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An Introductory Overview Of Intergovernmental Fiscal Relations
Jamie Boex 1
Overview This background paper provides an introductory overview of intergovernmental fiscal relations, or the study of fiscal relations between different levels of government. The purpose of this paper is to answer some of the most basic questions about intergovernmental fiscal relations and establish a common vocabulary among government officials, policy makers and stakeholders. In doing so, we will answer three basic questions. First, what is fiscal decentralization? Second, what are policy dimensions of fiscal decentralization? Third, what are the advantages and disadvantages of decentralization?
What is fiscal decentralization? Intergovernmental fiscal relations and fiscal decentralization deal with how the government sector is organized and financed. The government sector of virtually every country consists of more than one level of government. Typically, a country has a central government that exercises jurisdiction over the entire national territory (in federal countries, the central government is known as the federal government). In addition, many countries have one or more levels of subnational governments, which only exercise jurisdiction over a particular region, district or locality. Some countries have two levels of government (central and local); many
1 This overview was edited by Jameson Boex, Assistant Research Professor, Department of Economics / International Studies Program, Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, Georgia State University. Parts of this overview were extracted from Roy Bahl. 1998. Implementation Rules for Fiscal Decentralization.
2 others have three levels of government including a central (or federal) government, regional (or state) governments, and local governments. 2
Intergovernmental fiscal relations studies how different levels of government interact with each other on fiscal issues.
The division of responsibilities between different levels of government varies greatly between countries. In highly centralized countries, most decision-making and fiscal power lies with the central government. The government sector is highly centralized in small, developed countries (such as the Netherlands), as well as in many formerly socialist transition countries (such as Ukraine) and developing economies (for instance, Malawi).
However, since in a system of centralized government all decisions are made by the central government, there is a big distance between the central government and a countrys citizens, where a countrys residents are the ultimate recipients of public goods and services provided by the government. As a result of the distance between the government and the citizenry, chances are that a highly centralized government is not aware of and therefore is unable to provide-- the basket of government goods and services that is desired by the population. Also, central governments often only provide a standard set of government services across the entire national territory; as such, central governments are not able to respond to variations in conditions in different regions or variations in preferences for public goods and services across the country. Alternatively, highly centralized governance can result in a situation in which the central government will accommodate the public service needs of the capital city (where the central government officials reside), but fail to provide any substantial public services outside the large urban areas.
In order to reduce the centralized nature of government, governments could do three things: deconcentrate, delegate or decentralize. Deconcentration is the process of shifting decision-making power within the central government structure from central government officials in the capital to central government officials that are located outside the capital, at the regional or local level. Delegation is the process of shifting expenditure responsibilities from the central government to semi-autonomous government bodies that are not wholly controlled by the central government, but that are still ultimately accountable to it.
2 Regional level governments are called different names in different countries. They may be called regional governments, states, provinces, territories, oblasts, or Lnder. Similarly, local governments include different types of local authorities, including county or district governments, municipalities, city or town governments, commune, village or townships, school district governments, or special function district governments.
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Fiscal decentralization is the assignment of fiscal decision-making powers and management responsibilities to lower levels of government. This definition implicitly assumes that local governments have a certain degree of fiscal discretion of autonomy, and that subnational governments are primarily accountable to their regional or local constituents. Note that neither deconcentration nor delegation provides local governments with real decision- making power, as local governments continue to be first and foremost accountable to the center, as opposed to being accountable to the local populace that they serve.
Thus, an important pre-condition of fiscal decentralization is political decentralization. Political decentralization aims to decentralize political power by establishing semi-autonomous subnational government bodies that have a corporate charter (they should be able to hold property, generate revenue and incur expenditures) and that are politically accountable to the local electorate. Of course, regional and local governments cannot be completely autonomous from the central government, because they need to operate within the larger public sector. As such, subnational governments should act within the legal and administrative framework established by the higher-level government.
It should be noted that fiscal decentralization is relevant to all countries, regardless whether they are unitary countries, federal countries or confederations. Of course, the political and legislative context varies within each of these three groups. In a unitary country, all subnational governments are subordinate to the central government; the central government has absolute authority over subnational governments in a unitary state, and subnational governments exist solely at the discretion of the central government. In federal countries, the federal constitution defines the power relationship between the different levels of government. Often federal constitutions provide regional-level governments with rights that cannot be abrogated by the federal government. However, in many federal countries, local governments do not have the same level of autonomy as states, as they are frequently creations of (and accountable to) either federal or state governments. The power base of confederations lies at the regional (or state) level, as defined in the confederate constitution; the confederation government acts based on the rights assigned to it by the virtue of the collective regions.
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What are the dimensions of fiscal decentralization? Experts consider that intergovernmental fiscal relations or fiscal decentralization reforms can be divided into several interrelated dimensions. In sequence, the four building blocks or pillars of fiscal decentralization are:
1. The assignment of expenditure responsibilities: what are the functions and expenditure responsibilities of each level of government? 2. Assignment of tax sources: once subnational governments are assigned certain expenditure responsibilities, which tax or non-tax revenue sources will be made available to subnational governments in order to provide them with resources? 3. Intergovernmental fiscal transfers: in addition to assigning revenue sources, central governments may provide regional and local governments with additional resources through a system of intergovernmental fiscal transfers or grants. 4. Subnational deficits, borrowing and debt: if subnational governments do not carefully balance their annual expenditures with revenues and transfers, this will result in subnational deficits and the incurrence of debt. Since this would have important ramifications for national macroeconomic conditions, central governments often require subnational governments to balance their budgets of tightly regulate their ability to hold debt.
Assignment of expenditure responsibility. The key principle in determining which level of government should do what in a fiscally decentralized system of governance is known as the subsidiarity principle. This principle suggests that government services should be provided at the lowest level of government that is capable of efficiently providing this good or service. This principle results in a situation where, as much as possible, the area where the benefits of a government service are felt coincides with the government boundaries at each level of government. For instance, since national defense benefits people in the national territory of a country, this expenditure function should be a national affair funded by the central government. However, since the benefits from a local park are Figure 1 The Four Pillars of Fiscal Decentralization
5 mostly felt by local residents, the responsibility for local parks should be placed with local governments.
The subsidiarity principle suggests that three types of activities are best performed or funded by central governments: (1) provision of public goods and services that benefit the entire nation; (2) income redistribution or social policies, and (3) government activities that involve spillovers or externalities between districts. Subnational governments would not be able to effectively engage in income redistribution programs for two reasons: first, by their very nature subnational governments would not be able to address income differentials between regions (which are often quite substantial) and, second, wealthy households and firms would have an incentive to move away from subnational jurisdictions that engage in income redistribution. Similarly, it can be shown that subnational governments produce inefficient levels of certain public goods if these activities involve spillovers benefits (or costs) in neighboring jurisdictions. For instance, while residents of a locality are the primary beneficiaries of local immunization programs, surrounding local governments also benefit from this immunization program by reducing their risk of contagious diseases spilling over from the neighboring jurisdiction. If local public health would be left solely to the discretion of local governments, localities would likely under-fund these programs because in their cost-benefit analysis local governments would ignore the benefits that accrue to the residents of neighboring localities.
It is important to recognize that the assignment of expenditure responsibility actually has a multi-dimensional component: expenditure responsibility is often broken down into the responsibility to provide, finance, and regulate a certain government function. For example, while local governments often provide elementary education, higher-level governments often share the responsibility of financing and regulating local education. Thus, additional policy issues need to be resolved if the responsibilities to provide, finance and regulate a certain government function do not all fall within the jurisdiction of a single level of government in order to assure that different levels of government effective work together
While there is no single best assignment of expenditure responsibilities, government functions typically provided by central governments include national defense, national social policy and inter-regional transportation networks. Examples of government services typically provided by subnational (regional or local) governments include primary and secondary education, primary health care, and local streets and public infrastructure.
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Assignment of tax resources. Once the assignment of expenditure responsibility has been determined, the second key question is: who gets what resources? Obviously, an important determinant of the assignment of revenue sources to subnational governments is the assignment of expenditure responsibilities, giving rise to the adage: finance should follow function.
In addition to determining how much revenue subnational governments need, it is also of important to consider which revenues sources local governments should receive. Some taxes are better suited for local governments, while others are better for national governments. For instance, we would like local governments to be assigned stable sources of revenue. Local taxes should be easy to administer and it should be easy to separate the tax base (the base that is being taxed, such as property of income) across jurisdictions. In addition, it is preferable if local taxes are related somehow to benefits received by local residents. As a result, examples of good local revenue sources include real estate property taxes, retail sales taxes, business fees, regional personal income taxes, motor vehicle fees, and user charges. Revenue sources that are often considered bad local taxes include the value-added tax (VAT), corporate income taxes, and trade (import/export) taxes.
One problem regarding the assignment of revenue sources in many countries is that while subnational governments need to have at least some revenue discretion in order to fully benefit from fiscal decentralization reforms, central governments often seem unwilling to provide any degree of real revenue autonomy to subnational governments. In these cases, intergovernmental fiscal transfers become necessary to ensure that subnational government have adequate revenues to fulfill their expenditure responsibilities.
Intergovernmental fiscal transfers. Since revenue assignment often do not provide regional and local governments with sufficient revenues to fund their expenditure functions, intergovernmental transfers are often necessary to assure revenue adequacy. Transfers are grants from one level of government to another (often from higher to lower governments) for the purpose of funding government activities. The term transfer is often used interchangeably with the term grant. In some countries, transfers may also be known under different names such as subventions or subsidies.
Transfers come in a variety of forms depending on the purpose for which they are used. For instance, transfers can be unconditional or unconditional (targeted) transfers. Transfers can come as block grant, as a reimbursement of actual local
7 expenditures, or matching in some proportion to local government expenditures. Transfers can even come in the form of revenue sharing, where the subnational government receives a share of certain revenues collected within its boundaries. Revenue sharing is considered a form of transfers because the local government has no control over the tax base, the tax rate, tax collections, or the sharing rate.
Transfers can be used for a wide variety of purposes. They can be used to assure vertical fiscal balance (assuring a balance between the fiscal needs and resources available to different levels of government), horizontal fiscal balance (assuring fiscal balance in resource allocations between government units at the same level), to fund specific national priorities or to counteract the effects of inter- regional spillovers or externalities. Transfers can also be used to compensate subnational governments for complying with central government mandates or implementing central government programs that are delegated to the subnational level. Unfortunately, despite many good fiscal policy applications for intergovernmental transfers, in practice transfers are often used simply for a political reason: to assure central government control over local government activities.
Subnational deficits, borrowing and debt financing. The final pillar of fiscal decentralization is a logical corollary to the first three pillars. A local governments fiscal balance can be defined as the difference between its expenditure responsibilities on one hand and its own source revenues and transfers on the other hand. If for any local government expenditure needs are not properly balanced with the resources available to it, this could result in subnational deficits and the incurrence of debt. Of course, just like central government debt, the incurrence of substantial debts by subnational governments would have the potential of driving up interest rates and crowding out private sector investments. Since this would have important ramifications for macroeconomic conditions and the ability of the central government to rely on fiscal policy as a tool to manage macro-economic conditions, central governments often require subnational governments to balance their budgets of tightly regulate their ability to hold debt.
What are the advantages and disadvantages of decentralization? Intergovernmental fiscal relations are relevant to each and every country, and fiscal decentralization reforms are being discussed virtually worldwide. Fiscal decentralization is being discussed not only in large countries such as Russia and
8 Indonesia, but also in small countries such as Latvia, Malawi and Suriname. Fiscal decentralization is an issue in wealthy, developed countries, as well as in developing and transitional economies. However, decentralization means many different things to different people. Naturally, the benefits and disadvantages of fiscal decentralization will vary greatly with the intended objectives. Possible arguments in favor of fiscal decentralization include:
q The mix of services provided will better match the demands of the local population. q Government officials will become more accountable to voters for the quality of services they provide. q Local populations will be more willing to pay for public services, since their preferences will be honored. q Decentralization may enhance revenue mobilization, as local governments may be in a better position to raise certain types of revenues q Decentralization allows fiscal experiments in regions, thereby creating an environment for fiscal and budgetary innovations. q Politically, a decentralized system of governance may be considered more democratic. q Politically, decentralized governance might accommodate calls for greater regional autonomy and thus prevent centrifugal forces and national fragmentation. These possible advantages do not apply equally across the board. These arguments, particularly the efficiency argument, are not always valid in the real world. Can local governments actually respond to citizens preferences for more or few local services, or to a willingness to pay more tax to receive local services? This is not often the case in developing and transition countries. This is partly because voter preferences are not as readily translated into budget outcomes as in industrial countries. Local councils are often not elected, chief officials are often not locally appointed, and adjustments in the allocation of local resources are often severely constrained by central government controls. These controls include approval of the budget, central appointment of chief local government officers, central government regulation of tax administration, mandates as to salary levels of local government employees, and the general absence of a mechanism by which local voters can reveal their preferences for a larger or smaller government. In this setting -- where the devolution of revenue authority and expenditure responsibility is not accompanied by a relaxation of central government control over local fiscal decision making -- there is less to be gained from decentralization of taxes and expenditure than would be the case in industrial countries.
9 Given this state of affairs, the situation in a transition or a developing country which could give maximum gains from a more decentralized local government structure would include: (a) enough skilled labor, access to materials, and capital to expand public service delivery when desired, (b) an efficient tax administration, (c) taxing power sufficient to capture significant portions of community income increments, (d) an income-elastic demand for public services, (e) popularly elected local officials, and (f) some local discretion in shaping the budget and setting the tax rate. When these conditions are present, it is usually in the wealthier provinces of lower income and transition countries. This suggests that fiscal decentralization initiatives might have their best chance of success in the higher income regions and might initially be limited to such places. This would not likely be a politically popular feature of a decentralization reform movement.
On the other hand, there are also arguments against decentralization (i.e., arguments for a more centralized government structure). These arguments include:
q Central government control results in more control over overall fiscal policy, economic stability and macroeconomic conditions. q Building national infrastructure q Better central grip over income distribution q Politically, fiscal decentralization might discourage national unity; decentralization reforms might lead to calls for even greater regional autonomy and ultimately, possibly, regional independence. Again, the validity of arguments against fiscal decentralization vary in different settings. However, in many cases the arguments in favor of fiscal centralization are stronger in transition and developing than in industrial countries. History has shown that stabilization policy is an especially important concern in developing economies and in those economies that are in transition to a capitalist system. This argues for central government control of the main fiscal instruments (taxation, spending, and borrowing). Under a highly decentralized system where the local governments have a built-in claim on a share of total revenues raised, the central government will find itself in a difficult position insofar as increasing revenues to reduce the total deficit, or passing structural tax reforms that might be aimed at stimulating savings or reducing imports. By the same token, controlling inflation by limiting government spending may be compromised if local governments have the power to set their own budgets.
10 A related issue is the relationship between control of the central government budget deficit and intergovernmental fiscal relations. Where the central government has power over all the major fiscal instruments, it can target on an acceptable level of the deficit and control this with either tax increases or expenditure control. In more decentralized countries, central governments experiencing deficits are tempted to try and off-load their shortfalls onto local governments by reducing grants or other subsidies. This has been the case in the United States for the past few years, and in present day Russia. Countries with chronic deficit problems would do well to avoid the dilemma of policy makers being unable to disentangle the question of what to do about the central deficit from the question of what is the right fiscal balance between the central and local governments. In transition countries that are undergoing privatization and building a public and industrial infrastructure, the need for a coherent investment policy is also an argument for fiscal centralization, because capital resources are scarce and must be controlled by the central government to maximize returns. If local governments are given access to major tax bases, they may compete with the central government and therefore limit the amount available for the central tax. As a corollary, centralization allows the national government to allocate fiscal resources to goods and services with national benefits, whereas local autonomy would inevitably lead to greater expenditures on those services that have more local benefits. Several arguments for income distribution also support fiscal centralization. The most important is that regional (and rural-urban) disparities in income and wealth may be accentuated by fiscal decentralization because wealthier urban governments will benefit most from greater local taxing powers. Centralization allows the national government more discretion in shaping regional differences in levels of public service and taxation, which is an especially important consideration for governments that intend to use tax and subsidy policy to shape the spatial distribution of economic development. China, Russia, and the U.S. are all characterized by significant fiscal disparities. China and Russia in particular have faced difficult choices regarding equalization. China was forced to choose between funneling more resources to the lower income provinces and leaving the revenues in the higher income coastal provinces. Russia has faced the difficult decision of choosing among equalization, central government fiscal solvency, and appeasing the potential breakaway provinces. In both cases, the central government retained control over the fiscal resources and was in a position to make the important policy decision.
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Concluding remarks The study of intergovernmental fiscal relations is an incredibly important and broad field of study. The breakdown of fiscal decentralization into four dimensions or pillars is helpful in starting to consider the impact of fiscal decentralization on the fiscal structure of a country, but it is only a first step in analyzing the full scope of such reforms. From a policy perspective, these pillars can be further separated into three phases: policy design, policy implementation and policy evaluation. A solid understanding of each of these dimensions is absolutely crucial for government officials, policy makers and other stakeholders to assure success in decentralization reforms.
Not only is the field of intergovernmental fiscal relations broad in itself, fiscal decentralization is also closely entangled with other policy areas, such as national macroeconomic policy, tax policy and tax administration, and local governance. A sound understanding of the interrelationship between fiscal decentralization and these other policy fields is equally important to the successful implementation of a fiscal decentralization strategy.
Selected readings
q Roy Bahl. 1999. Implementation Rules for Fiscal Decentralization. International Studies Program Working Paper 99-1. Atlanta: Andrew Young School of Policy Studies, Georgia State University.
q Jennie Litvack, Junaid Ahmad and Richard Bird. 1999. Rethinking Decentralization at the World Bank: A Discussion Paper. Internet Document: <www.worldbank.org>.
q Jennie Litvack and Jessica Seddon (eds.) 1999. Decentralization Briefing Notes. WBI Working Paper Series. Washington: World Bank Institute.