Islam and the Olympics:

seeking a host city

in the Muslim world
Kasim Randeree
BT Centre for Major Programme Management & Oxford University Centre for
Corporate Reputation, Sa d Business School & Kellogg College,
University of Oxford, Oxford, UK
Abstract
Purpose Awarding the Olympic Games to a host city in the Muslim world would send a clear
indication from member nations of the International Olympic Committee of a desire by the
international community to engage with Muslim nations on a level that transcends sport. The purpose
of this paper, therefore, is to answer the question: will a city in the Muslim world ever become host to
the greatest sporting spectacle on Earth, and, if so, which is most likely to receive it, when and why?
Design/methodology/approach To gauge the potential of cities in the Muslim world hosting the
Olympics Games, the approach of the paper is to examine the merits of former host cities and then
qualitatively comparing these with member countries of the Organisation of Islamic Conference which
have a majority Muslim population.
Findings The research ndings indicate that there are ve cities in the Muslim world, at least one
of which is likely to be awarded one of the coming six Summer Olympic Games between the years 2020
and 2040.
Research limitations/implications The broader implications of the study are that, in examining
Muslim nations of the world from the point of view of mega-event management on a global scale, their
development and advancement capability in the modern world can be probed.
Originality/value In the absence of any other published study on the subject, this paper would
open a discourse that would be of value to scholars and interested parties in diverse elds such as
major programme management, Islamic studies, international politics, economics and international
development.
Keywords Islam, Muslim, Olympic Games, Mega events, International Olympic Committee,
Organization of Islamic Conference, Sporting events, Political science
Paper type Research paper
1. Introduction
Understanding the Islamic world has been regarded from a Western perspective as
necessary for varying reasons throughout the last millennium up to the present day.
Conquest, governance, exploitation and most recently engagement have been primary
motivators (Ramadan, 2007). In modern times, sport, and in particular the Olympic
Games, has been one mechanism for promoting engagement (Carroll and Hollinshead,
1993) with politically and ideologically hostile nations from a Western perspective,
with communist and fascist regimes being prominent examples. Recently, in a
post-9/11 world, with an emphasis by the west on promoting moderation within
Muslim societies across the globe (Akhavi, 2003; Esposito, 2005; Rehman, 2005),
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at
www.emeraldinsight.com/1753-8394.htm
The author would like to thank Santander and British Telecom for their support of this research.
Islam and
the Olympics
211
International Journal of Islamic and
Middle Eastern Finance and
Management
Vol. 4 No. 3, 2011
pp. 211-226
qEmerald Group Publishing Limited
1753-8394
DOI 10.1108/17538391111166458
it is important that the world soon witnesses an Olympic Games hosted by a city in the
Muslim world.
For the host city too, there are potential and lasting social and economic gains to
hosting the games, including global marketing opportunities, infrastructure
development, travel and tourism, urban regeneration programmes and city
re-branding (Berg, 2008; Gold and Gold, 2008).
This paper thus examines the possibility of a Muslim host city for the Olympics for
two reasons. First, examining the potential of hosting a global mega-event provides
insights on developmental characteristics of a city and nation. An examination into
political, historic, cultural, economic and other issues is useful in gauging the progress
of the Muslimworld in comparison to other developed nations. Second, the awarding of
an Olympic Games to a city in the Muslim world sends a clear indication of a desire to
engage with it and, in the absence of any published study on the subject, this paper
would open a discourse that would be of value to scholars and interested parties in
diverse elds such as Islam, international politics, sport, economics, international
development and beyond.
2. Historical purpose of the Olympics
In modern times, the Olympic Games, as with other mega-events to lesser degrees, such
as the FIFA World Cup football tournament, appear to have been dened by city
marketing, the demand for a sustainable legacy, nationalismand political issues, rather
than sport. As Berg (2008, p. 15) points out, sport may be the style of the Olympics,
but nationalism and geo-politics are (its) content. It is unclear at what historical point
sport did become a sideline issue for the Olympics. Legend has it that the ancient
games began with ve brother-gods in Olympia who were merely seeking recreation.
The eldest brother duly contrived running races with the winner awarded a crown of
leaves (Papantoniou, 2008, p. 33), thus introducing the element of competition, often
found between brothers of lesser deity. This spirit of recreation and sporting
competition, should be, but is certainly not the raison de tre of the Olympics today.
The founder of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) and instigator of the
modern Olympic Games, beginning with the 1896 games, Pierre de Coubertin, clearly
articulated the doctrinal vision of universality as the cornerstone of the Olympic
movement. Though, on the surface a noble sentiment, in practice, universalism meant
that the absence of any form of discrimination and the assumption of universal ethical
and moral equivalency, resulted in dictatorial communist and fascist regimes being
awarded the games, to whom the success of their bids translated to being a green light
to propagate their political agendas on a world stage (Berg, 2008, p. 16). These include,
most infamously, Nazi Germany (host city Berlin in, 1936), as well as more recently the
Soviet Union (Moscow, 1980) and China (Beijing, 2008). It can be argued that although
these nations are representative of objectionable values at the time of hosting the
games, their future was altogether different. Germany and Russia are now democratic
nations with elected representation of their people. Though a direct link between
hosting mega-events and political change is tenuous and cannot be substantiated,
the global exposure hosting the Olympics provides can be a contributing factor to the
shifting sands of political movement in the longer term (Westerbeek, 2009).
Thus, an argument for moderation and liberality within Muslim nations would likely
be a covert underlying message to the Muslim world in selecting a host city within it.
IMEFM
4,3
212
For democratic nations, Olympic critics focus on political agendas of governments
and individuals, with the games being used as a tool to give prominence to their
hallmark cities on a world stage. Though long-term economic benets are
questionable, short-term attention-seeking strategies appear to be the main goal
(Matheson, 2002). Examples of host cities proclaiming a strategy of long-term economic
benet include the Rome (host of the 1960 games), Munich (1972), Los Angeles (1984)
and Barcelona (1992), all of which delivered notably successful infrastructure and
urban regeneration programmes (Pitsis et al., 2003); the Sydney games (2000), which
emphasised drawing increased future revenue from tourism (Berg, 2008, p. 17; Eager,
1997); and London (2012) which has its accent on urban regeneration and city
re-branding (Gold and Gold, 2008, p. 300).
Another feature of the Olympics very pertinent to the Islamic world is that of
terrorism and security. The grandiose scale of the Olympic Games in recent years has
increasingly attracted two main challenges to its security. The rst is as a consequence
of public demonstration and the second resulting from the threat of terrorism.
The Tlatelolco Massacre, which occurred during a student protest for greater human
rights prior to the Mexico City Olympics of 1968, resulted in approximately 300 people
being killed (Berg, 2008, p. 17). Demonstrations in the run up to the Beijing Olympics of
2008 included human rights and pro-Tibetan independence protests which marred the
Torch Lighting Ceremony in Athens as well as numerous legs of the torch relay
around the globe. There were also counter demonstrations from pro-Chinese activists,
in addition to demonstrations by the Chinese Muslim Uyghur population in Xinjiang
province for greater autonomy and greater religious freedom. Munich saw the rst
instance of international terrorism at the Olympic Games in the form of hostage taking
(Gold and Gold, 2008, p. 305). A pro-Palestinian group took 11 Israeli athletes and
ofcials hostage inside the Olympic Village during the games. In a bungled attempt at
rescue by poorly trained West German police, all 11 hostages were killed along with
ve of the eight hostage takers and one police ofcer. This incident reected very
badly on Olympic organisers as they were seen to be negligent in preparations for such
an eventuality. In the case of the Munich massacre, inaccurate initial reports of all
terrorists being killed and all hostages surviving the ordeal only served to exacerbate
the harm to the reputation of the organisers.
3. The Olympics and Muslim nations
The mythology surrounding the ancient Olympiad raises controversy and debate
amongst Muslims as to its acceptability and relevance from the perspective of Islamic
tradition. This is due to the pagan and polytheistic foundation of the tradition which
envelops the history of the games coming into conict with the monotheistic tradition of
Islam, which is seen by Muslims as being sacrosanct. Much of the Olympic tradition
preserved as part of the ceremony during the Olympics is a reection of this conicting
tradition which many Muslims nd contravene their own beliefs to the extent
of negating participation. However, this sentiment is largely articulated on an
individualistic level, but there is growing interest amongst the nations of the Muslim
world vis-a` -vis partaking in global sporting events, both as event participants
represented through an Olympic team and establishing a National Olympic Committee,
as well as aspiring to put forward potential host cities. The general viewof the Olympics
is therefore participatory and positive, with Muslim nations having a long history
Islam and
the Olympics
213
of involvement and, more recently, entering bidding contests to host future games. The
Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC) themselves, also recognising the importance
of sport to development, whilst attempting to balance Islamic conservatism preventing
female participants from entering other global events or public sporting activities,
began a multinational, multi-sport event of its own in Saudi Arabia in 2005, called the
Islamic Solidarity Games. The event was envisaged to run every four years, though Iran
is due to be the next host in 2010, following a ve-year gap. Additionally, Iran continues
to host the Womens Islamic Games, with four games having been held since 1993. The
popularity of these games has steadily increased, from only ten participating OIC
member nations in 1993, to 44 nations in the latest games held in 2005.
4. Methodology
The methodological framework of the research is exploratory and followed
a process-based method for shortlisting candidate Muslim cities as shown in Figure 1.
5. Results and analysis
5.1 Organization of Islamic Conference
There are 56 Member States of the OIC, which has its headquarters in Jeddah,
Saudi Arabia. Member countries have Muslim populations of a minimum 10 per cent.
Table I lists only those countries which have majority Muslim populations
Figure 1.
Process ow diagram for
method of potential host
city selection in the
Muslim world
Member nations of OIC
Olympic host city data
from 1960 to 2016
Shortlist of OIC nations
on lessons from previous
games
Analysis of OIC nation
shortlist against selected
criteria
Selected Muslim host
cities for 2020 to 2040
Olympic bids
IMEFM
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214
Country
Total
population
Muslim
(%)
Religion and
state Type of government
Saudi Arabia 27,601,038 100 Islamic state Absolute monarchy
Maldives 350,000 100 State religion Presidential republic
Mauritania 3,124,000 99.99 Islamic state Military junta
Somalia 9,558,666 99.9 State religion Coalition government
Turkey 71,517,100 99.8 Secular Parliamentary democracy
Algeria 33,769,669 99 State religion Presidential republic
Afghanistan 32,738,376 99 Islamic state Presidential republic
Morocco 33,723,418 99 State religion Constitutional monarchy
Yemen 23,013,376 99 Islamic state Presidential republic
Iran 70,495,782 98 Islamic state Presidential republic
Tunisia 10,383,577 98 State religion Presidential republic
Comoros 798,000 98 State religion Federal republic
Pakistan 172,800,000 97 Islamic state Semi-presidential republic
Iraq 28,221,181 97 State religion Parliamentary democracy
Tajikistan 7,215,700 97 Secular Presidential republic
Libya 6,173,579 97 State religion Jamahiriya Revolution
Jordan 5,568,565 95 state religion Constitutional monarchy
Senegal 11,658,000 94 Secular Semi-presidential republic
Djibouti 496,374 94 Secular Semi-presidential republic
Azerbaijan 8,676,000 93.4 Secular Presidential republic
Oman 2,577,000 93 State religion Absolute monarchy
Egypt 77,100,000 90 State religion Semi-presidential republic
Syria 19,405,000 90 None Authoritarian republic
Niger 13,272,679 90 Secular Parliamentary democracy
Mali 11,995,402 90 Secular Semi-presidential republic
The Gambia 1,700,000 90 Secular Presidential republic
Bangladesh 162,221,000 89 State Religion Parliamentary democracy
Turkmenistan 5,110,023 89 Secular Parliamentary republic
Uzbekistan 27,372,000 88 Secular Presidential republic
Indonesia 228,582,000 86.1 None Presidential republic
Guinea 10,211,437 85 Secular Military junta
Kuwait 3,399,637 85 State religion Constitutional monarchy
Bahrain 1,046,814 81 State religion Constitutional monarchy
Albania 3,170,048 79.9 None Parliamentary republic
Qatar 744,029 77.5 State religion Absolute monarchy
United Arab
Emirates
5,432,746 76 State religion Federal constitutional monarchy
Kyrgyzstan 5,356,869 75 Secular Semi-presidential republic
Sudan 39,379,358 70 None Authoritarian republic
Brunei 381,371 67 State religion Absolute monarchy
Malaysia 27,730,000 60.4 State religion Parliamentary democracy and elective
monarchy
Sierra Leone 6,294,774 60 None Presidential republic
Lebanon 4,196,453 60 None Parliamentary democracy
Kazakhstan 15,217,711 57 Secular Presidential republic
Chad 5,041,690 54 Secular Presidential republic
Nigeria 154,279,000 50 None Presidential federal republic
Burkina Faso 13,228,000 50 Secular Semi-presidential republic
Table I.
List of majority Muslim
countries (ranked by
Muslim population as
percentage of total
population) which are
member states of the OIC
Islam and
the Olympics
215
(50 per cent or more) and are member states of the OIC. Population and governance data
are also included. Additionally, the Palestinianauthority is also a member of the OIC, but
Kosovo, which was supported in its independence movement by the OIC, is not yet a
member state.
5.2 Olympic host city bid successes since 1960 and OIC shortlist
To examine the possibility of a city from the Muslim world hosting the Olympic
Games, I have rst examined past history of the modern Olympics, and have
researched host cities and criteria by which selection chances are amplied. Thus, by
applying key factors for becoming a host city for the Olympic Games to the OIC list of
Muslim member countries, nations which are unsuitable can be eliminated from their
list. Sufcient development to fund the necessary infrastructural requirements that the
Olympic Games demands is rst and foremost.
According to the most recent selection process, that for the 2016 games, eventually
awarded to Rio de Janeiro, the IOC apply 11 technical criteria to select an Olympic host
city, namely, government support; infrastructure; sporting venues; planned Olympic
village; environmental conditions and impact; accommodation; transport plan; safety
and security; past events experience; nance; and overall project and legacy (IOC, 2009).
In terms of the process of selection, host cities wishing to bid, prepare their bids typically
a minimumof three years prior to the IOC decision. The decision itself is approximately
seven years prior to the games. Thus, a decade or more is committed by a host city in
preparing a bid, being award the games, and actually hosting the event (Hasan, 1999).
Table II shows scal statistics for host nations of the Summer Olympics from 1960.
Though these are all 2008 statistics, they provide a reasonable benchmark of national
development and indicate the general level of economic stability (Mules, 2005).
Consequently, under-developed and developing nations below historic success
thresholds can be eliminated from the OIC list as unsuitable to host the games, as it
can be reasonably assumed that nancial guarantees demanded by the IOCwould not be
forthcoming. Based on this, and using the lowest approximate value from previous
games, nations with per capita GDP below US$3,000 (similar to China who hosted
Country Host city Olympic year
GDP
(PPP) per capita (US$)
GDP
(millions of US$)
Italy Rome 1960 38,996 2,313,893
Japan Tokyo 1964 38,457 4,910,692
Mexico Mexico City 1968 10,200 1,088,128
Germany Munich 1972 44,729 3,673,105
Canada Montreal 1976 45,085 1,499,551
USSR/Russia Moscow 1980 11,807 1,676,586
USA Los Angeles, Atlanta 1984, 1996 47,440 14,441,425
South Korea Seoul 1988 19,136 929,124
Spain Barcelona 1992 35,117 1,601,964
Australia Sydney 2000 46,824 1,013,461
Greece Athens 2004 32,105 357,548
China Beijing 2008 3,259 4,327,448
Great Britain London 2012 43,734 2,680,000
Brazil Rio de Janeiro 2016 8,295 1,572,839
Table II.
List of countries to have
hosted the Summer
Olympics with
corresponding host cities,
GDP (nominal) per capita
and GDP (nominal) based
on IMF and World Bank
2008 statistics
IMEFM
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216
the 2008 games in Beijing) and GDP below US$350,000 million (similar to Greece
(Nixon, 2005) who hosted the 2004 games in Athens), results in 21 member nations from
the OIC being removed.
Furthermore, other OIC member nations have been removed due to a variety of other
reasons. Iraq has been removed as, due to recent wars, security and poor infrastructure,
it will likely take decades to reach standards required. Saudi Arabia is also not
shortlisted, as religious conservatism will impede hosting public events with the
participation of women and broader media issues would be too restrictive; Syria and
Iran both have long-standing political tensions with Israel and USA, particularly on the
issues of Palestine, Lebanon, Hezbollah, nuclear proliferation and disputed territories
such as the Golan Heights, which will likely negate IOC condence for the foreseeable
future. However, Iran, with a solid history of participation in the Olympics and strong
historical and cultural signicance, remains in the list for further analysis. Bahrain and
Maldives are inadequate in size (665 and 300 km
2
, respectively) to host the games.
Though Bahrain has successfully hosted a Formula 1 motor sport race annually since
2004, this global event is a single event with comparatively limited impact. The
Maldives, which is topographically the lowest country on the planet, consequently
suffers from environmental issues, most widely publicised being the catastrophic
Tsunami in 2004. Maldives is thus not a viable host option, though scally more stable
than others already rejected from the OIC list. The majority of this nation of atolls will
likely disappear over the course of this century and the current priority of the
government of the Maldives is to actively seek the purchase of land elsewhere, in order
to relocate the nations inhabitants. I have also excluded nations who have no
substantive Olympic record, in that they have never won a single medal at the Olympics.
These additional nations are Albania, Brunei, Oman, Jordan, Turkmenistan and Libya.
5.3 Analysis of shortlist candidate cities and nal selection
Analysing and deconstructing the technical criteria for selecting a host city by the IOC,
listed earlier, can nowbe done in the context of the remaining Muslimcountries and their
likely bidding cities. Factors that indicate possible success in bidding include whether or
not a potential host city has a past history of bidding, though it is reassuring to some
Muslim hosts that have not bid previously, that ve out of the last six cities to have
hosted the Olympic Games won on their rst bid attempt. Other factors are the cultural
and historical signicance of the host city and/or country; political stability; social
stability including religious freedom, racial equality, human rights, equality of women
and non-discrimination; security risk based on recent history; the existence of sporting,
transportation and hospitality infrastructure upon which a bid can be built; a history of
hosting other mega-events, either regional or global and the outcome of them. The nal
factor included in the list is provision of a public scal guarantee. Owing to rising costs
of hosting the games, coupled with interest at an international level, the IOC cannot,
more than ever, risk failure in the delivery of an Olympic Games. Consequently, the
committee decided that governments must act as nancial guarantor when a city bids to
host the Olympics (Lenskyj, 2004, p. 370). These factors are not exhaustive, but provide
indicators as to the likelihood of success by a Muslimnation to bid for one of its cities to
host the games in the near future. Applying all the measures and eliminations described,
an analysis of all the remaining 14 member nations of the OIC based on the criteria
outlined is given in Table III.
Islam and
the Olympics
217
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s(
c
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d
)
Table III.
Selection of potential host
nations (cities) for the
Olympic Games from
majority Muslim
countries (ranked by total
population) based on key
measures
IMEFM
4,3
218
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c
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Table III.
Islam and
the Olympics
219
C
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M
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a
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K
u
a
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a
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r
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a

1
1
g
a
m
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4
m
e
d
a
l
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s
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d
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l
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n
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(
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9
5
7
)
M
u
l
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m
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(
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1
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0
3
)
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h
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1
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9
4
)
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A
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9
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0
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3
1
5
2
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7
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6
G
o
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d
p
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t
e
n
t
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a
l
(
c
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n
t
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d
)
Table III.
IMEFM
4,3
220
C
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n
t
r
y
(
b
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d
d
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g
c
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t
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)
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D
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(
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P
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)
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a
(
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$
)
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D
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(
m
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(
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a
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a

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B
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r
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3
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6
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(
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d
)
Table III.
Islam and
the Olympics
221
C
o
u
n
t
r
y
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b
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d
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m
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m
t
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r
m
(
c
o
n
t
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n
u
e
d
)
Table III.
IMEFM
4,3
222
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n
t
r
y
(
b
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n
g
c
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t
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)
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c
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Table III.
Islam and
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223
Former bidding cities from the Muslim world are limited. Notably, Istanbul with four
bids has had the greatest number of unsuccessful bids in Olympic history. It is possible
that the unsuccessful bids of Baku and Doha for the 2016 Olympic Games may have
been intended purely for exposure and the establishment of a bidding history before
embarking on serious attempts in the future, rather than a serious expectation of
award. However, Istanbul and Doha once again, together with Dubai and Rabat, are all
developing bids for the 2020 games, a decision on which is expected in 2013. The IOC
has indicated a desire for an African host city in that year and, should they add the
nations of the Arabian Peninsula, the stakes could not be higher.
From the analysis detailed in Table III, ten cities have a favourable chance of
success in the next six bidding contests to host the Olympic Games (though others may
emerge in time). These are the three Persian Gulf (Asian) cities of Doha, Kuwait City
and Dubai; the three African cities of Cairo, Rabat and Tunis; the two (further) Asian
cities of Almaty and Kuala Lumpur and the two Eurasian cities of Baku and Istanbul.
Five of these cities show the strongest evidence of potential success. Istanbul
potentially is the most promising host city for the Olympics. Its major drawbacks are
terrorism, the geo-politics of a divided Cyprus and, to comparatively lesser degrees,
infrastructure and nance (Nielson, 1992). The strength of Turkeys participation in
earlier Olympic Games, coupled with Istanbuls long bidding history, means the IOC
may wish to prioritise Turkey and wait for them to alleviate their problems and obtain
EU membership before awarding them the rst games in the Muslim world.
If, however, the IOC is not inclined to wait, a Persian Gulf city is the next likely
recipient in the Muslim world, based on this analysis, of hosting the games. Doha,
which bid to host the 2016 games, failed, in part, due to it wishing to host the event in
late October (Doha 2016 Olympic Bid Committee, 2008), as opposed to the traditional
summer months, as its summertime temperatures can soar to up to 508C. Though the
bidding committee for Doha emphasised that hosting the games later in the year is not
without precedent, with Melbourne (1956), Tokyo (1964) and Mexico City (1968) all
hosting their games between October and December, these games pre-date the times
when television rights and global audiences became of paramount importance. It is,
along with Dubai, likely to bid for the 2020 games, with an assurance for holding the
games during the more traditional summer months, with promises of
temperature-controlled venues. Both cities, being very similar in terms of climate,
are more than capable of delivering such venues due to their economic wealth as well
as experience in infrastructure development, but the recent emphasis on greener games
may hamper such bids. Events, such as the marathon, a signature event at the
Olympics, would also remain adversely affected by high summer temperatures and
high humidity. Finally, Kuala Lumpur and Cairo show potential. Kuala Lumpur is
currently not targeting hosting the games, with the Olympic Council of Malaysia
making no reference to competing to host the games in their last three annual general
meetings (Olympic Council of Malaysia, 2009). Cairo is still in the infancy of developing
a bid.
6. Conclusion
Recently, as through the history of the modern Olympics, the economic and political
value of hosting a global mega-event is viewed very optimistically. Whether or not the
reality is positive or not is a source of debate. However, fromthe politics in Berlin in 1936,
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Moscow in 1980 and Beijing in 2008 to the economics of protability and tourism in
Los Angeles in 1984 and Sydney in 2000, to city recognition and infrastructural
improvements that signied Barcelona in 1992; there is ample evidence of the long-term
value of the games if one looks for it. This paper canact as catalyst for member nations of
the OICto recognise that froma comparable viewpoint, it is potentially in their long-term
geo-political and socio-economic interests for a member nation to host the Olympics.
This paper sets out factors upon which the member nations of the OIC may contemplate
developing an approach for securing an Olympic Games in the Muslim world, and
developing an agenda for its legacy of engagement with the rest of the world. From the
perspective of the broader international community, engagement with the Muslimworld
could not be more necessary or timely than at present, and sport has historically been
demonstrated as an effective tool in achieving similar goals.
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Corresponding author
Kasim Randeree can be contacted at: kasim.randeree@sbs.ox.ac.uk
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