1

RUNNING HEAD: IMMIGRATION CONFLICT IN PRINCE WILLIAM

The Immigration Conflict in Prince William County, Virginia:

Analysis and Recommendations

Jack W. Turner

George Mason University

IMMIGRATION CONFLICT IN PRINCE WILLIAM 2
IMMIGRATION CONFLICT IN PRINCE WILLIAM 3

The Immigration Conflict in Prince William County, Virginia:

Analysis and Recommendations

In 2007, a conflict over immigration law in Prince William County, Virginia rose

out of public reaction to the county board’s enactment of a new policy that called for

local police to enforce immigration procedures that usually are handled by federal

immigration agencies. The new procedure empowered the Prince William County Police

Department force to ask for, and verify, the immigration status of any individuals they

suspected of being illegal immigrants. County board officials called the new policy a

necessary action because their constituents demanded it, and because Congress had failed

to reform federal immigration laws that would have given protection against illegal

immigrants to the county’s communities (Miroff, 2007a).

This analysis of the Prince William County immigration conflict has four goals:

1) Identify the main parties in the conflict and their interests; 2) identify underlying root

causes of the conflict; 3) evaluate the interests served and benefits of the conflict; 4) and

to offer a basic plan for a conflict resolution involving both sides. Aspects of Wehr’s

mapping model (1979) are used to position the parties involved, their interests, and their

fears. Evidence from conflicting parties public discourse and actions, along with

comparative demographic and economic data, provides evidence for underlying causes of

the conflict. Finally, the analysis offers a social construction process for changing

negative perceptions and bringing the divergent interests of both sides closer together

(Gray, 1997).
IMMIGRATION CONFLICT IN PRINCE WILLIAM 4

Background

The Prince William County Board of Supervisors passed a resolution on July 10,

2007, making the Prince William County Police Department responsible for illegal

immigration enforcement. They were given official power to verify the immigration

status of any individuals they suspected of being in the country illegally. On April 29,

2008, the Prince William Board of County Supervisors softened police procedures by

making it mandatory to verify immigration status only for individuals actually arrested. It

is noted in public Prince William County Police Department documents that police

officers still have the discretion (author’s emphasis) to verify immigration status under

almost any circumstances (Prince William County Police Department, 2009).

According to Washington Post reporter Nick Miroff, the Prince William County

Board of Supervisors’ hearing before the vote on the new immigration policy drew

the most people a hearing ever had in Prince William County history. Miroff

reported that a very heated, emotional dialogue occurred, and that many legal

immigrants were afraid of what would happen to them if the resolution passed.

Accusations of racism, elitism, and xenophobia flew from one side of the argument,

while claims that illegal immigrants abused weak immigration laws, increased

violent crime, and used county services they did not pay for flew from the other side

(Miroff, 2007a).

Since the new policy was voted in, the national economy declined, Prince William

County has had the highest foreclosure rate in Virginia (Gharib, 2008), and, from

anecdotal evidence, thousands of Hispanics left Prince William County (Mack, 2009).
Hispanic and African-Americans surveyed about the Prince William County Police

Department voiced their dissatisfaction, and Police Chief Deane attributed this reaction to

the new immigration policy. Finally, in an interview a year and half after the controversy

began, Chairman of the Prince William County Board of Supervisors Corey Stewart

openly admitted that the immigration vote was more about stirring up strong emotions

than creating sound policy (Mack, 2009).

Unemployment, Crime, and Illegal Immigrants

A few facts help focus the reality of illegal immigrants and their economic effect

on Prince William County. First of all, overall unemployment in Prince William County

has been one of the lowest in the nation since 1990, even during the current economic

downturn. Prince William County and Fairfax County, which bears demographic

similarities to Prince William County, both have annual unemployment rates that are

consistently lower by one to two percent than the state of Virginia’s average ,and often

four percent lower than the U. S. average (see Fig. 1, Appendix B, p.24). Meanwhile,

median household incomes in Fairfax County and Prince William County during 2008

ranked number two and number sixteen in the nation respectively (see Table 6, Appendix

B, p.24). If illegal immigrants are taking jobs from legal residents of Prince William

County, it is hard for this researcher to find data that proves it.

As for crime and illegal immigrants, it is hard to ignore Butcher and Piehl’s

research comparing American men and immigrants when it comes to criminal activity.

They found that in California U.S.-born men, ages 18–40, have an

institutionalization rate that is 10 times higher than that of foreign-

born men. Further, they also studied crime rates from several
municipalities and found that crimes rates, especially violent crimes,

actually decreased when the immigrant population increased (2008).

Giving some corollary support to the California study are reports from the

American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) in North Carolina and from the Frederick

County, Maryland Sheriff’s Department. The ACLU reports that in Gaston County, North

Carolina, 83 percent of immigrants arrested by officers authorized to enforce immigrant

laws have been arrested for simple traffic violations (Weissman, Ivey, Headen, & Parker,

2009). In Frederick County, Maryland, officers trained for immigration duty have

arrested 285 foreigners in ten months, 262 for misdemeanors like driving without a

license and traffic offenses (92 percent). Only five of the immigrants arrested in

Frederick County are not Hispanic (Mcdonald, C. 2009).

Main Parties to the Immigration Conflict

The power players in the, Prince William County immigration conflict are the

board of county supervisors, particularly John Stirrup, Gainesville District Supervisor,

and Corey Stewart, chairman of the supervisor’s board. The resolution was Stirrup’s idea,

and Stewart helped him implement it. The seven other supervisors appear to have gone

along, by all reports. Next in line is Police chief Deane, who answers to the board. Last in

the line of influence is the community of native – born Whites, who are reported to have

demanded some action on illegal immigrants by the county board of supervisors (Miroff,

2007a & b). Local citizens hold significant power when their interests converge and they

can cooperate together in a large, active group: Board members and the police have

power individually and in numbers.

 Because they are not directly involved in changing the immigration policy in

Prince William County and they have no policing powers, advocates for a flexible

immigration policy more favorable to undocumented workers are the weaker side of the

conflict. They do have some political and financial resources and can argue in county

government and state legislatures for more rights for immigrant workers (Martin &

Johnson, 2007). Weakest of all are the illegal immigrants themselves, who have no legal

rights unless they are able to hide their illegality. Some of the legal and activist groups

advocating for immigrants in Virginia and Prince William County are the American

Immigration Lawyers Association (Miroff, 2007b), American Immigration Law

Foundation (Martin & Johnson, 2007), and Ayuda (Fitzgerald, 2008).

Root Causes of the Conflict

Cultural and Societal Security

Nick Miroff says thousands of undocumented migrants from Mexico and Central

America have moved to Prince William between 1997 and 2007, encouraged by

affordable housing and a boom in construction jobs (2007b). The Hispanic population in

PWC was already increasing in 1990 and had more than quadrupled by 2007.The

African-American population had almost doubled in the same time frame (see Table 3,

Appendix A). When the discourse from advocates of strict immigration laws is analyzed

alongside population data, a picture of lost territory and threatened culture comes into

view (see Table 1, p.8-9). Native–born Whites in PWC appear to have felt a threat to

their cultural values and social identity (Burton, 2009) (Tajfel, Billig, Bundy &

Flament,1971).
 The threat to their cultural and societal security gave the dominant White

population something to fear and get angry about, and it appears that local politicians

took advantage of the situation for political gain and power (Mack, 2009) . Stirrup made

immflamatory remarks such as calling illegal immigrants a drain on county services that

they did not pay taxes to support, and indicating that he would keep illegal immigrant’s

children out of public schools if he could. The education remark is particularly striking

since the question was settled in 1982 by the Supreme Court: all children go to school in

the United States, no matter who their parents may be (Miroff, 2007 b).

Social identity and cultural identity are said by Burton to be needs which human

beings must have to live, and that people are willing to suffer much in order to maintain

or gain these needs (1993).When the non-White population began increasing in Prince

William County in the 1990’s, and then increased by six-fold from roughly 1997 to 2007,

local native-born felt threatened and uneasy. You can hear it in their discourse (see Table

1). Statements like "I'm tired of pressing ‘1’ for English" on the phone” and “If we don’t

act on illegals, we are saying our language, our culture, our Constitution, our

neighborhoods and our flag are inconsequential. It is a price I do not care to pay," clearly

indicate threat, fear, and anger(Miroff, 2007a) regarding the “Other” (Tajfel, Billig,

Bundy & Flament,1971). (see Table 1, p.8-9).

On the immigrant side of the conflict, the discourse is also angry and fearful.

Statements such as : "How are we supposed to survive here?" and Your house will be like

a prison. People will be dying of fear (Miroff, 2007 a & b)" clearly indicate a perceived

threat, fear, and anger as well. Pruitt and Kim labeled this a contentious conflict, both
sides trying for some advantage to protect their interests and gain power (Pruitt & Kim ,

2004a).

Unemployment and Perceived Injustice

Considering the facts about unemployment and median household incomes in

Prince William County, it is clear that native-born Whites and others who have settled

have lived comfortably for some time. It is understandable that a threat to this well-being

would be taken seriously. However, it is unmistakably the legal residents of Prince

William County who have the power to create fear in any immigrants who may challenge

their cultural and social identities.

Another aspect of this conflict is the perspective on injustice from each side.

Deutsch named several types of perceived injustice, and the types predominant in the

Prince William County conflict appear to be distributive injustice, moral exclusion

injustice, retributive injustice, and a sense of injustice. Prince William natives think the

distribution of jobs, property, and cultural and social spaces, are being taken away by

immigrants. Natives morally exclude immigrants when they state that the county is not

responsible for immigrant children’s education or medical services. They seek retribution

for their sense of injustice by making restrictive immigration laws to keep the illegal

immigrants out (Deutsch, 2006).

Hispanic immigrants have many of the same perceptions and feelings. Why

shouldn’t they get a job if there are plenty to go around? The immigration laws keep good

workers away while not enough Americans want to work the hard jobs. Why shouldn’t

their children be able to go to school? A definite sense of injustice, anger, and fear of

retribution is voiced on the immigrant side of the issue (Deutsch, 2006)(see Table 1).
Table 1.
Discourse of Advocates for Strict
Immigration Policy in PCW
2007
John Stirrup, PWC District Supervisor:
a. Illegal immigration is causing
"economic hardship and lawlessness"
in Prince William. The measure "is the first
step towards taking back our
community."1."Citizens want action." 2
Table 1.cont.
b. "If they're here illegally, we have no
responsibility to educate them". 2
c. Stirrup was berated for a joke he made
to Corey Stewart in which Stirrup suggested
a "Hispanic flag" could be flown in
Woodbridge, which has a large Hispanic
community. 1
Sue Fleming, a member of the group
Help Save Manassas: “If we don’t act on
illegals, we are saying our language, our
culture, our Constitution, our
neighborhoods and our flag are
inconsequential. It is a price I do not care to
pay." 1
Chris King, Woodbridge resident: "I'm
tired of pressing ‘1’ for English" on the
phone. 1
Kris Kobach, a law professor and former
immigration adviser to U.S. Attorney
General John D. Ashcroft: The resolution is
not "extraordinary." 2
John Stirrup, PWC District Supervisor:
“These people, being in the United States
illegally are, in fact, criminals.” 4
Discourse of Advocates for Flexible
Immigration Policy in PCW
2007
Gregorio Calderón, a legal U.S. resident
from El Salvador: "How are we supposed
to survive here?" asked "They're going to
pull me over just for being Hispanic." 1
Hank Azais, whose business caters to
Hispanics: Immigrants "have built our
homes; they have built our roads." 1
Harry Wiggins, a Lake Ridge resident:
"Prince William County does not have to
become the racist capital of America." 1
Millie, moved to Prince William 14
years and stayed illegally: "I don't know
how people will live in this country. Your
house will be like a prison. People will be
dying of fear." 2
Kathleen Walker, president of the
American Immigration Lawyers
Association: Denying immigrant children
entry into public schools would violate the
1982 Supreme Court decision Plyler v.
Doe, which prohibits states from denying
education to undocumented immigrants”.2
Tulio Diaz, a native of Puerto Rico who
has lived in PWC since 1972:"It's an
election year, and it's a great wedge issue,"
he said. "So who do you pick on?" 2
Ben Johnson, executive director for the
American Immigration Law
Foundation: almost all public benefits in
 the United States already.”4

Sources:1 Miroff, N.;(2007a); 2 Miroff, N. (2007 b) 3 Mack, K.( 2009);4 Martin, M. & Johnson, B. (2007).

Ironically, it was apparently the failing economy that has brought some of the

anti-immigrant fervor to a quiet murmur for a while. In the public discourse of Corey

Stewart and others on both sides of the issue, there seems to be agreement that the county

board of supervisors acted too vigorously. When Stewart says, “The debate about illegal

immigration is over,” it is a little hard to understand after the time, energy, and resources

it took to get the policy implemented in the first place(see Table 2 below).

Table 2.
Discourse of Advocates for Strict Discourse of Advocates for Flexible
Immigration Policy in PCW Immigration Policy in PCW
2009 2009

Corey Stewart, Chairman of PWC Board of

Supervisors:
a. “My mindset has changed a little bit.
When you’re a district supervisor, it’s easy
to be a bomb thrower and not worry about
the consequences. I have to be a consensus
builder now.” 3
b. "I know [Police Chief Deane] has
lingering angst about [the immigration
policy]. The debate about illegal
immigration is over.(Author’s emphasis)" 3
Claire Gastañaga, immigrant group
representative: The 2007 legislative races
in Virginia confirmed that illegal
immigration is not a "magic carpet you can
ride into office. Many of the folks who
were carrying the measures realized it
wasn't to their political benefit." 3

Maureen S. Caddigan, PWC District

Supervisor: "There are no positions for
[Stewart] to run for, so it's a good time to
work together and govern."3
Table 2. cont.

Supervisor John D.Jenkins: "Corey was so

badly damaged politically because of his
actions on immigration," "He is trying to
put that tarnished image away”. 3
Sources: 1 Miroff, N. (2007 a); 2 Miroff, N. (2007 b); 3 Mack, K.( 2009)
4
Martin, M. & Johnson, B. (2007).

This conflict is based on significant identity issues and could easily flare up again,

or could be manipulated to do so by motivated parties. Steps can be taken to assimilate

immigrants more into Prince William’s native-born population while at the same time the

local citizens gain some appreciation for their new neighbors. Dave Gorak, Executive

Director of the Midwest Coalition to Reduce Immigration, gave his opinion on Mark

Fisher’s Washington Post website. He wrote,” Eleven million Americans cannot find full-

time jobs at the same time seven million illegals are permitted to remain in our work

force. I'd say that still makes illegal immigration a "big issue (2009).” Advocates for new

immigrants should not ignore Mr.Gorak’s opinion , but should respect it by continuing to

explore the most constructive ways to bring the immigrants out of conflict with local

citizenry.

Conflict Resolution: A Process

Saunders stated that “public dialogues are important and effective for

understanding and changing relationships between conflicting parties, and changing

narrow thinking such as stereotypes. Unofficial public discourse can also influence

adversaries acceptance of each others identities(1996).” In 2008, Fairfax County Police

Chief David M. Rohrer was honored for his continuing efforts to maintain close

communication throughout the Hispanic communities he oversees. The immigrant

advocacy group Ayuda, during their 35th anniversary celebration, honored Chief Rohrer

for his “sound and just policies to protect all residents of Fairfax County, including
vulnerable immigrant victims of crime. "I don't believe we should be involved in

everyday immigration enforcement, “ said Rohrer, “My Board of Supervisors believes

the same as I do. We target behaviors (Fitzgerald).”

As noted before, Prince William County and Fairfax County share similar

demographics. They are approximately the same size, 360 square miles and 395 square

miles respectively (Prince William County Government, 2009)( Fairfax County

Government, 2009) and have similar unemployment rates (see Fig. 1, Appendix B, p.

24).They also both enjoy higher than average median household incomes (see Table 6,

Appendix B, p. 24) and have significant immigrant populations (see Tables 3 & 4,

Appendix A, p. 22). Fairfax County is more of an inner suburb and has a population

about two and half times that of Prince William: So, even though Prince William has a

higher percentage of non-Whites, Fairfax County has higher numbers of non-whites due

to its density.

Prince William County experienced a significantly larger and more rapid rise in

Hispanic residents from 1997 to 2007 than Fairfax County. Prince William County

residents who felt threatened by immigrants may have been alarmed by the perception of

a non-native culture that seemed to be sweeping away their own American identity. It is

important to note that perceptions, not facts, are the basis for the emotional turmoil of the

immigration conflict. Non-adherence to these perceptions and stereotypes may be one

way to start changing the “Us vs. Them” mentality that accompanies cultural and social

identity conflicts (Burton, 1993; Tajfel, Billig, Bundy & Flament,1971).

One place where Hispanics and other immigrants are being trusted, respected, and

depended upon in earnest right now is in the American military services. Miriam Kagan
has reported that while Hispanic soldiers account for nine and a half percent of active

enlisted forces, they make up seventeen and a half percent of frontline forces in Iraq.

Since George Bush signed an executive order on July 2, 2002, foreign-born individuals

have been able to apply for “fast-track” ´citizenship if they serve in the U.S. military

(2003). In 2008, the U.S. Citizen and Immigration Services reported that it had

naturalized 41,00 members of the armed services since “the beginning of the War on

Terror”.

People who have served in the military, especially those who have endured

combat, have a natural affinity with one another across cultural barriers. This would seem

like a good starting point for creating trust and understanding between non-native citizens

and the dominant White culture in Prince William County. Using constructive

communication models like those proposed by Fisher-Yoshida and Wasserman, veterans

across cultures and social identities could begin with sharing war stories and be

encouraged by facilitators, in an appropriate time frame, to share personal histories about

their families, beliefs, and values (2006).Using constructive teaching methods suggested

by Gray, these veterans could create their own system of understanding each other and

the world around them. At some point they could begin the creation of their own groups’

shared narrative (1997).

The Prince William County Government lists nine veteran’s clubs or chapters

operating in the county by The American Legion, Veterans of foreign Wars, and Disabled

American Veterans (1999). The Hispanic veteran’s organization, The American GI

Forum, operates its national chapter in nearby Washington, DC. The American GI Forum

has over 60 years of experience advocating for Hispanic veterans and Hispanic
immigrants, and could be a significant factor in creating cross-cultural understanding in

Prince William County (2008).

Recommendations for further resolution actions are listed in Appendix A, page

20. The researcher recommends concentrating on the veteran’s affinity for establishing

trust and friendship first. There is no timeline attached to this activity: Veterans involved

should be facilitated in exploring their histories with each other until the sharing feels

comfortable and meaningful.

Limitations and the Future

This research applies to the Prince William County immigration conflict and may

not generalize well to other conflicts. The discourse data used to ascertain main parties to

the conflict and identify interests and perceived threat has not been collected by scientific

standards and is not quantifiable. It serves a qualitative purpose only, and is subjective

due to self-selection of participants in interviews and strong emotional content. A more

rigorous survey method would be quite useful for future study of this and other

immigration conflicts.

This study of the immigration dispute in Prince William County is based on

previous research by conflict and communication scholars, including Pruitt and Kim,

Deutsch, Burton, Fisher-Yoshida and Wasserman, and Gray. It has examined discourse

constructs created by the native-born White culture and Hispanic immigrant culture that

have perpetuated biased perceptions in both groups. Both groups in this conflict would

benefit from getting to know and understand each other in a non-hostile atmosphere.

If the resolution plan is carried out as suggested, successful bonding across

cultural boundaries could begin from veterans groups and branch further into both White
natives and Hispanic communities through the public school system and other social

activities. An important part of this plan is for immigrants to understand and be aware of

their ability to instill fear into the dominant white population. This is perhaps an often

overlooked potential for empowering immigrants if the power can be wielded in a

positive, constructive way.

Finally, this conflict highlights the powerful nature of political leadership to

“divide and conquer”. Racism, “Us vs. Them” boundaries, xenophobia, and identity

politics appear to have been used solely for a political advantage by chairman Stewart –

and manipulated skillfully by supervisor Stirrup. Creating stronger bonds between

immigrant and native peoples in Prince William County could have the added benefit of

a meaningful public debate without interference from political leaders.

.

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IMMIGRATION CONFLICT IN PRINCE WILLIAM 22

APPENDIX A

Recommendations for the Resolution Process

1. Begin with getting veterans together to share war stories, stories of military life,

and then personal family history. In the short term, this can provide an opening

for Hispanics and non-Hispanics and to build some trust and bonding already

endemic to military groups. In the long-term, it can encourage real friendship,

respect, and concern for the the “Other,” culture. The ideal is that identities and

value systems may be accepted, tolerated, and recognized across group

boundaries.

2. Long-time immigrants can work with new immigrants and help integrate them

into the local school system, where teachers will almost certainly appreciate the

involvement and assistance from immigrant families. .

3 Understanding attitudes of native-born Americans in PCW and accepting them

without hatred and fear would be very beneficial for all immigrants. Are new

immigrants aware of the fear and anxiety their presence creates in the minds of

the dominant culture? Are they aware that in some ways this is a source of power?

Further, are they aware of the powerful changes they can exert when they break

ethnic / racial stereotypes in their interactions with native-born Americans? This

may sound like a bit of popular reverse psychology, but it can also be a way to

frame relationships in a new light that eventually empowers both native and non-

native-born Americans to look at “Americanism”in a multi-cultural perspective.

4. Encourage new immigrants to be cooperative and friendly with local law

enforcement. From Police Chief Rohrer’s experience, we can see that this kind of

attitude is appreciated and recognized for its valuable contribution to protecting

Hispanic neighborhoods and other communities as a whole.

5. Finally, new and longtime immigrants need help in understanding the strengths

and weaknesses of their various positions. Native-born Whites still hold the most

political and economic power in PWC, and learning how to work and prosper

with that situation is an important part to living well in PWC.

 APPENDIX B

Table 3. Percentage of Population by Race and Ethnicity,

Prince William County,Virginia, 1990 – 2007

1990 2000 2007

% of Total % of Total % of Total
White 83.3% 68.9% 59.7%
Black/African 11.6% 18.8% 19.7%
American
Asian/Pacific 3.0% 3.9% 7.1%
Islander
Hispanic Origin 4.5% 9.7% 19.2%
(any race)

1990 2000 2007

% of Total % of Total % of Total
White 81.3% 69.9% 66.5%
Black/African 7.7% 8.6% 9.5%
American
Asian/Pacific 16.1% 13.1% 7.1%
Islander
Hispanic Origin 6.3% 11.0% 13.6%
(any race)

Sources: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, 1990 Census

of Population and Housing, STF 1A; Census 2000 Summary File 1;
2007 American Community Survey.
Note: Percentages may not add to 100 due to rounding and unrepresented populations.

Table 4. Percentage of Population by Race and Ethnicity,

Fairfax County, Virginia, 1990 – 2007
Source: Fairfax County Government (2009). Economic and Demographic Information.
http://www.fairfaxcounty.gov/demogrph/gendemo.htm
Note: Percentages may not add to 100 due to rounding and unrepresented populations.
 APPENDIX B

Table 5. Race and Ethnicity by Number & Percentage of Total Population in 2007

White Total Non- African- Hispanic/ Asian/

White American Latino Pacific
Islander
Prince 234, 561 158, 338 77, 401 75, 436 27, 895
William 59.7 % 40.3 % 19.7% 19.2% 7.1%
County
Total:
392, 900
Fairfax 692, 602 348, 569 98, 943 141, 644 167, 682
County 66.5% 33.5% 9.5% 13.6% 16.1%
Total:
1, 041, 507

Difference 458, 041 190, 231 21, 542 66, 208 139, 787
Difference 6.8% 6.8% 10.2% 5.6% 9.0%

SourceS: Fairfax County Government (2009). Economic and Demographic Information.

http://www.fairfaxcounty.gov/demogrph/gendemo.htmSources: U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of
the Census, 1990 Census of Population and Housing, STF 1A; Census 2000 Summary File 1;
2007 American Community Survey.
Note: Percentages may not add to 100 due to rounding and unrepresented populations

.
 Appendix B

Table 6. Median Household Income, Prince William & Fairfax County, Virginia, 2008.

Fairfax County $110, 000 #2 in the nation

Prince William County $88, 724 #16 in the nation

Source: Median Household Income, Top 20 Counties in the United States, 2008.
http://www.pwcgov.org/docLibrary/PDF/10978.pdf

Fairfax Co.

Figure 1. Average Annual Unemployment Rates 1990-2008, Prince William County,

Virginia, United States. Fairfax County, Virginia 2000-2008
Source for Prince William County, Virginia, and United States: Virginia Employment Commission. LAUS
data. http://www.pwcgov.org/docLibrary/PDF/10387.pdf

Source for Fairfax County: Fairfax County Economic Indicators, June 2009.
http://www.fairfaxcounty.gov/economic/economic_indicators.htm

Note: Fairfax County data added by author.