitim merkezleri konusunda gelimekte olan Kuzey Kbrs'ta yeterli sayda kre ve gndz bakm merkezlerinin bulunmamas, ayrca 3 ya alt ocuklarn, yakn aile bireyleri ve/veya yakn akrabalar tarafndan daha fazla ilgi ve sevgiyle bytlebilecei inancnn byk bir ounluk tarafndan benimsenmesi, bakc-bykanne saysnn yaygnlamasna neden olmutur. Bu aratrmann amac, aileler tarafndan rapor edildii zere, sralama dnemine (toddlerhood) giren ocuklarn ailelerine kar tepkileri ve ailelerin ocuklarna kar davranlarn incelemektir. Gerek sosyal evre zelliklerinin, gerekse ocuun sosyal ve duygusal davranlarnn llmesinde ocuk Gnl Testi (Balleyguier, 1979) kullanlmtr. Aratrmada yalar 12 ile 36 ay arasnda deien toplam 68 denek kullanlmtr.

Anahtar kelimeler ocuk geliimi, alan anne, ocuk bakm

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