Professional Documents
Culture Documents
of
the
World
at
Century's
End
Arrighi*
Giovanni
I
six years d9o, l noted how "over the
written
In an article
parties and states
last 1,5-20 years, labor unions, working-cIass
p
a
r
t
i
c
u
l
a
r
l
y
g
o
v
e
l
n
m
e
n
t
s
,
o
f the Communist
ruled by socialj-st
p
r
e
s
s
ure to restructure
c
o
n
s
i
d
e
r
a
b
l
e
have all been under
variety,
Some
f
a
c
e
decline....
o
r
t
h
e
i
r
o
r
i
e
n
t
a
t
i
o
n
themselves and change
p
r
o
q
p
e
r
,
a
t
h
r
o
u
g
h
e
v
e
n
t
h
e
s
t
a
v
e
o
f
f
d
e
c
l
i
n
e
/
may be able to
but
the same result
Others can attain
simple change in strategy.
A
n
d
p
r
o
c
e
s
s
s
e
l
f
r
e
s
t
r
u
c
t
u
r
i
n
g
.
t
h
o
r
o
u
g
h
o
f
only through a
Do matter what they do" (1).
others again can only decline,
This tendency was traced to the fact that all existing
of
had formed under the circumstances
organizations
working-c1ass
t
h
e
h
a
l
f
o
f
f
i
r
s
t
t
h
e
typical
of
worl-d-market disintegration
organized labor in
Under those circumstances,
century.
twentieth
S
t
a
t
e
s included--had
United
high income ("corerr) countries--the
while
p
o
l
i
t
i
c
a
l
influence,
p
o
w
e
r
and
social
acquired considerable
income
middle
great
in
advances
had made
Communist revolution
( "semiperipheral" ) and Iow income ( "peripheral" ; countries--first
of
But the revitalization
in Russia and China.
and foiemost,
progressively
world market forces that occurred under US hegemony
on which
economic seclusion
of national
undermined the conditions
the
a
n
d
power of organized labor in core countries
the social
peripheral
and
in semiperipheral
advances of Communist revolution
al-I
Under the emerging circumstances,
were based.
countries
they had
matter how effective
organizations--no
working-class
of
been in meeting the challenges and seizing the opportunities
p
o
s
s
i
b
l
e
,
to
if at all
the bygone age--would find it difficul-t,
created by the
meet the challenges and seize the opportunities
economies in a single world market.
of national
reintegration
have become a nearly
Communist parties
Since this was written,
species throughout Europe; Social Democratic and Labor
extinct
and longparties
have transformed themselves out of recognition;
and once powerful labor unions have been
established
* Giovanni Arrighi
is Professor of Sociology at Binghamton
book is The Lonq Twentieth Centurv.
His latest
University.
An
t
h
e
Oriqins of Our Times (London: Verso).
Monqv, Power, and
p
r
e
s
e
n
t
e
d
t
h
e
c
o
n
f
e
r
e
n
c
e
p
a
p
e
r
a
t
t
h
i
s
w
a
s
o
f
version
earlier
for a New Century
Workers in the Globa1 Economy: Organizing
of
sponsored by the Center for Labor Studies, University
May 5-6, 1995.
Washington, Seattle,
struggling
to stave off decline in membership and political
crisis
of organized
influence.
ff my diagnosis of the joint
it was the
anything,
labor and Communist regimes underestimated
and the extent to which
was unfolding
speed at which the crisis
of
than transformation
rather
in the extinction
it I{OULd fesult
But the very pace and
working-cl-ass organizations.
existing
confirm with a vengeance the
of the crisis
destructiveness
organizations
that the working-class
of the contention
validity
were in the
centuly
that had been "made" in the early twentieth
process of being "unmade" at the end of the century.
This does not mean that the world labor movement has no
in order to be at all
future.
What it does mean is that,
the world labor movement in the twentieth-first
effective,
as
and structures
have to develop strategies
century will
were
century as the latter
from those of the twentieth
different
evol-ves
World capitalism
from those of the nineteenth.
under which the working
and so do the conditions
continually,
own history.
classes of the world make their
w must
are evolving,
In order to grasp how these conditions
concerning the present
first
of all dispel two misconceptions
is that the
misconception
The first
of world l-abor.
crisis
of
to a decl-ine in the disposition
either
is due primarily
crisis
working and
or improve their
to protect
workers to struggle
of
of the relocation
or to the effects
conditions,
living
countries.
i
n
c
o
m
e
t
o
l
o
w
e
r
i
n
c
o
m
e
h
i
g
h
f
r
o
m
a
c
t
i
v
i
t
i
e
s
industrial
the
d
e
m
o
n
s
t
r
a
t
e
s
t
h
e
c
r
i
s
i
s
i
s
t
h
a
t
m
i
s
c
o
n
c
e
p
t
i
o
n
The second
first
t
h
e
i
n
a
s
i
n
s
t
i
t
u
t
e
d
m
o
v
e
m
e
n
t
l
a
b
o
r
w
o
r
l
d
failure
of the
wel1
a
s
o
b
j
e
c
t
i
v
e
s
,
i
t
s
t
o
a
t
t
a
i
n
t
w
e
n
t
i
e
t
h
c
e
n
t
u
r
y
half of the
its
i
n
d
e
f
i
n
i
t
e
l
y
t
o
o
v
e
r
c
o
m
e
w
o
r
l
d
c
a
p
i
t
a
l
i
s
m
as the capacity of
and contradictions.
limits
is based on a nalrow focus on the
misconception
The first
to the
and a lack of attention
i
n
c
o
r
e
c
o
u
n
t
r
i
e
s,
m
o
v
e
m
e
n
t
labor
i
n
d
u
s
t
r
i
a
l
o
f
t
h
e
r
e
l
o
c
a
t
i
o
n
o
f
e
f
f
e
c
t
s
a
n
d
l
o
n
g
e
r
t
e
r
m
wider
p
a
r
t
i
c
u
l
a
r
,
b
e
e
n
h
a
s
i
n
U
S
c
a
p
i
t
a
l
C
a
p
i
t
a
l
,
activities.
throughout
to lower income countries
its actj-vities
relocating
t
r
a
n
s
n
ational
b
e
c
a
m
e
U
S
c
o
r
p
o
r
a
t
i
o
n
s
century.
the twentieth
c
o
n
t
i
n
e
n
t
w
ide
t
h
e
i
r
h
a
d
c
o
m
p
l
e
t
e
d
s
o
o
n
a
s
t
h
e
y
almost as
and
by 1944 US
the
century;
at
the
turn
of
integration
domestic
percent
US
GNP, the
of
to
7
abroad
amounted
investment
direct
same percentage as in the late 1960s and a s1i9ht1y higher
and at
dj-d contain,
percentage than today (2).
These relocations
power and disposition
to
times rolled
back, the bargaining
But these domestic effects
struggle
of the US working class.
on a world scale by the
were more than counterbalanced
power and disposition
to struggle
of the bargaining
strengthening
to which industrial
of the working classes of the countries
(3).
activities
were relocated
More generally,
new worldwide
2
data on labor
unrest
based on
reports
in The New York Times and in the Times (London), has
revealed that labor unrest since the end of the Second World War
shows a declining
trend only in core coutries.
In semiperipheral
throughout the same period,
and in peripheral
countries
countries
labor
i
n
t
r
e
n
d
a
r
i
s
i
n
g
h
a
s
b
e
e
n
t
h
e
r
e
i
n
c
o
n
t
r
a
s
t
,
sinee 7970,
As Beverly Silver explains,
unrest (4).
'
to particular
attracted
were initially
Corporations
cheap
sites because they appeared to offer
semiperipheral
South
South Africa,
and docile workers (e.9., Spain, Brazil,
and indirect)
Korea).
The subsequent inflow of (direct
to a series of semiperipheral
investment contributed
foreign
But the
t
h
e
1
9
7
0
s and 1980s.
m
i
r
a
c
l
e
s
"
i
n
"economic
industries
mass production
expansion of capital-intensive
also created new
that accompanied these "economic miracles"
disruptive
working classes with significant
and militant
power.
Workers exercised this power in waves of struggle
of the
miracles
the semiperipheral
that spread throughout
in the
and South Africa...
l-970's and 1980's--from Brazil...
1970s to South Korea in the L980's (5).
of the ongoing
been the main thrust
relocation
Had spatial
a
r
e
that in the
t
h
e
c
h
a
n
c
e
s
c
a
p
j
t
a
l
i
s
m
,
o
f
w
o
r
l
d
restructuring
m
a
s
s
i
v
e labor
h
a
v
e
w
i
t
n
e
s
s
e
d
w
e
w
o
u
l
d
l-980s and early 1990s
to us to
n
o
t
e
v
e
n
o
c
c
u
r
i
t
w
o
u
l
d
a
n
d
t
o
d
a
y
,
unrest worldwide;
s
p
e
a
k
i
n
g
of such a
I
f
w
e
a
r
e
l
a
b
o
r
.
of world
speak of a crisis
i
n
d
u
s
t
r
i
al
r
e
l
o
c
a
t
i
o
n
o
f
t
h
e
s
p
a
t
i
a
l
it is because
crisis,
r
elocation
t
h
e
f
a
s
t
e
r
to lower income countries--even
activities
not
p
o
s
s
i
b
l
e
d
e
v
e
l
o
p
m
e
n
t
s
is
technological
by the latest
made
of the
r
e
s
t
u
c
t
u
r
i
n
g
the most fundamental aspeet of the capitalist
y
e
a
r
s
.
last twenty-five
As argued at length elsewhere (6), the primary aspect of
is a change of phase of processes of capital
this restructuring
to financial
on a world scale from material
accumulation
but a normal
This change is not at all an aberration
expansion.
From its
accumulation of capital.
development of the capitalist
p
r
e
s
e
n
t
,
y
e
a
r
s
t
h
e
ago down to the
600
earliest
beginnings
two
world-economy has always expanded through
capitalist
the course
phases: a phase of material expansion--in
alternating
into trade
g
r
o
w
i
n
g
m
o
n
e
y
w
a
s
c
h
a
n
n
e
l
e
d
mass of
capital
of which a
p
h
a
s
e
t
he course
p
r
o
d
u
c
t
i
o
n
a
n
d
i
n
e
x
p
a
n
s
i
o
n
,
a
of financial
and
growing
form and
to
its
money
mass
reverted
of capital
of which a
A
s
F
e
r
n
a
n
d
Braudel
s
p
e
c
u
l
a
t
i
o
n
.
a
n
d
went into lending,
borrowing
in the
out the recurrence
of this pattern
remarked in pointing
and nineteenth
centuries,
sixteenth,
eighteenth
"every capitalist
development of this order seems, by reaching the stage of
financial
expansion, to have in some sense announced its
maturity:
it was a sign of autumn' (7).
the great expansion of world trade
As Braudel was writing,
and production of the 1950s and 1-960s--the so-ca11ed "golden age
into
of capitalism'r - -began announcing its own maturity
by turning
In the l97Qs,
the financial
expansion of the 1970s and 1980s.
and in
the expansion of financial
activities
was associated with,
many ways contributed
tor rrr expansion of capital
flows from high
borrowing
fn the L980s/ cross-border
ta lower ineome countries.
-the stock of
and lending contj-nued to grow exponentiallyinternational
bank lending rising
from 4 per cent of the total
q
f
But
t
GDP
al-l OECDcountries
in l-980 o 44 per cent in L99I.
after
capital
flows from high to lower income countries,
sharply in the early 1-980s, began to recover only
contracting
towards the end of the decade (8). The ultimate
and privileged*
in
destination
of the capital
withdrawn from trade and production
in other words, has not been lower income
core locations,
that
speculation
countries
but the "hidden abodes" of financial
to one another.
It was this
connect high income countries
withdrawal,
rather than relocation,
that in the 1980s
precipitated
the crisis
of world labor.
should not be
As previ-ously mentioned, this crisis
misconstrued
as evidence in support of the view that the world
half of the twentieth
labor movement as instituted
in the first
its objectives,
or of the view that
century failed
to attain
and
its limits
world capitalism
can overcome indefinitely
p
o
w
e
r
f
u
l
workingn
o
t
i
c
i
n
g
t
h
a
t
L
e
t
u
s
b
e
g
i
n
b
y
contradictions.
D
e
m
o
c
r
atic and
Social
alass organizations
of the Trade Unionist,
h
alf of
t
h
e
f
i
r
s
t
themselves in
established
Communist varieti-es
of world society under
the twentieth
century as key institutions
for war
warfare or preparation
conditions
of almost uninterrupted
of Communist
among capitalist
states.
The establishment
in Russia and then
first
revolution
as a force in world politics,
result
of the ravages of the two
in China, was of course a direct
the greatest
countries,
But even in core capitalist
World Wars.
waves of class struggle
occurred towards the end and immediately
after the two World Wars (9).
The US Cold War world order, and the great expansion of
that occurred under the auspices of
world trade and production
joint
shaped by this
advance of
that order/
were thoroughly
in
and of Communist revolution
organized labor in core eountries
By the end of the
semiperipheral
and perj-pheral countries.
advance was widely perceived as
Second World War this joint
a fundamental threat
for the very survival
of world
constituting
capitalism.
If the advance was not contained and eventually
reversed,
the only question that seemed to remain open was not
whether world capitalism
would survive
but by what combination
of
reforms and revolutions
it would die.
The US "invention"
of the
CoId War was primarily
a response to this situation
of emergency
for world capitalism.
Under the CoId War worl-d order the advances of the world
labor movement of the first
half of the twentieth
century were
indeed contained and, eventually/
reversed but only through a
in the
late
l-960s, it
through
mostly, though not exclusively,
to overpower rivals,
turn,
i
n
c
o
m
p
e
t
i
t
i
o
n
,
T
h
i
s
r
a
c
e
.
a
r
m
a
m
e
n
t
in the
escalation
of
t
h
e
m
o
b
i
l
i
z
a
t
i
o
n
p
r
o
f
i
t
f
r
o
m
t
o
opportunities
multiplied
s
p
e
c
u
l
a
t
i
o
n
.
a
n
d
l
e
n
d
i
n
g
in borrowing,
surplus capital
an
main thrust
of
the
present
restructuring
of world
capitalism.
worrd-econony' rhe
of
informalization
and of
flexible
specialization
have underscored, there is plenty of evidence of
an ongoing reversal
of the trend of the past century towards
formally
organized and rigidly
specialized
governmental and
business structures.
But not all regions of the world-economy
hava aqual chances in the struggle
to benefit
than J.ose
rather
from the emerging trend towards informality
and flexible
specialization.
After 600 years in which "gi-fts" of history
and
geography made the West the primary seat of world capitalism,
it
now seems that the civilization(s)
of East Asia are best
j_n the
positioned
to take advantage of this latest
reversal
organj-zational
thrust of world capitalism
(21).
This is a first
important difference
between the present and
past financial
expansions.
During past financial
expansions the
geopolitical
center of world-scale
processes of capital
accumulation
shifted
from one reqion to another of the Western
worId.
During the present financial
expansion, in contrast,
the
center seems to be shifting
to a region of the non-Western world.
Equally important,
this latest
shift
of the geopolitical
processes of capital
center of world-scale
accumulation
is
anomalous in another respect.
In the past, shifts
of this kind
were associated
with the formation
at the commanding heights
of
the capitalist
world-economy of a complex of governmenta'l and
business organizations
that was more powerful both militarily
and
financially
than the previously
dominant complex: the US complex
relatj-ve
to the British,
the British
relative
to the Dutch, and
the Dutch relative
to the governmental and business organizations
of Italian
city-states.
Past financial
expansions and the
competitive
struggles
that underlay them, in other words,
powerful fusion of world military
resulted
in an increasingly
and
power within
financial
the organizational
domains of the
hegemonic center.
The present financial
expansion, in contrast,
has thus far resulted
in a fission
of the two kinds of power.
power is increasingly
Whil-e financial
concentrated
in East Asian
power is more than ever concentrated
hands, military
in US hands.
This second anomaly of the present financial
expansion is
related
closely
to a third.
Contrary to what happened in the
course of all past financial
expansions, the escalation
in the
power struggle
interstate
of the 1-980s did not turn into open
warfare.
The United States "won" by financial
means a gg,!! war
that it could not win by military
and diplomatic
means, but the
Cold War remained "cold. " To be sure, during and after
the
Second Cold War, "hot" wars have been proliferating
in most
peripheral
and semiperipheral
regions of the world-economy--in
Latin America and the Caribbean, Africa,
Southeastern Europe,
West, South and Central Asia, often with the direct
or i-ndi-rect
participation
of core capitalist
states.
Nevertheless / even
after
the end of the Cold War, the mutual quarrels
that
invariably
set capitalist
states against one another have shown
no tendency to deteriorate
into open warfarer
ds they did in all_
l_0
previous
financial
expansions.
A first
answer to these questions is that it is stil1
too
early to te1I.
The first
years of the latetwenty-five
nineteenth
century financial
expansion were characterized
by an
extreme instability
in working-c1ass
organization
and by many
ideological
and organizational
contours of the world labor
movement beqan to crystallize
and be discernible,
and yet another
twenty-five
before that movement became powerful
enough to impose
some of its objectives
(22).
There is no
on world capitalism
reason, of course, for supposing that the world labor movement of
the twentieth-first
century will
develop at the same pace and
along the same trajectory
as its predecessor.
But whether it is
actually
emerging, what form it is going to take, and how
effective
it is going to be- -these are issues that cannot be
decided on the basis of the tendencies of the 1ast, or even of
the next , !0-20 years.
It is nonetheless not too early to tell
that the conditions
under which the workers of the world will
make their
own history
in the twenty-first
radically
from the
century will
differ
To be sure, the present
conditions
of the past century.
financial
expansion, like the preceding one/ marks the beginning
from one kind of spatial
of world capitalism
of a transition
But each
and organizational
structure
to another.
configuration
transition
has peculiarities
of its own, which make the
from what they
struggles
different
conditions
of working-class
had been during the preceding transition.
A first
difference
is that the changing spatial
world-economy can be expected to
configuration
of the capitalist
towards peripheral
the epicenter
struggles
shift
of working-class
and semiperipheral
in general and towards East Asia in
countries
particular.
As previously
noted, the notion that the world labor
movement has been weakened by a massive relocation
of industrial
is a
activities
from high to 1ow and middle income countries
myth.
Had such a massive relocation
actually
the
occurred,
chances are that the world labor movement would have already been
revitalized.
The main reason why it has not is that in the 1980s
the primary destination
of the flight
of capital
have not been
low and middle income countries
but extraterritorial
financial
markets.
The main exception to this general tendency has been East
Asia, where the financial
expansion has been accompanied by a
rapid growth of trade and production.
Should this tendency
continue,
there can be littIe
doubt that this region,
China
included,
will
witness the formation of a vigorous labor
movement.
And to the extent that the material
expansion of the
East Asian regional
economy will
develop sufficient
momentum to
translate
into a new material
expansion of the entire
worldeconomy, the chances are that this vigorous
labor movement will
1,2
become globaI
in
scope.
A second difference
is that the reversal
of the trend of the
past century towards formally
specialized
organized and rigidly
to ehanse
expected
be
can
and bUSineSS StrUCtures
dovernmental
The
as
wel1.
of the world labor movement
the main thrust
t
h
e
in
century following
of capital
increasing
bureaucratization
of
for the bureaucratization
l-870 created favorable
conditions
It is quite possible that the reversal
labor movements as we1l.
in
for the revival
create the conditions
of this tendency will
and informal
new forms of the more flexible
entirely
typical
of the labor movement of the
structures
organizational
nineteenth
century.
will
occur, w should expect afso a
ff and when this revival
a
nd gender composition of the
major change in the ethnic/racialj
o
i
n
t
and
of capital
b
u
r
eaucratization
world labor movement. The
p
r
i
m
a
r
i
l
y
t
h
e
c
o
r
e
century benefited
labor in the twentieth
As labor and
component of the world labor force.
white-male
t
h
e
bureaucratic
within
commodj-ty markets were "internalized"
of "ful1
(23), and the objectives
structures
of core capital
employment" and high mass consumption were taken over by the
white male workers
governments of core capitalist
countries,
paid and more secure jobs.
the better
succeded in monopolizing
since
competition
of intercapitalist
But the intensification
to seek cheaper and more flexible
about 1-970 has induced capital
not just in low and niddle income countries,
sourges of labor,
In
but atso among women and non-white males in all countries.
the short run, the main impact of this tendency has been to
of white male workers in core
heighten the "fear of falling"
may well
In the longer run/ however, its main effect
countries.
be the emergence of a world labor movement in which women and
than they
people of color have a far greater weight and influence
have had in the past.
warfare as an
Fina11y, the obsolescence of interstate
can be expected to weaken
competition
instrument
of capitalist
orientation
of the world labor
and statist
the nationalist
noted, the world labor movement of the
As previously
movement.
twentieth
century developed under conditj-ons of almost
for war among capitalist
warfare or preparation
uninterrupted
power of states
the military
states.
Under these circumstances,
cfasses, and be perceived by the
could be presented by the ruling
of
as a key ingredient
classes (workers included)
subordinate
in the twentieth
As a result,
national
wealth and welfare.
component of labor
became an integral
century nationalism
became
and the class struggle
movements almost everywhere,
power struggle.
interwoven with the interstate
inextricably
warfare
To the extent that the obsolescence of interstate
c
o
n
f
i
r
m
e
d by
w
i
l
l
b
e
competition
of capitalist
an instrument
p
r
o
g
r
e
s
s
i
v
e
l
y
s
t
r
u
g
g
l
e
w
i
l
l
b
e
t
r
e
n
d
s
,
t
h
e
c
l
a
s
s
future
l_3
as
disentangled
from the interstate
power struggle.
There is of
course no guarantee that this dj-sentanglement will
translate
into
a more internationalist
rather than "tribalist"
among
disposition
the workers of the world.
The invention
of new/ or the
religious
lines is no doubt an easier response to the
intensj-fication
of world market competititon
and state breakdowns
than the formation
of class solidarity
across borders or cultural
divides.
As the experience of the former Yugoslavia illustrates
tragically,
however, the easier response may well be a cure much
worse than the disease.
The Croatian and Serb militias
may well prefigure
the
predominant form of proleta::ian
organization
of the twentiethfirst
century.
But there is at least an equal chance that the
predominant form will
be prefigured
by the kind of working-cIass
cooperation
that is being organized slowly and loosely
from below
across the US-Mexican border.
Whether the now weaker wind of
prevail
internationalism
will
eventually
over the wind of
is a question ultimately
in the hands of the workers
"tribalism"
of the world themselves.
ENDNOTES
(1) Giovanni Arrighi,
"Marxist Century, American Century: The
Making and Remaking of the World Labor Movement. " New Left
Review, L79, l-990, p.55.
(2) Stephen Hymer, "The Multinational
and the Law of
Corporation
Uneven Development. "
In J.N. Bhagwati, d., Economic and World
Order (New York: Macmillan, 7972) p. L2L; Mira Wilkins,
The
Emerqence of Multinational
(Cambridge: Cambridge
Enterprise
University
Press, 1970) pp. 201"-2; Ethan Kapstein, "We Are Us:
The Myth of the Multinational."
The National Interest,
Winter
1,991,/92, p.57.
(3) Giovanni Arrighi
and Beverly Silver,
"Labor Movements and
Capital Migration:
T h e U ni t e d S t a t e s a n d W e s t e r n E u r o p e i n W o r l d
Historical
Perspective. "
In C. Bergquist, ed., Labor in the
Capitalist
World - Economv (Beverly Hills:
S a g e, L 9 8 4 ) .
(4) Beverly J. Silver,
"World-Scale Patterns of Labor-Capital
Conflict:
L a b o r U n r e s t , L o n g W a v e s , a n d C y c l e s o f H e g e m o n y ."
Review (Fernand Braudel Center), 18, I, 1995, pp.L77-9.
(5)
"Wor1d-Sca1e Patterns
of Labor-Capital
Conflict,
" p.
1-82.
Fernand Braudel,
The Perspective
L4
of the World
(New York:
Harper
& R o w, 1 - 9 8 4 ) p .
(8)
pp.
The Economist,
6-9, L4-L7 .
(9)
pp.
Silver,
I58-73t
246 .
"World Economy/Survey,"
"World-Sca1e Patterns
177.
September !9,
of Labor-Capital
1992,
ConfIict,"
to Contemporary
(10) Geoffrey Barraclough,
An Introduction
(Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1-967) p. 1'27.
Historv
McCormick, America's Half Centurv. United States
in the
C o l d War ( B a l t i m o r e ,
MD: Johns Hopkins
P r e s s , l - 9 8 9) p . 9 9 .
(11) Thomas J.
Foreicrn
Policv
University
of what follows,
(16) Egj-.Liag_Point,, p.
1-431-.
220.
Basic Books,
"
(20) Arrighi,
Centrrrv-
Arrighi,
"Marxist
Century,
zation"
Internal
MA: D.C.
Analvsis
(Lexington,
Arrighi,
American Century,"
pp.24-47.
Century,
and Companf,
L97L)
PP. 239-42,
287-9
and