Space and Culture

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Postcards from Algoma Steel Incorporated

Kevin West
Space and Culture 2000 3: 238
DOI: 10.1177/120633120000300404
The online version of this article can be found at:
http://sac.sagepub.com/content/3/4-5/238

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Postcards from

Algoma Steel Incorporated

Kevin West
This piece is based on my experience as an employee ofthe United Steelworkers of America. This
job afforded me the opportunity to work closely with several employees ofAlgoma Steel Incorporated, union activists and allowed me to live in the community of Sault Ste. Marie for two and a
half months. The exposure to the culture that typifies the organizational space of Algoma Steel is
not foreign to me. However, I was able to gain novel insight into the ethnographic reality of the
Algoma employee.
The following collection of postcards is drawn from my experience of a community, its
members, and the institution that lies at its heart. I was able to spend some time with the northern
breed of steelworkers in the community of Sault Ste. Marie Ontario, Canada. Algoma Steel is the
major employer in the community. Over five thousand employees depend upon the mill for the
economic well being of their families.
This

piece will explore the boundaries as they relate to the evolving relationship between
Steel
Algoma
Incorporated, its employees, and the community. A cooperative effort between the
steel mill and the union is providing employees with soft skills which are leading to empowerment
in the workplace, changing relationships at home and the development of leaders in the community. The manufacturing of steel has been central to the vitality of the community of Sault Ste.
Marie for almost one hundred years. Bom of the persistence of Sir Francis Hector Clergue in 1901,
Algoma Steel established itself as a fixture in the community of northern Ontario, and as a contender in the North American Steel industry. Such a long-standing interdependence has lead to
generations of once proud steelworkers, and the establishment of a community which has grown
up despite the soot, sound, and shadow of the mill.
More recently, the efficacy of the institution has been called into question. The erosion of
protective trade policy and the advent of the high technology mini mill have shaken Algomas
ability to provide for its employees, thereby threatening to erode a huge portion of the communi-

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239

tys foundation. All involved have been forced to rebuild, refocus and reframe
perceptions that are clouded by nearly a century of relative stability.
The

following postcards will capture culture at its most exciting point;

restructuring of Algoma Steel is driving this change. Employees are now owners and the United Steelworkers of America are sharing the
helm with management, in a style that mimics German co-determination; yet
without the German element of government coercion. A community that was
once subject to an authoritarian-manufacturing model is no longer being
treated as an adjunct to the organization, In much the same way, the employee is no longer treated as an adjunct to the machine. Algoma Steel is
forging new links. An organizational space in flux is derailing a community
and perhaps it is for the better. Algoma Steel is attempting to bridge the
personal needs of the employee, the instrumental needs of the organization
and the progressive needs of society. Culture change is slow. The insights
captured in this piece are a testament to the steadfast nature of a communitys value set. Algoma is leading, but its followers are lagging behind.
change.

The

The Soo

Upon my arrival in the Soo, I was abruptly reminded of the incredible presence that the steel mill has in the surrounding community. Residential areas
have crept up to the doorstep of the industrial giant. Nearly decrepit housing
surrounds the mill. The houses were constructed quickly during the early
part of the century. At that time Algoma was experiencing strong growth due
to the high demand for rail ties that were being used in the construction of the
Canadian Pacific Railway. The old core ofthe town once housed many of the
Fins, Polls, and Italians who immigrated to work in the booming resource
based economy of the region. Traces of this early presence remain. Ethnic
heritage is displayed in the storefronts that line the main street of the central
business district.

The Soo has

long been described as a working mans town. This is the

The hinterland economy has been subj ect to the cycles that accompany
natural resource dependency. The men who work in the mines, mills, and
factories have long been treated as necessary adjuncts to the harvest of the
northern regions of Ontario. Generation after generation, the pride in craftsmanship is stripped from the worker. The perceptions of the dominant class
suggest that the blue-collar worker is oblivious to this de-skilling and the
many elements that impose control and unwarranted discipline on their lives.
This is not the case. There is class-consciousness in the community of Sault
Ste Marie. In the same way that Wallerstein describes class-consciousness,
case.

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1. The Soo is
northern Ontario
slang for Sault Ste.
Marie Ontario
Canada

240
2. Scientific management or

Taylorism

has been the subject

of a wealth of
criticism and this is
for good reason. One
of the most direct
and bold criticisms
comes from Ricardo
Semler (1993: 156).
Semler describes
Taylor as the
Godfather of the
modem factory in
which, thousands of
nameless, faceless
drones carry out

unrelentingly
repetitious tasks
under ever vigilant
supervision. This is
fitting description.
Taylor, in his

numerical zeal and

quest for productiv-

ity, completely
ignored the human
side of the enterprise.
No description of
Taylor is complete
without the exploration of the principles
of Scientific

working class of the Soo understand their role, place and position.
(Wallerstein 1993: 116) They are not living off the surplus value of others.
Wallerstein also points out one of the socio-geographic consequences of the
capitalist mode of production. There is an uneven distribution of the bourgeoisie and proletariat in relation to the core and periphery. The economic
reality of the Soo is a manifestation of the hinterland heartland distinction
Wallerstein describes. Counter intuitively, this knowledge does not appear to

the

deflate the esteem of the worker. Instead, workers derive some element of
satisfaction from their ability to perform the necessary, physically demanding and sometimes mindless tasks. Perhaps this is superficiality, or a mechanism that allows for the completion of another day.
I encountered a father who tucks away savings for his daughters educa-

tion, based on the understanding that knowledge is the only source of real
power. However, knowledge that does not afford you any real control is useless. This mans daughter will have to become something that he is not in
order to succeed. This begs the question, is he something that is unsuccessful ? Daddys little girl will abandon her working class heritage and face
marginilization when she attempts to j oin the ranks of the middle class. If she
is successfully admitted to the middle class, she will be forced to cope with
the void that will come between her and her family. Her father and family
who are based in a common sense reality, will be unable to relate to her
newfound academic approach. In testimony to his awareness of his position
in life the father tucks away from his loved ones and smokes a joint in a futile
attempt to escape the strain of his families economic dependence and the
knowledge that he will lose his job in the coming months.

Management. The
frequent

The working class of the Soo understand the nature of their oppression;
do not link oppressions. They do not build ties with the outgroups
they
yet
characteristics of
that
suffer
under the yoke of an advanced capitalist economy. Racism and
Taylorism are, a
sexism abound. The feminization of the domicile is deeply seated in the comhierarchical system
of job control from
munity. Ghettoized, women seldom venture in to the male forums of the
manager to superviunion hall or the steel plant. When they do appear it is in a role of servitude,
sor to worker, leaving
support or on a pin-up on the inside of a toolbox. Women have become an
little discretion to
those on the bottom;
adjunct to their husband; in the same way as the husband has become an
and detailed work
adjunct to the machine. Even at the union hall, a place of brotherhood and
procedures based on
the heart of a value centered struggle for equality; racism arises over the
motion studies which
clamoring for a free T-shirt.
decompose operamost

tions into their

simplest elements.

Traditionally,
industries in devel-

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241

Hay! Dont I get one of those Fuckers?! What am I, Black?

Unhappy with the response, the union brother departs with the rumbling,
What the Fuck is wrong with him?

The victim for the race-based attacks is the native population which reside in
and around the Soo community. Ridiculed by stereotypes of drunkenness,
gambling and drug smuggling the natives of the region are fringed by the
working class. With their communities and lands desecrated by hinterland
exploits, natives are still able to resist attempts to mold them into passive
adjuncts to production. They will not yield to the Taylorist yoke 2 Their reserves are ejected to the margins of the white working class community.
Isolated, inconvenienced, perhaps segregated, natives in this region are tom
between two cultures. Methods of industrial production have imposed
routinization upon the residents of the Soo. The meticulous ordering of life
does not fit with the native culture. Natives work cooperatively and communally, taking a process from start to finish. Given this, many natives rightfully find the factory an impossible place to work. In light of these circumstances, it seems ironic that some people find the natives blameworthy.

Policy makers marvel at the problems of alcoholism, unemployment,

abuse, public subsidy dependence, and the brain drain that saps the young
talent of this

community. This hinterland

is

losing more than its natural re-

sources.

The Shop Floor

Algoma Steel is attempting to change this unfortunate reality. The new forms
of work that accompanied the rebirth of Algoma Steel in 1992 differ radically from conventional methods of mass production. Jobs were designed to
empower employees. There is real movement toward a team concept and
self-directed working goups.1 The new form of work is founded in union
values. Algoma boasts a state of the art training facility and a course catalog
of extensive and sophisticated technical and soft skill courses. Employees
have opportunities to learn techniques for facing management, conflict resolution, team leadership and many others; yet many on the shop floor remain
unimpressed, unconcerned or uninterested with all ofthe new developments.
For them, it is business

as

Fundamental culture
tem remain. At Algoma

helmets while they are

usual.

change

is not

happening. Vestiges

of the old sys-

Steel, all employees are required to wear protective

on

the shop floor. The nature of these helmets calls to

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oped nations have

incorporated the
foilowing principles
in order to achieve

productivity:
separation of mental
and physical work,
task simplification,
time and motion
study to establish

performance
standards, and job
evaluation in order to
rank jobs in appropriate wage classifications.

242
an important distinction in the minds of the shop floor employees. Group leaders, formerly
foreman, have always been distinguished by white helmets. These white helmets stand out among

mind

variety of colours of grease spattered helmets that are worn by the workers of the plant. For
Algoma to succeed in the development of a culture which will perpetuate empowerment and organizational learning, it must get rid of all of its vestiges. Work on the shop floor is hot and demanding. In the minds of the hundreds of employees who toil in the heat, soot and noise of the mill
it will always be this way. The factory has instilled a reactive bent into them. These workers have
the

it would be beneficial if they asked more questions, or that their ideas concerning cost saving are important. Their conceptualization of the organization of work has never been
considered. A century of this treatment has developed a workforce that is truly a product of their
environment. The following quotation captures what I have found to be the perception of many on
never been told that

the floor.

They have bought a job with all sorts of bells and whistles,
but they dont have a fucking clue how to use them. (West 1998:

13)

is not happening quickly at the plant. However, there are those who set foot inside the
classroom. These innovators may begin the reclamation of the power that was once held by their
fore fathers. It is at this point when culture change will commence, and spread beyond the boundaries of the firm. It is relevant that the conflict resolution skills that are taught at work also have
practical applicability at home. There is a relationship between the level of empowerment one
experiences at work and the need to exert control at home. During the time I was in the Soo, I heard
a story about a father who waited up late for his son to return home one Saturday night. As the night
dragged on the father grew more furious. Before the son arrived, the father recalled a premise of his
conflict resolution training; ensure that each party to the dispute has an opportunity to share their
information and experience before a decision or consensus is reached. This timely realization saved
what would have been a costly and aggressive interaction. There was a valid reason for the sons
absence. Perhaps this story is not true. It could be a myth that floats around the union hall, or the
local pub, or the parent teacher association meetings. There is a power associated with myth. Myth
is an element which contributes to culture and value formation. Though minute, culture change is
afoot in the Soo.

Change

The Coffee Club

For many, a hot cup of coffee and time shared with friends can become a ritual. Indeed, the coffee
break has been ritualized in almost every western organizational space. There has come to be a
certain significance with the exchange that accompanies a coffee break. Felton suggests that the
sharing of time over a cup of coffee provides an opportunity for one to become interested in the
others ideas and thoughts. (Felton 1966: 444) These gatherings open the vistas for the exploration
into communication, expression, the formation of opinion, and the exchange of ideas and prejudice. For the group of men that gather circa 8:15 every morning at the union hall, the exchange that
accompanies the brew is particularly important. Strong, loud and tough men, eight in all and some-

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243
times more, all squeeze one beside the other, around a circular table that should only seat six. These
men have been elected from the shop floor to represent Algomas five thousand plus employees.
Their hands, stained with tobacco and rough with the thick calluses from twenty years on the shop

floor, gesture the importance of their contribution to the conversation.

This coffee ritual dates back to 1946 when members of the steelworkers organizing committee
the fight to ameliorate the memberships quality of working life. The permanence of the
coffee club demonstrates the continuity in the face of change. The fight for the membership also
continues, yet it is in another guise. The leaders that share the table have a new set of tools to
ameliorate the working conditions of those whom they serve. These men prepare for industrial
conflict with empirically driven membership survey data, a commitment to cooperative problem
solving methodologies, and practiced techniques for facing management. These men are the first
generation of Steelworkers who are trying to alter the unions reactive bent. This is a potential
turning point in the labour movement. Steelworkers are becoming knowledge workers. This early
morning gathering is certainly functional contributor to this transition. Beneath the fagade of aggressive banter much is settled and much is shared.

began

long-standing meeting of minds that is embodied in the Coffee Club may be forced to
end. The Algoma model is in jeopardy due to financial weakness and the draining
to
struggle compete in an era of boundless international trade. An unsupportive business environment is threatening to undo the change which the model has affirmed and is inspiring. In the North
American manufacturing sector few leaders view employee development as a means of creating
value. Algoma Steel is attempting to assert their membership in this maverick group, in order to
encourage change at a macro level. The Algoma model has proved itself to be resilient against
management fads associated with work reorganization. This resiliency is the product ofthe bottom
up support, and a commitment to an egalitarian organizational design; true empowerment. This
may not be enough to carry the plant into the next millennium. As managers in the western world
begin to realize that competitive advantage will come from the high value employment of human
capital organizational designs will begin to reflect their growing concern. However, the slow pace
of change is threatening to turn Algoma Steel into a martyr, the 5000 plus employees into the
unemployed and the community of the Soo into a ghost town.
The

come

to

an

University of Toronto
Toronto Canada

References

Felton, G, S. (1966). Psychosocial Implications of the Coffee Break. Journal of Human Relations. Vol.
449
Semler, R.
NY.

14 No. 3. pp. 443-

(1993). Maverick: The Success Story Behind the Worlds Most Unusual Workplace. Warner Books. New York.

Wallerstein, I. (1993). Class Conflict in the Capitalist World Economy. In, Race, Nation and Class: Ambiguous Identities.
Verso. New York, NY.
West, K. (1998) Understanding the Culture of Algoma Steel: A Survey of Union Activists. United Steelworkers of
America. Sault Ste. Marie, Canada.

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