REFERENCE No.

RES-000-22-0281
1
FINAL END OF AWARD REPORT ESRC GRANT RES 000 22 0281
Social identification and the mere exposure effect
Richard J. Crisp
1. Background
Why do we like some things more than others -- types of film (romance, action), types of
music (jazz, classical, pop), different political ideologies (environmentalist, liberal) or
groups of people (soap stars, tax inspectors)? There are a variety of objects, ideas, or
people in our worlds, and we have a variety of positive or negative attitudes to each of
them. A key factor that is part of the process of developing such positive or negative
attitudes is the amount of exposure we have experienced with a particular object, idea, or
person. Quite simply, the more we have experienced something, the more we like it. This
effect has been observed across the range of attitude objects, from geometrical shapes,
through to sounds, tastes, art, music, and faces. Whilst this is a strong effect, it is subject
to moderating conditions such as awareness, duration, recognition, and age, and work
specifying these important factors has helped us understand how peoples' attitudes and
opinions to the social world are shaped.

In this variety of conditions for exposure effects to occur there is, however, a notable
omission. What happens when the attitude object is relevant for the way in which
people define themselves? For example, will there be the same effects of exposure to
simple geometric shapes as for policies outlined by political parties which we support
or do not support? One might reasonably suggest that no matter how many times our
least preferred political party tells us their policies, we may well persist in our
rejection of those ideas (and perhaps even become more stringent opponents as a
result). The idea behind this proposal is that mere exposure effects may be moderated
by identity motivations under some conditions. Specifically, when the attitude object
has relevance for perceivers' social identity (either contextually, because the attitude
object represents a threat to the self concept, or chronically, because the perceiver is
so used to defining themselves in opposition to the particular attitude object), then
there is the possibility that exposure will not lead to liking. Rather, we may be
motivated to retain a negative view of all things associated with opposing groups,
irrespective of exposure. In fact, repeated exposure to attitude objects that threaten our
social identities may actually decrease liking for those attitude objects the opposite
of the typical mere exposure effect. It was this hypothesis that we tested in this
project.

The mere exposure effect

The mere exposure effect describes the increase in positive affect that results from the
repeated presentation of previously unfamiliar stimuli (Zajonc, 1968). In 1968 Robert
Zajonc reported a set of experiments in which the mere repeated exposure of Chinese-
like symbols was found to reliably predict their rated goodness of meaning. In essence,
the more frequently particular symbols had been presented to participants, the more
positive participants believed the symbols meaning to be. This finding has been highly
influential in the study of attitude development. There have been over 200 investigations
of this mere exposure effect, and meta-analytic evidence (Bornstein, 1989) suggests that
it is a highly pervasive and robust phenomenon (Harrison, 1977; Stang & OConnell,
REFERENCE No. RES-000-22-0281
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1974). The effect is not limited to visual stimuli (as used in Zajoncs original
demonstration), but has also been observed with auditory (Heingartner & Hall, 1974),
and even gustatory stimuli (Crandall, 1970). Besides lab studies, the effect has been
demonstrated in the field (Moreland & Zajonc, 1976), and with respect to varied applied
domains (e.g., to advertising, Sawyer, 1981; and food preference, Pilner, 1982). It also
appears stronger when people are unaware of the exposure frequency (Bornstein, Leone,
& Galley, 1987; Kunst-Wilson & Zajonc, 1980). A number of different explanations for
the effect have been proposed ranging from response competition (Harrison, 1977) to
expectancy arousal (Crandall, 1970). One of the most influential accounts is the Two-factor
model (Berlyne, 1970) that suggests peoples reactions to stimuli go through two phases.
The first is the positive habituation phase and posits that initially perceiving a stimulus is a
difficult and complex perceptual task. After repeated exposure, a perceiver develops a
sense of perceptual mastery, i.e. it is no longer as difficult to perceive the same stimulus.
This mastery creates a positive feeling and this feeling is transferred onto the stimulus.
The second phase is boredom and posits that after many repeated exposures a perceiver,
having already achieved perceptual mastery, becomes bored with the stimulus.
Favorability decreases with each additional exposure. In support of this model, Bornstein
(1989) in his review notes that with respect to the number of exposures, the data indicate
a non-linear effect: Initially, the greater the number of exposures, the larger the effect.
However, after about ten to twenty exposures, the change in affect slows. It therefore
appears that exposure does not always increase liking. In the research we carried out, we
hypothesised a similar effect, but due to a factor other than bordem...social identity.

Exposure and identity

As well as bordem moderating the exposure effect, some evidence is suggestive that
aspects of identity may also be important. Brickman, Redfield, Harrison, and Crandall
(1972) observed an unexpected inverse relationship when researching exposure to
excerpts of rock-and-roll music. Although one suggestion was that the stimuli used were
in some way less complex than the classical music utilised by other researchers (e.g.,
Mull, 1957), a second explanation is also possible. Perhaps participants perceptions of
the social identities associated with the music influenced their responses. Heingartner and
Hall (1974) note that exposure research utilising auditory stimuli has tended to use the
music of well established western composers (e.g., Brickman et al., 1972). Modern
popular music may be more affect-laden for a variety of reasons, one of which is the
image or identity that the music (style) represents (see Tarrant, North, & Hargreaves,
2001). If these feelings are negative in connotation then the repeated exposure may
simply serve to accentuate these negative views, thus creating the inverse exposure-affect
relationship observed. More importantly for the present research, if the group identity
associated with such stimuli activates positive or negative affect via the association
between the music and a stereotyped group, this may intimate an important new
moderator of exposure effects.

Brickman et al.s (1972) work suggests that factors other than exposure, such as prior,
possibly identity-related, feelings towards the music, can exert a powerful influence on
liking. Perhaps then, broader associations of attitude objects may influence the exposure-
evaluation relationship. With respect to music, Lomax (1968) pointed out that such
attitude objects have significant social implications (such as forming the basis of shared
values). Social factors, including affiliation -- shared group membership -- and social
identification, may thus have a significant part to play in defining the limits and extent of
the mere exposure effect.
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Social identification
Terry, Hogg and colleagues neatly elucidate how social identity factors may be important
in the attitudes domain (e.g., Terry & Hogg, 1996; Terry, Hogg, & McKimmie, 1999a;
Terry, Hogg, & White, 1999b; White, Hogg, & Terry, 2002). Social Identity Theory (SIT;
Tajfel & Turner, 1979) and Self-Categorization Theory (SCT; Turner et al., 1987) both
maintain that affiliation to social categories has significant implications for the self.
Although there are key differences between the two perspectives, they rest on the
common foundation that the group plays an important definitional role for self and
social identity. As the group is so important to the individual, it correspondingly exerts a
significant influence on attitudes and behaviour (and Terry, Hogg and colleagues have
shown specifically that high identification and social norms are key elements in predicting
attitude-behaviour correspondence in group-relevant contexts). Social identification, as in
other areas, can thus play an important role in the attitudes domain. The question we
posed here is whether this role of identification can extend from attitude-behaviour
relations to other aspects of attitudinal processes, specifically, formulation or moderation
of attitude evaluation as a function of exposure.

The central thesis was as follows. Attitude objects may be more or less bound up with
peoples identities (e.g., clothing styles, associated with valued group identities). For many
attitude objects identity implications may therefore have significant consequences for the
relationship between exposure, familiarity and evaluation. Specifically, we proposed that
when attitude objects have a strong association with an important or valued social
identity the typical mere exposure effect may be moderated by factors that make social
identity salient (either chronically such as identification -- or contextually such as
threats to identity). There is considerable evidence that high identification and/or threats
to identity can promote contrastive behaviour (e.g., Branscombe, Wann, Noel, &
Coleman, 1993; Doosje, Ellemers, & Spears, 1995; Hinkle & Brown, 1990; Perreault &
Bourhis, 1999; Hodson, Dovidio & Esses, 2003), and it is such behaviour that we
predicted here increased rejection of outgroup-related stimuli with higher exposure.
Some pilot work we carried out is supportive of this idea. In a preliminary study (Jones &
Crisp, 2002) we examined the relationship between familiarity, identity and evaluation.
We examined these variables with respect to popular music: an attitude object that may
be expected to have associations with some aspect of social identity (at least for our
participant group of undergraduate students). We tested whether identification would
influence the effects of exposure and found that for lower identifiers familiarity predicted
liking but for higher identifiers it did not. Put another way, familiarity -- a subjective
measure of exposure -- only exerted an influence on liking when identification was low.

The key hypotheses we tested in the studies reported below was derived from the
literature and pilot findings outlined above. We know that conditions of threat and/or
chronic high identification can lead to decreased liking of outgroups. We extended
this basic prediction into the mere exposure domain by arguing that the extent to
which outgroups will be negatively evaluated in such contexts will be proportional to
exposure. The more exposure perceivers in such contexts will have to outgroups, the
less they will like them. The argument is that, when you have received a threat from
the outgroup, especially if you are very attached to your ingroup, then the last thing
you want to see or hear about is more of the outgroup. Thus, whilst under all other
conditions we expected to observe the typical mere exposure effect, specifically under
conditions of threat and/or high identification, high exposure will lead to less liking.

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2. Objectives

The objectives of the proposed research were to enable a significant advancement of
theory, research and potential application of work on attitude change and social
identity; collect new data to support the proposed integration, and develop a paradigm
for testing identity-moderated exposure effects. We were highly successful in meeting
these objectives. We completed both of the specified laboratory studies, which
yielded data supportive or our hypotheses. In addition we were also able to carry out a
further two survey studies in which, using a completely different paradigm to that
employed in our laboratory studies, we observed further support for the idea that
social identity can moderate the effects of mere exposure on attitudes in group
contexts. We outline the research and findings, as well as implications for policy and
practice, below.

3. Methods

Pilot work

A pilot study was carried out to select the stimulus pictures for Study 1. Participants
were required to rate a selection of abstract pictures for liking. There were 12 pictures
which were presented to participants on a computer screen. Participants pressed the
space bar and the first picture appeared. They then rated the picture for liking on a
scale from 0, not at all liked to, 10, liked very much. Participants then pressed the
space bar to move on to the next picture until all 12 pictures were rated. The picture
ratings were analysed and three pictures that did not significantly differ for liking
were selected for use in the main study. We were thus able to use stimuli that were, at
baseline, equal in terms of likeability to examine the independent effects of exposure.

Study 1

This first study set out to test the prediction that there would be an interaction between
identity threat and exposure. Specifically, we expected to observe the typical mere
exposure effect (higher exposure, higher liking) when participants did not experience a
threat to ingroup identity, but when threatened we expected high exposure to lead to less
liking.
Participants and design

99 undergraduate students from the University of Birmingham were allocated to a 2
(ingroup identification: high vs. low)
1
x 2 (threat: no threat vs. threat) x 2 (target
group: ingroup vs. outgroup) x 3 (exposure frequency: low, moderate, high) mixed
design with repeated measures on the last factor. The target ingroup was University of
Birmingham students and the target outgroup was University of Aston students (a
local rival university who were a relevant and obvious intergroup comparison for our
student participants). Participants received either course credits or a small monetary
payment for their assistance.


1
We present the designs used here as involving a median split on the identification measure. This was to
illustrate the methods used in the clearest possible way. However, for all of the findings we report we
obtain the same effects using the alternative moderated regression approach (Aitken & West, 1991) in
which identification remains as a continuous variable.
REFERENCE No. RES-000-22-0281
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Procedure
Identity phase. Participants were first required to complete a short questionnaire about
their university affiliation which ostensibly measured level of identification with the
ingroup (University of Birmingham students). They were asked whether they felt similar
to other people at the university, had a sense of belonging with other people of the
university, and liked other people in the university (adapted from scales used by
Kawasawa, 1995; Jetten, Spears, & Manstead, 2001; Hornsey & Hogg, 2000). The
participants rated each statement on a scale between 1 (not at all) to 9 (very much).
Exposure phase. The exposure phase of the experiment was carried out on computer.
Participants read on the screen the cover story. Participants were told that the
experimenters were conducting a pilot study that involved assessing some abstract
drawings for use in future work. They were told that the drawings were part of battery of
tests to examine the creativity of university students. The participants viewed pictures
ostensibly created by either the ingroup (Birmingham students) or the outgroup (Aston
students). The manipulation of threat involved additional information in the cover story
that Aston students had, in previous sessions, been either making unfair judgments of
Birmingham students pictures (threat), or fair judgements of Birmingham students
pictures (no threat). Participants were then exposed to the set of pictures. There were
three different pictures in the set that were presented three, six, and nine times
respectively (low, moderate, and high exposure frequency). Additionally 18 filler pictures
were included to avoid suspicion, each presented once. Each participant was therefore
exposed to a total of 36 picture slides. The specific pictures that were presented at low,
moderate and high rates were counterbalanced across the sample (using a latin squares
design) and the order of presentation of the picture slides was randomized for each
participant. Again, to avoid suspicion as to the true nature of the experiment participants
were told that because this was a pilot experiment, there were a few glitches with the
programme which meant that they may see some pictures more than once. Post-
experimental de-briefing confirmed the effectiveness of these measures taken to avoid
suspicion.

Dependent measures

Following the exposure phase, participants received a response sheet and were
required to rate the three experimental picture slides for familiarity and liking (the
specific slides re-appeared for the ratings). Both familiarity and liking were rated on
scales ranging between 1 (not at all familiar/liked) to 7 (very familiar/liked very
much). Participants then completed a feedback form, were thanked and debriefed.

Study 2

Study 2 was intended to extend Study 1 in several important ways. We aimed to improve
several aspects of the methodology. We included a 10-point familiarity scale that asked
participants the number of times they had observed each picture, rather than giving a
subjective rating of how familiar each picture felt. One of the reviewers of the proposal
for this project suggested we also examine mediators. We therefore, in a refinement of
the outlined study, included a new dependent measure -- intergroup emotion. Mackie,
Smith and Devos (2000) argue that intergroup contexts elicit emotions that can explain
response tendencies. They state that different appraisals of the theoretically relevant

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features of the intergroup situation will produce specifically different emotional
reactions (p. 603). Threat from outgroups might reasonably be expected to elicit negative
emotion (anger, sadness). Some related work on intergroup emotion from our laboratory
in Birmingham supports the notion that, in particular, higher and lower identifiers
experience different emotion in relation to threat (Housten & Crisp, 2004). We found
that local football team supporters, when asked about their intergroup emotion just after
having watched a match in which their team lost, reported more sadness if they were
lower identifiers, but more anger if they were higher identifiers. This supports the notion
that identification and threat can combine to predict intergroup emotion. In Study 2 we
applied these principles to our mere exposure paradigm (N = 86). We measured
intergroup emotion just after the manipulation of threat, since we hypothesised that it
was negative emotion (specifically anger or irritation) caused by the threat manipulation
that subsequently created a negative orientation to repeated exposure to outgroup-related
stimuli. We also restricted our focus to the outgroup. We did not expect to observe
identity-moderated effects for ingroup stimuli regardless of exposure they will be liked,
and not disliked (and this had been confirmed in Study 1).

Study 3

We were able to carry out two studies additional to what we had planned. Our aim in
these additional studies was to obtain convergent evidence using a completely different
paradigm to that used in our laboratory studies. We examined intergroup attitudes of
British participants toward the French as a function of self-reported exposure and
identification. In contrast to the laboratory studies that had focused on threat as a
moderator of the mere exposure effect, here we focused only on identification. We also
argue that the context within which this study was embedded the prospect of closer
European integration was in itself threatening, at least to high British identifiers. It was
expected that whilst lower identifiers would like French people the more they had been
exposed to issues relating to European integration in the media, higher identifiers would
show the opposite pattern higher exposure would lead to less liking.

Participants and design

135 undergraduate students at the University of Birmingham were allocated to a 2
(identification: high vs. low) x 2 (exposure frequency: low vs. high) between-subjects
design. This study was carried out in the Guild of Students at the University of
Birmingham. Participants received a small monetary payment for their assistance.

Procedure

Participants were required to complete a two-page questionnaire. The questionnaire
was structured in 3 parts: part one measured ingroup identification (using the same
items -- but referring to national identity -- as used in the laboratory studies outlined
above), part two asked participants to rate their level of exposure to issues relating to
the Euro in the media, 1 (not at all) to 7 (very much so), and part three measured
attitudes toward the outgroup, the French.
Dependent measure
Participants rated their attitude towards French people in general on an attitude thermometer
(Haddock, Zanna, & Esses, 1993).
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Study 4
This study was identical to Study 3 except that we here manipulated rather than measured
identification. Participants were asked to either list three things that defined themselves as British
(group manipulation) or that they liked about themselves (personal identity manipulation). The group
identity manipulation was intended to induce a higher identification with being British. The
personal identity manipulation was intended to induce a lower identification with being British.
Participants and design
131 undergraduate students from the University of Birmingham were allocated to a 2 (identity
manipulation: group vs. personal identity) x 2 (high vs. low exposure) between-subjects design.
Procedure and dependent measures
The only changes from Study 3 were (a) the use of an identification manipulation prior to the rest
of the questionnaire and (b) we used a seven-point liking scale for intergroup evaluations, 1 (not
at all) to 7 (very much).

4. Results
In Study 1 we found that that in all conditions participants rated the higher exposure
drawings as more familiar than the lower exposure drawings confirming that our
exposure manipulation was successful. With respect to liking we observed a significant
interaction between threat and exposure. In the no threat condition participants liked the
high exposure (high familiarity) outgroup drawings more than the low exposure (low
familiarity) drawings -- the typical mere exposure effect. However, participants in the
threat condition liked the high exposure (high familiarity) outgroup drawings less than the
low exposure (low familiarity) outgroup drawings. A reversal of the mere exposure effect
in line with our hypothesis. Threat to identity led to participants holding a more negative
attitude towards the outgroup pictures the more they were exposed to them. We also
found some evidence that this pattern was accentuated for higher, as opposed to lower,
identifiers (people for whom the attitudes in question were chronically relevant or not).
More specifically, in the no threat condition identification made no difference, but in the
threat condition the negative relationship between exposure and liking appeared to be
more pronounced for higher identifiers, although this trend did not reach significance.
We found none of these effects for the ingroup picture targets. This was also in line with
expectations we expected no reactive effect of high exposure to ingroup-related stimuli,
because such stimuli would represent no threat to participants.

Study 2 measured intergroup emotion just after the manipulation of threat, since we
hypothesised that it was negative emotion caused by the threat manipulation that
subsequently created a negative orientation to repeated exposure to outgroup-related
stimuli. Counter to predictions, we did not observe the expected effects on the
emotion measure. We also did not find any relationship between exposure and liking.
With respect to the liking measure, we believe the problem was caused by some
changes made to the experimental procedure. In particular in Study 2 at the rating
phase the picture was only briefly presented (2 seconds). This may have resulted in
participants becoming confused as to the specific picture they were rating. We had not
expected this small change to have such an impact on the findings, and it illustrates
the need to examine the effects that even small changes to experimental procedure can
REFERENCE No. RES-000-22-0281
8
have on observed effects. With respect to emotions, we theorised that there was no
effect here because our measure of emotion was not appropriately focused. Our
findings from Study 1 indicate that it was not that participants in the threat condition
disliked all drawings by outgroup members (which would be a pattern associated with
a non-specific negative emotional state), but rather they disliked only the high
exposure drawings. This suggests that if negative intergroup emotion can explain the
inverse exposure-liking relationship in the threat condition, then it is emotion linked
specifically to particular stimuli -- that is negative emotion associated with high
exposure drawings, but not low exposure drawings -- that should explain the effect. In
a future project, we would therefore test whether emotion would be predicted by
exposure when both are measured at an appropriately specific point (i.e., linked to
specific low or high exposure stimuli).

Study 3 used an entirely different paradigm to test our identity-moderated exposure
predictions. Here we measured both identification and exposure (a correlational
design) and observed a significant interaction between the two with respect to liking
of the French outgroup. As with our laboratory studies, the typical positive
relationship between (here, self-reported) exposure and liking was observed for lower
identifiers, but for higher identifiers this relationship disappeared with a trend towards
more exposure leading to less liking. Study 3 was very similar except that we
manipulated rather than measured ingroup identification. Here, using a quasi-
experimental design, we again observed a significant interaction between manipulated
identification (self vs. ingroup salient). Once again the typical positive correlation
between exposure and liking was observed in the self-salient condition, but not in the
ingroup salient (high identification) condition.

Overall across these four studies we consistently observed the typical mere exposure
effect in the low identification/self salient/no threat conditions but an elimination of
this effect in the high identification/ingroup salient/threat condition (and some strong
tendencies towards a reversal of the effect in this latter condition).

5. Activities

This research was discussed to varying degrees in a number of UK invited seminars in
2004 (Universities of Exeter, Plymouth, Bristol, Kent, Sheffield, Essex) in a
presentation entitled: Where theres a willtheres a processing dichotomy:
Cognitive consequences of social identification as well as in international seminars
(Clermont-Ferrand, France) and conference presentations (SPSP groups pre-
conference, Austin, Texas).


6. Outputs

The following papers are in preparation for submission to relevant journals:

Crisp, R. J. Identity-moderated exposure effects. To be submitted to Psychological
Review.

REFERENCE No. RES-000-22-0281
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Crisp, R. J., Montelpare, M., & Hutter, R.R.C. When familiarity with groups breeds
contempt: Social identity and the mere exposure effect. To be submitted to Journal of
Personality and Social Psychology.





7. Impacts

We envisage this research having considerable significance for policy and practice
with respect to, for example, exposure-based health promotion and strategies for
improving intergroup relations, and, when written up, plan to explore ways of
disseminating the findings to potential users. With respect to the former aim,
encouraging a positive attitude to things like quitting smoking or increasing exercise
may likely be affected by the identity implication of the message source (ingroup or
outgroup) and how strongly perceivers regard their own identity at odds with this
source. With respect to the latter, contact between diverse groups in society has been a
key aspect of attempts to alleviate intergroup tension for social psychologists, and it is
clear that simple contact does not necessarily work to reduce conflict and can
sometimes accentuate problems. A range of conditions must be in place for the
successful implementation of such a conciliatory strategy. There are clear parallels
between the mere exposure effect and contact work, and uncovering the relationship
between identification and exposure will surely have implications that go beyond the
question of whether attitudes become more positive with familiarity, into the domain
of working towards harmonious intergroup relations.


8. Future Research Priorities
We have submitted to the ESRC a further small grant application to continue the work
started here. The proposed extension to this research builds on the successful findings
reported here to explore in depth the underlying psychological mechanisms that can
explain the observed effects. The aim of the research is to outline, and test, a theoretical
model of mediating processes that may explain identity-moderated exposure effects. We
argue that both affective and cognitive processes are involved in the moderation of the
mere exposure effect in contexts of identity threat/high identification. The studies we
outline will comprehensively test this new theoretical model.












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