KABANATA II

Mga Kaugnay na Pag-aaral at Literatura

Dayuhang Pag-aaral
Ang teorya ni B.F Skiner ay base sa ideya na ang pag-aaral ay
The theory of B.F. Skinner is based upon the idea that learning is a function of change in overt behavior.
Changes in behavior are the result of an individual's response to events (stimuli) that occur in the
environment. A response produces a consequence such as defining a word, hitting a ball, or solving a
math problem. When a particular Stimulus-Response (S-R) pattern is reinforced (rewarded), the
individual is conditioned to respond. The distinctive characteristic of operant conditioning relative to
previous forms of behaviorism (e.g., connectionism, drive reduction) is that the organism can emit
responses instead of only eliciting response due to an external stimulus.
(Ang teorya ng .bf Skinner ay batay sa ideya na ang pag-aaral ay isang katangian ng
pagbabago sa pag-uugali pantao . Mga pagbabago sa pag-uugali ay ang resulta ng tugon
ng isang indibidwal na mga kaganapan ( stimuli ) na nagaganap sa kapaligiran. Isang
sagot ay gumagawa ng isang kinahinatnan tulad ng pagtukoy sa isang salita , ang
pagpindot ng bola , o paglutas ng problema sa matematika . Kapag ang isang
partikular na pampasigla - Tugon ( SR ) pattern ay reinforced ( gagantimpalaan ),
ang indibidwal ay condition upang tumugon . ng natatanging katangian ng operant
conditioning na may kaugnayan sa nakaraang mga paraan ng Sikolohiyang pang-ugali (eg
, connectionism , biyahe pagbabawas) ay ang organismo ay maaaring naglalabas ng mga
tugon sa halip na lamang eliciting tugon dahil sa isang panlabas na pampasigla .)

Reinforcement is the key element in Skinner's S-R theory. A reinforcer is anything that strengthens the
desired response. It could be verbal praise, a good grade or a feeling of increased accomplishment or
satisfaction. The theory also covers negative reinforcers -- any stimulus that results in the increased
frequency of a response when it is withdrawn (different from adversive stimuli -- punishment -- which
result in reduced responses). A great deal of attention was given to schedules of reinforcement (e.g.
interval versus ratio) and their effects on establishing and maintaining behavior.
(Pampalakas ay ang susi sangkap sa SR teorya Skinner iyon. Ang isang reinforcer ay

anumang bagay na strengthens ang ninanais na tugon . Maaaring ito ay may kinalaman
sa pandiwa papuri, isang mahusay na grado o isang pakiramdam ng tumaas na mga
katangian o kasiyahan . Ang teorya ay sumasaklaw din negatibong reinforcers anumang pampasigla na nagreresulta sa pinataas na dalas ng isang tugon kapag ito ay
kinuha ( iba mula sa adversive stimuli - kaparusahan - na magreresulta sa nabawasan
ang mga tugon ). Ang isang mahusay na deal ng pansin ay ibinigay sa mga iskedyul ng

dagdag na mga kagamitan (eg agwat kumpara sa ratio) at ang kanilang mga epekto sa
pagtatag at pagpapanatili ng pag-uugali )

One of the distinctive aspects of Skinner's theory is that it attempted to provide behavioral explanations
for a broad range of cognitive phenomena. For example, Skinner explained drive (motivation) in terms
of deprivation and reinforcement schedules. Skinner (1957) tried to account for verbal learning and
language within the operant conditioning paradigm, although this effort was strongly rejected by
linguists and psycholinguists. Skinner (1971) deals with the issue of free will and social control.

(Isa sa mga natatanging aspeto ng teorya Skinner ay na ito tinangka upang magbigay

ng pang-asal mga paliwanag para sa isang malawak na hanay ng mga nagbibigay-malay

pangyayari . Halimbawa, ipinaliwanag Skinner biyahe ( pagganyak ) sa mga tuntunin ng
pag-agaw at dagdag na mga kagamitan ng mga iskedyul . Skinner ( 1957 ) sinubukan sa
account para sa pandiwang pag-aaral at wika sa loob ng operant conditioning
tularan , bagaman pagsisikap na ito ay Matindi ang tinanggihan ng linguist at
psycholinguists . Skinner ( 1971 ) deal na may ang isyu ng malayang kalooban at
social control . )

Application
Operant conditioning has been widely applied in clinical settings (i.e., behavior modification) as well as
teaching (i.e., classroom management) and instructional development (e.g., programmed instruction).
Parenthetically, it should be noted that Skinner rejected the idea of theories of learning (see Skinner,
1950).

(Operant conditioning ay malawak na inilalapat sa klinikal na mga setting (ibig

sabihin , pag-uugali pagbabago ) pati na rin ang pagtuturo (ibig sabihin , sa
pamamahala ng silid-aralan ) at pagtuturo sa pag-unlad (halimbawa, -program
pagtuturo ). Parenthetically , dapat itong nabanggit na tinanggihan Skinner ang
ideya ng teoryang ng pag-aaral (tingnan Skinner , )

Example
By way of example, consider the implications of reinforcement theory as applied to the development of
programmed instruction (Markle, 1969; Skinner, 1968)
1. Practice should take the form of question (stimulus) - answer (response) frames which expose the
student to the subject in gradual steps
2. Require that the learner make a response for every frame and receive immediate feedback
3. Try to arrange the difficulty of the questions so the response is always correct and hence a positive
reinforcement
4. Ensure that good performance in the lesson is paired with secondary reinforcers such as verbal praise,
prizes and good grades.

(Bilang halimbawa , isaalang-alang ang mga implikasyon ng pampalakas teorya bilang

inilapat sa pag-unlad ng program pagtuturo ( Markle , 1969 ; Skinner , 1968
Practice dapat tumagal ang form ng tanong ( pampasigla ) - sagot ( tugon) frame na
ilantad ang mag-aaral sa paksa sa unti-unting mga hakbang

Principles
1. Behavior that is positively reinforced will reoccur; intermittent reinforcement is particularly
effective
2. Information should be presented in small amounts so that responses can be reinforced
("shaping")
3. Reinforcements will generalize across similar stimuli ("stimulus generalization") producing
secondary conditioning

The consequences of behavior determine the probability that the behavior will occur
again" --B. F. Skinner
(Ang mga kahihinatnan ng pag-uugali matukoy ang posibilidad na mangyari na ang paguugali ay magaganap muli " --BF Skinner)

In operant conditioning, schedules of reinforcement are an important component of the learning process.
When and how often we reinforce a behavior can have a dramatic impact on the strength and rate of the
response.
(Sa operant conditioning , iskedyul ng dagdag na mga kagamitan ay isang mahalagang
bahagi ng proseso ng pag-aaral. Kapag at kung gaano kadalas mapalakas kami ng paguugali ay maaaring magkaroon ng malakihang epekto sa lakas at rate ng tugon .

A schedule of reinforcement is basically a rule stating which instances of a behavior will be reinforced.
In some case, a behavior might be reinforced every time it occurs. Sometimes, a behavior might not be
reinforced at all. Either positive reinforcement or negative reinforcement might be used, depending on
the situation. In both cases, the goal of reinforcement is always to strengthen the behavior and increase
the likelihood that it will occur again in the future.
(Ang isang iskedyul ng dagdag na mga kagamitan ay isa lamang panuntunan na nagsasaad
na mga kaso ng isang pag-uugali ay reinforced . Sa ilang mga kaso , maaaring
reinforced ng isang pag-uugali sa tuwing nangyayari ito . Minsan, ang isang paguugali ay maaaring hindi reinforced sa lahat . Alinman sa positibong dagdag na mga
kagamitan o negatibong pampalakas maaaring magamit , depende sa sitwasyon. Sa
parehong mga kaso , ang layunin ng dagdag na mga kagamitan ay palaging upang
palakasin ang pag-uugali at mapataas ang posibilidad na mangyari ito muli sa
hinaharap . )

In real-world settings, behaviors are probably not going to be reinforced each and every time they occur.
For situations where you are purposely trying to train and reinforce an action, such as in the classroom,
in sports or in animal training, you might opt to follow a specific reinforcement schedule. As you'll see
below, some schedules are best suited to certain types of training situations. In some cases, training
might call for starting out with one schedule and switching to another once the desired behavior has
been taught.
(Sa mga setting ng real- mundo, mga pag-uugali ay hindi malamang na pagpunta sa ma-

reinforced bawat isa at sa bawat oras na naganap ang mga ito . Para sa mga sitwasyon
kung saan kusa na sinusubukan upang sanayin at suportahan ang isang aksyon, tulad ng
sa silid-aralan , sa sports o sa hayop pagsasanay , maaari mong piliing sundin ang
isang tiyak na iskedyul ng pampalakas . Tulad ng makikita mo sa ibaba , ang ilang
mga iskedyul ng pinakamainam na naaayon sa ilang mga uri ng mga sitwasyon sa
pagsasanay . Sa ilang mga kaso , pagsasanay ay maaaring tawagan para sa pagsisimula
out kasama ang isang iskedyul at paglipat sa isa pang nang isang beses sa nais na
pag-uugali ay itinuro .)

Disciplining is an empowering process for both children and parents when done correctly. If you find
yourself using punishment too often, think about ways to even out the balance. It won't take long until
your children are behaving the way you've always dreamed. (Steve Debenport,
istockphoto.com/asiseeit)
(Paghutok ay isang proseso ng pag- empowering para sa parehong mga bata at mga
magulang kapag tapos na tama. Kung nakita mo ang iyong sarili masyadong madalas
gamit ang parusa , isipin ang tungkol sa mga paraan kahit na ang balanse. Hindi ito
magtatagal mahaba hanggang ang iyong mga anak ay kumikilos ang paraan lagi mong
pinangarap . ( Steve Debenport , istockphoto.com / asiseeit )

Some days, it feels like all we do as parents is discipline our children, but do we understand what
discipline really means? The goal of disciplining children is not to punish them for bad behavior. Rather,
discipline is a tool to get the behavior we want. Ultimately, children who receive discipline become
disciplined in the way they think, act and speak. Discipline is a good thing, so long as it's not always
about punishment.
(Ang ilang mga araw, nararamdaman tulad ng lahat ng ginagawa namin bilang mga
magulang ay disiplina sa ating mga anak , ngunit huwag naiintindihan namin kung ano
ang talagang nangangahulugan disiplina ? Ang layunin ng paghutok mga bata ay hindi
upang parusahan ang mga ito para sa masamang pag-uugali . Sa halip, disiplina ay
isang kasangkapan upang makuha ang pag-uugali ng gusto namin. Sa huli , ang mga bata
na makatanggap ng disiplina maging disiplinado sa paraang sila sa tingin , kumilos
at magsalita . Disiplina ay isang magandang bagay , kaya hangga't ito ay hindi
palaging tungkol sa kaparusahan.

Throughout the 1930s and into the 1950s, psychologist B.F. Skinner studied operant conditioning, or
how we use discipline to gain a desired behavior. Through decades of research, Skinner identified
effective ways to instill discipline in children. By understanding his three methods, we learn how to get
better behavior from our kids.
(Sa buong 1930s at sa 1950s , psychologist .bf Skinner pinag-aralan ang operant
conditioning , o paano namin ginagamit ang disiplina upang makakuha ng ninanais na
pag-uugali . Sa pamamagitan ng mga dekada ng pananaliksik, nakilala Skinner
epektibong paraan upang makintal disiplina sa mga bata. Sa pamamagitan ng pag-unawa
sa kanyang tatlong mga paraan , alamin natin kung paano makakuha ng mas mahusay na
pag-uugali mula sa ating mga anak .)

Overjustification effect
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

The overjustification effect occurs when an expected external incentive such as money or prizes
decreases a person's intrinsic motivation to perform a task. The overall effect of offering a reward for a
previously unrewarded activity is a shift to extrinsic motivation and the undermining of pre-existing
intrinsic motivation. Once rewards are no longer offered, interest in the activity is lost; prior intrinsic
motivation does not return, and extrinsic rewards must be continuously offered as motivation to sustain
the activity.[1]
(

Nagaganap ang overjustification epekto kapag ang isang inaasahang panlabas na

insentibo tulad ng pera o premyo ay nababawasan tunay pagganyak ng isang tao upang
isagawa ang isang gawain . Ang pangkalahatang epekto ng pag-aalok ng isang
gantimpala para sa isang nakaraang walang ganti aktibidad ay isang shift upang hindi
kailangan pagganyak at ang undermining ng pre- umiiral na tunay pagganyak . Sa
sandaling premyo ay hindi na inaalok , interes sa aktibidad ay nawala ; bago tunay
pagganyak ay hindi bumalik , at hindi kailangan premyo ay dapat na patuloy na
inaalok bilang pagganyak upang magbigay-lakas sa aktibidad. [1])

Contents

1 Experimental evidence

2 Theories

3 Controversy

4 Applications

5 See also

6 References

7 Further reading

Experimental evidence (Pang-eksperimentong

katibayan

The overjustification effect has been widely demonstrated in many settings. In one of the earliest
demonstrations of this effect, Edward Deci and his colleagues conducted a laboratory experiment in
1971 where subjects showing baseline interest in solving a puzzle was exposed to two different
conditions. The control group were not paid on all three days while the experimental group were not
paid on the first day, were paid on the second day and were not paid again on the third day. The subjects
were given a break in the middle of each session and were being observed while doing whatever they
wanted. The results showed that the experimental group spent significantly more time than the control
group playing the puzzle during their break time on day 2 when they were paid but significantly less on
day 3 when they were not paid. This was interpreted as evidence that the extrinsic monetary reward
significantly reduced their intrinsic motivation to engage in the task.[2]

Ang overjustification epekto ay malawak na nagpakita sa maraming mga setting. Sa

isa sa pinakamaagang demonstrations ng epekto na ito, isinasagawa Edward Deci at ang
kanyang mga kasamahan sa isang laboratoryo eksperimento sa 1971 kung saan lumalabas
ang mga paksa baseline interes sa paglutas ng isang palaisipan ay nailantad sa
dalawang magkaibang mga kundisyon. Ang control grupo ay hindi na binayaran sa lahat
ng tatlong araw habang ang pang-eksperimentong grupo ay hindi na binabayaran sa
unang araw , ay binayaran sa ikalawang araw at hindi bayad na muli sa ikatlong
araw . Ang mga paksa ay ibinigay ng pahinga sa gitna ng bawat session at ay inaobserbahan habang ginagawa kung ano ang kanilang nais . Ang mga resulta ay nagpakita
na ginugol ang pang-eksperimentong pangkat ay makabuluhang mas maraming oras kaysa
sa control group na nagpe-play ang puzzle sa panahon ng kanilang oras sa bakasyon sa
araw na 2 kapag sila ay binabayaran ngunit makabuluhang mas mababa sa 3 araw kapag
hindi sila ay binayaran. Ito ay binigyang-kahulugan bilang katibayan na ang
gantimpala hindi kailangan ng pera ng makabuluhang bawasan ang kanilang tunay
pagganyak upang makisali sa mga gawain . [2])

Researchers at Southern Methodist University conducted an experiment on 188 female university

students in which they measured the subjects' continued interest in a cognitive task (a word game) after
their initial performance under different incentives. The subjects were divided into two groups. Members
of the first group were told that they would be rewarded for competence. Above-average players would
be paid more and below-average players would be paid less. Members of the second group were told
that they would be rewarded only for completion. Their pay was scaled by the number of repetitions or
the number of hours playing. Afterwards, half of the subjects in each group were told that they overperformed, and the other half were told that they under-performed, regardless of how well each subject
actually did. Members of the first group generally showed greater interest in the game and continued
playing for a longer time than the members of the second group. "Over-performers" continued playing
longer than "under-performers" in the first group, but "under-performers" continued playing longer than
"over-performers" in the second group. This study showed that, when rewards do not reflect
competence, higher rewards lead to less intrinsic motivation. But when rewards do reflect competence,
higher rewards lead to greater intrinsic motivation.[3]

Ang mga mananaliksik sa Southern Methodist University na isinasagawa ng isang

eksperimento sa 188 mga mag-aaral sa unibersidad babae kung saan sila sinusukat ang
patuloy na interes sa mga paksang 'sa isang nagbibigay-malay na gawain ( isang
salita laro ) pagkatapos ng kanilang unang pagganap sa ilalim ng iba't ibang mga
insentibo . Ang mga paksa ay nahahati sa dalawang grupo . Miyembro ng unang pangkat
ay sinabi na ang mga ito ay gagantimpalaan para sa kagalingan . Sa itaas - average
na mga manlalaro ay dapat bayaran nang higit pa at sa ibaba - average na mga
manlalaro ay binayaran mas mababa . Ang mga miyembro ng ikalawang grupo ay sinabi na
ang mga ito ay gagantimpalaan lamang para sa pagkumpleto . Ang kanilang mga pay ay
naka-scale sa pamamagitan ng bilang ng mga repetitions o ang bilang ng mga oras ng
pag-play . Pagkatapos, kalahati ng mga paksa sa bawat pangkat ay sinabi na sila
over- gumanap , at ang iba pang kalahati ay sinabi na ang mga ito sa ilalim gumanap , hindi alintana ng kung gaano kahusay na aktwal na ginawa sa bawat paksa.
Miyembro ng unang pangkat sa pangkalahatan ay nagpakita ng mas mahusay na interes sa
laro at patuloy na pag-play para sa isang mas mahabang oras kaysa sa mga miyembro ng
ikalawang grupo . "Sa paglipas -performers " patuloy sa pag-play mas mahaba kaysa
"sa ilalim -performers " sa unang pangkat, ngunit "sa ilalim -performers " ang
patuloy na pag-play ng mas mahaba kaysa sa " over- performers " sa pangalawang
group. Nagpakita ang pag-aaral na ito na , kapag premyo ay hindi sumasalamin sa
kakayanan , mas mataas na premyo humantong sa mas tunay pagganyak . Ngunit kapag

premyo ay sumasalamin sa kakayahan , mas mataas na premyo humantong sa mas higit na

tunay pagganyak . [ 3])

Richard Titmuss suggested that paying for blood donations might reduce the supply of blood donors. To
test this, a field experiment with three treatments was conducted. In the first treatment, the donors did
not receive compensation. In the second treatment, the donors received a small payment. In the third
treatment, donors were given a choice between the payment and an equivalent-valued contribution to
charity. None of the three treatments affected the number of male donors, but the second treatment
almost halved the number of female donors. However, allowing the contribution to charity fully
eliminated this effect.[4]
(

Richard Titmuss iminungkahing na nagbabayad para sa mga donasyong dugo ay maaaring

bawasan ang supply ng mga donor ng dugo . Upang subukan ito, isang eksperimento
patlang na may tatlong treatment Isinagawa . Sa unang paggamot , ang mga donor ay
hindi nakatanggap ng kabayaran . Sa ikalawang paggamot , nakatanggap ang mga donor
isang maliit na bayad . Sa ikatlong paggamot , mga donor ay bibigyan ng pagpipilian
sa pagitan ng pagbabayad at contribution isang katumbas - nagkakahalaga sa kawanggawa . Wala sa tatlong treatment apektado ang bilang ng mga lalaki donor , ngunit
ang ikalawang paggamot halos halved ang bilang ng mga babaeng donor . Gayunpaman ,
pinahihintulutan ang mga kontribusyon sa kawanggawa ganap na inalis epekto na ito.
[4]

Theories
According to self-perception theory, a person infers causes about his or her own behavior based on
external constraints. The presence of a strong constraint (such as a reward) would lead a person to
conclude that he or she is performing the behavior solely for the reward, which shifts the person's
motivation from intrinsic to extrinsic.[5]
(

Ayon sa self- pagdama teorya , ang isang tao infers dahilan tungkol sa kanyang
sariling pag-uugali batay sa panlabas na mga hadlang . Ang pagkakaroon ng isang
malakas na hadlang (tulad ng isang gantimpala ) ay hahantong sa isang tao upang
tapusin na siya ay gumaganap ang pag-uugali para lamang sa mga gantimpala , na shift
pagganyak ng tao mula sa tunay na hindi kailangan . [5]

Laboratory studies in the 1970s indicated that individuals under conditions with extrinsic rewards
showed diminished intrinsic motivation. Deci and his colleagues (e.g., Deci and Ryan 1985) developed
the cognitive evaluation theory to explain the results. As a sub-theory of self-determination theory,
cognitive evaluation theory explains that both control and competence underlie intrinsic motivation and
how extrinsic rewards affect intrinsic motivation is dependent on the individuals interpretation. Intrinsic
motivation increases if individuals interpret rewards as pertaining positive information about their own
competence and self-control over results, whereas if they interpret the results as indicative of external
control, this decreases their feelings of self-control and competence, which in turn decreases intrinsic
motivation. Cognitive evaluation theory also suggests social context as another implication on intrinsic
motivation. Social cues can exert either positive or negative effects on intrinsic motivation depending on

the messages that the context conveys regarding a persons autonomy and competence. Verbal rewards
such as positive feedback and praise are predicted to be experienced as controlling hence decreasing
intrinsic motivation. However, verbal rewards that are informational and not experienced as controlling
are predicted to exert positive effects.[6]
(

Laboratory pag-aaral sa 1970s na nakasaad na ang mga indibiduwal sa ilalim ng mga

kondisyon na hindi kailangan premyo ay nagpakita ng nabawasang tunay pagganyak .
Deci at ang kanyang mga kasamahan (eg , Deci at Ryan 1985) na binuo ang nagbibigaymalay pagsusuri teorya upang ipaliwanag ang mga resulta. Bilang isang sub- teorya ng
pagsasarili teorya , nagbibigay-malay pagsusuri teorya nagpapaliwanag na ang
parehong kontrol at kakayahan pumailalim tunay pagganyak at kung paano hindi
mahalaga premyo makakaapekto sa tunay pagganyak ay nakasalalay sa pagpapakahulugan
ng indibidwal. Tunay pagganyak nagtataas kung indibidwal bigyang-kahulugan ang
premyo bilang tumutukoy positibong impormasyon tungkol sa kanilang mga sariling
kakayahan at self- kontrol sa mga resulta , samantalang kung bigyang-kahulugan ang
mga ito sa mga resulta ng bilang pinagkakilanlan ng mga panlabas na kontrol, ito ay
nababawasan ang kanilang mga damdamin ng self- kontrol at kakayahan , na kung saan
ay nababawasan tunay pagganyak . Iminumungkahi rin Cognitive pagsusuri teorya ng
social konteksto ng isa pang implikasyon sa tunay pagganyak . Social na mga
pahiwatig ay maaaring pilitin ang alinman sa positibo o negatibong epekto sa tunay
pagganyak depende sa mga mensahe na konteksto nagbibigay patungkol sa pagsasarili at
kakayahan ng isang tao. Pandiwang premyo tulad ng positibong feedback at papuri ay
hinulaang na naranasan bilang pagkontrol kaya mababawasan ang tunay pagganyak .
Gayunpaman, pandiwang premyo na nagbibigay-kaalaman at hindi naranasan bilang
pagkontrol ay hinuhulaan na magpunyagi positibong epekto . [6])

Self-determination theory is a broad theory of motivation in work organizations that maintains the
predictions of cognitive evaluation theory but also recognizes the limitations of the theory, such as
organizational conditions under which predictions do not apply or are less relevant in real-world
settings, which cognitive evaluation theory fails to recognize. The theory differentiates between various
types of motivational state, distinguishes the organizational conditions where extrinsic rewards are more
effective than intrinsic rewards, examines individual differences in orientation toward intrinsic versus
extrinsic motivation and discusses managerial behavior that can enhance intrinsic motivation. Findings
from the Deci et al. (1989) study have supported self-determination theory as an approach to work
motivation by showing how managers can impact the work attitudes of their employees. The study
reported that managerial autonomy support which included provision of options, giving relevant
information in a non-autonomous way, acknowledging subordinates perspectives and cultivating selfinitiation resulted in employees having more positive work-related attitudes such as higher level of job
satisfaction and increased level of trust in corporate management.[7]
(

Pagsasarili teorya ay isang malawak na teorya ng pagganyak sa trabaho organisasyon

na nagpapanatili ng mga hula ng mga nagbibigay-malay pagsusuri teorya ngunit
Kinikilala din ang mga limitasyon ng mga teorya , tulad ng mga pangsamahang mga
kondisyon sa ilalim kung saan ang mga hula ay hindi nalalapat o mas may-katuturan sa
mga setting ng makatotohanang , na nagbibigay-malay pagsusuri teorya nabigo
makilala. Ang teorya iiba sa pagitan ng iba't ibang uri ng Pampalakas ng Loob ng
estado , Tinutukoy ang mga kondisyon ng organisasyon kung saan hindi mahalaga premyo
ay mas mabisa kaysa sa tunay premyo Sinusuri ng indibidwal na mga pagkakaiba sa
orientation patungo sa tunay kumpara sa nasa labas pagganyak at tinatalakay ng
pangangasiwa pag-uugali na mapapahusay ang tunay pagganyak . Napag-alaman mula sa
Deci et al . ( 1989) pag-aaral na suportado pagsasarili teorya bilang isang diskarte
upang gumana pagganyak sa pamamagitan ng pagpapakita kung paano managers ay maaring

makaapekto sa trabaho saloobin ng kanilang mga empleyado . Naiulat na pag-aaral na

ang pagsasarili ng pangangasiwa ng suporta na kasama pagkakaloob ng mga
pagpipilian , na nagbibigay sa mga may-katuturang impormasyon sa isang nonautonomous na paraan, tinatanggap pananaw subordinates 'at paglinang sa sarili
pagsisimula nagresulta sa pagkakaroon ng mga empleyado sa higit pang positibong
saloobin na may kaugnayan sa trabaho tulad ng mga mas mataas na antas ng kasiyahan
sa trabaho at tumaas na antas ng pagtitiwala sa corporate pamamahala . [7]

Controversy
Directional effects of rewards on motivation, depending on type of task, type of reward, and contingency
of reward.
(Direksyon epekto ng premyo sa pagganyak , depende sa uri ng gawain, uri ng
gantimpala , at kawalang-tiyak ng anumang mangyayari ng gantimpala .)

The overjustification effect is controversial because it challenges previous findings in psychology on the
general effectiveness of reinforcement on increasing behavior, and also the widespread practice of using
incentives in the classroom. These findings fail to account for situations whereby the nature of activities
differ, such as in cases where the initial level of intrinsic interest in the activity is very low, introducing
extrinsic contingencies may be essential for producing involvement.[2] These conclusions were
challenged in a separate meta-analysis[8] which found that tangible rewards offered for outperforming
others and for performing uninteresting tasks (in which intrinsic motivation is low) lead to increased
intrinsic motivation,[9] and stated that the detrimental effects of rewards on motivation only occur in a
specific, restricted set of conditions that could be easily avoided.[10] This set of analyses included both
high-interest and low-interest tasks, whereas the original meta-analyses conducted by Deci and
colleagues (1999) restricted analyses to tasks in which participants initially had high interest. In fact, a
2001 meta-analysis showed that rewards can increase intrinsic motivation for tasks that initially hold
little intrinsic interest.[11]
(

Ang overjustification epekto ay maaaring pagtalunan dahil ang mga hamon ito
nakaraang mga natuklasan sa sikolohiya sa pangkalahatang pagiging epektibo ng dagdag
na mga kagamitan sa pagtaas ng pag-uugali , at din ang laganap na kasanayan sa
paggamit ng mga insentibo sa silid-aralan . Ang mga natuklasan mabigo sa account
para sa mga sitwasyon kung saan ang likas na katangian ng mga gawain mag-iba , tulad
ng sa kaso kung saan ang unang antas ng tunay na interes sa aktibidad ay napakababa,
ipinapakilala hindi kailangan contingencies ay maaaring maging mahalaga para sa
paggawa paglahok . [2 ] Ang mga konklusyon ay hinamon sa isang hiwalay na metapagtatasa [8] na natagpuan na nadarama premyo inaalok para madaig ang pagganap ng
iba at para sa pagsasagawa ng hindi kawili-wili gawain (na kung tunay pagganyak ay
mababa ) lead sa tumaas na tunay pagganyak , [9 ] at ipinahayag na ang mga
pumipinsala epekto ng premyo sa pagganyak lamang nagaganap sa isang tiyak na ,
pinaghihigpitan na hanay ng mga kondisyon na maaaring madaling naiwasan . [10] ang
hanay ng mga pagsusuri kasama ang mga gawain ng parehong mataas na interes at
mababang - interes , habang ang orihinal na meta- pinag-aaralan na isinasagawa ng
Deci at kasamahan (1999) pinaghihigpitan pinag-aaralan upang mga gawain kung saan
ang mga kalahok sa una ay nagkaroon ng mataas na interes . Sa katunayan, ay
nagpakita na ang premyo ay maaaring tumaas tunay pagganyak para sa mga gawain na sa
una matagal kaunti tunay na interes sa isang 2001 meta- pagtatasa. [11])

Also, according to Eisenberger and Cameron, claimed negative effects of extrinsic rewards on task
interest derived from the Deci study (1971) do not take into consideration that conditions manufactured
in laboratory settings that produce these effects are not true reflections of situations in the real world.
For example, in the Deci study the incentive was provided for one session and was then arbitrarily
withdrawn in the next and such incentive plans do not exist in the real world. Also, the reduced intrinsic
interest seen in subjects may be explained by a negative reaction when the reward was withheld.[12]
Eisenberger and his colleges also claimed that the validity of the dependent measure is highly
questionable in the Deci study. Laboratory results that used the amount of free time spend on the task as
the dependent measure are shown to be far weaker than when self reports are used for these measures.
The Deci study gives far less weight to self reports, however self-reports about subjects level of internal
motivation seem to be a more direct measure of the psychological state of interest.[13]
(

Gayundin, ayon sa Eisenberger at Cameron , inaangkin ng negatibong mga epekto ng

panlabas premyo sa interes ng gawain nagmula sa Deci pag-aaral ( 1971 ) ay hindi
isinasaalang- alang na mga kundisyon ginawa sa mga setting ng laboratoryo na gumawa
ng mga effects ay hindi tunay na reflection ng mga sitwasyon sa tunay na mundo .
Halimbawa , sa pag-aaral Deci ang insentibo ay ibinigay para sa isang session at
pagkatapos ay nagkataon withdraw sa susunod na at tulad insentibo plano ay hindi
umiiral sa totoong mundo. Gayundin, ang pinababang interes tunay na nakikita sa mga
paksa ay maaaring ipinaliwanag sa pamamagitan ng isang negatibong reaksyon kapag ang
gantimpala ay mabigay. [12] inaangkin din Eisenberger at ang kanyang mga kolehiyo na
ang bisa ng mga taong palaasa sa kapwa panukala ay lubos na kaduda-dudang sa Deci
pag-aaral . Resulta ng laboratoryo na ginamit sa halaga ng libreng paggastos oras sa
gawain bilang ang umaasa panukala ay ipinapakita na maging malayo mas mahina kaysa
sa kapag sariling mga ulat ay ginagamit para sa mga panukala. Ang Deci pag-aaral ay
nagbibigay sa higit na mas mababa timbang sa sariling mga ulat, gayunpaman selfulat tungkol sa antas na paksa ' ng mga panloob na pag-uudyok mukhang may higit pang
mga direktang sukatan ng sikolohikal na estado ng interes. )

Considerable research has also shown that rewards tend to enhance feelings of competence and
autonomy and high standards, pressure and competitiveness are able to increase these effects. For
example, employees view earning incentives as enjoyable rather than a dreaded tool of management
control. These findings are in contrast with the psychological mechanism for effects that Deci and his
colleges had claimed in the past. Also in the past 30 years, notable academic reviews of rewards have
confirmed that monetary incentives have shown to significantly increase performance.[14] Also some
activities require a significant level of mastery or engagement before its attractiveness becomes apparent
to an individual, in such cases external incentives may be useful to build individuals up to that level.
Token economy programs represent one example in which there is evidence showing that such programs
have successfully implemented extrinsic rewards to increase interest in certain broad classes of
activities.[2]
(

Hindi kakaunti pananaliksik ay ipinapakita din na ang premyo ay may posibilidad

upang mapahusay ang mga damdamin ng kagalingan at pagsasarili at mataas na
pamantayan , presyon at competitiveness ay magagawang upang taasan ang mga epekto .
Halimbawa, tingnan ang pagkamit ng mga insentibo bilang kasiya-siya kaysa sa isang
dreaded tool ng kontrol sa pamamahala ng mga empleyado. Ang mga natuklasan ay sa
kabilang banda na may sikolohikal na mekanismo para sa mga epekto na Deci at ang
kanyang mga kolehiyo ay na-claim sa nakaraan. Gayundin sa nakalipas na 30 taon ,
kapansin-pansing pang-akademikong mga review ng premyo nakumpirma na insentibo sa

pera na ipinapakita sa mga makabuluhang taasan ang pagganap. [14] Gayundin sa ilang
mga aktibidad ay nangangailangan ng isang makabuluhang antas ng kadalubhasaan o
pakikipag-ugnayan bago pagiging kaakit-akit nito ay nagiging maliwanag sa isang
indibidwal , sa ganitong kaso maaaring maging kapaki-pakinabang upang bumuo ng mga
indibidwal hanggang sa na antas ng panlabas na mga insentibo . Token ekonomiya
programa kumakatawan sa isang halimbawa na kung saan doon ay isang katibayan na
nagpapakita na ang mga ganitong programa ay matagumpay ipinatupad nasa labas premyo
upang madagdagan ang interes sa ilang mga malawak na mga klase ng mga gawain. [2]

There are also differences in effect among the different age groups. According to Deci et al. (1999), the
negative effects extrinsic contingencies have on intrinsic motivation seem to be more severe for children
than college students. One possible explanation is that college students have greater cognitive capacity,
enabling them to better separate informational and controlling aspects of rewards. Hence they are able to
interpret rewards as indicators of effective performance rather than controlling their behavior, which
causes them to operate with performance-goal orientations. It is therefore speculated that such
differences are far greater between children and employed workers.[6]
(

May mga pagkakaiba sa mga epekto sa mga iba't-ibang mga pangkat ng edad din . Ayon
sa Deci et al . (1999 ), ang mga negatibong epekto hindi kailangan contingencies
mayroon sa tunay pagganyak tila na maging mas malubhang para sa mga bata kaysa sa
mga mag-aaral sa kolehiyo . Ang isang posibleng paliwanag ay na mag-aaral sa
kolehiyo magkaroon ng mas malawak nagbibigay-malay kakayahan, pag-enable ang mga ito
upang mas mahusay na nakahiwalay na nagbibigay-kaalaman at pagkontrol ng mga aspeto
ng premyo . Samakatuwid ay magagawang i-interpret ang premyo bilang mga
tagapagpahiwatig ng pagganap epektibo kaysa sa pagkontrol ng kanilang pag-uugali ,
na nagiging sanhi ang mga ito upang patakbuhin sa orientations pagganap -layunin
nila . Ito ay samakatuwid ay speculated na ang mga ganitong mga pagkakaiba ay higit
na mas mataas sa pagitan ng mga bata at nagtatrabaho mga manggagawa. [6]

A rebuttal defended the original findings, concluding that this analysis by Cameron (2001) was flawed
and that Cameron's inclusion of boring tasks in analyzing potential overjustification effects made little
theoretical or practical sense. This rebuttal argued that cognitive evaluation theory is the most consistent
structure for explaining the effects of rewards on intrinsic motivation, pointing to several other papers
that have supported the theory.[15]
(

Isang pagpapabulaan defended ang orihinal na natuklasan , concluding na ito sa

pagtatasa sa pamamagitan ng Cameron (2001 ) ay flawed at ang pagsasama ng mga
pagbubutas gawain Cameron sa pag-aaral ng mga potensyal na mga epekto
overjustification ginawa kaunti panteorya o praktikal na kahulugan. Ganting-matuwid
na ito Nagtalo na nagbibigay-malay pagsusuri teorya ay ang pinaka- pare-pareho
istraktura para sa na nagpapaliwanag ng mga epekto ng mga premyo sa tunay
pagganyak , na nagtuturo sa maraming iba pang mga papeles na suportado ang teorya.
[15]

Applications
Education

Findings from the Lepper et als (1973) study suggest that presenting these extrinsic rewards poses
central problems in the schooling system in that it fails to preserve the intrinsic interest in learning and
exploration that a child may seem to possess during his initial phase in school. This also has severe
ramifications on the education system, as it seems to almost undermine childrens spontaneous interest
in the process of learning itself, instead their motivation is driven by these extrinsic rewards. Research in
this area suggests that parents and educators should rely on intrinsic motivation and preserve feelings of
autonomy and competence as much as possible.[16] When the task is unattractive and intrinsic motivation
is insufficient (e.g., household chores), then extrinsic rewards are useful to provide incentives for
behavior. Student grades may not undermine intrinsic motivation because grades convey information
about competence, much like praise.
(Napag-alaman mula sa Lepper et ( 1973 ) pag-aaral al ni magmungkahi na ang
pagtatanghal ang mga hindi kailangan premyo poses sentro ng problema sa pag-aaral ng
sistema sa na nabigo ito upang mapanatili ang tunay na interes sa pag-aaral at
pagtuklas na ang isang bata ay maaaring mukhang nagmamay-ari sa panahon ng kanyang
unang yugto sa paaralan. Ito ay mayroon ding malubhang ramifications sa sistema ng
edukasyon , bilang tila sa halos maghukay sa ilalim kusang interes ng mga bata sa
proseso ng pag-aaral ng sarili nito, sa halip ang kanilang mga pagganyak ay hinimok
sa pamamagitan ng mga panlabas premyo . Pananaliksik sa lugar na ito ay
nagmumungkahi na ang mga magulang at guro ay dapat umasa sa tunay pagganyak at
mapanatili ang mga damdamin ng pagsasarili at kakayahan hangga't maaari . [16] Kapag
ang gawain ay hindi nakaaakit at tunay pagganyak ay hindi sapat (eg , atupagin
sambahayan ) , pagkatapos ay hindi mahalaga premyo ay kapaki-pakinabang na magbigay
ng mga insentibo para sa pag-uugali . Mga marka ng mag-aaral ay hindi maaaring
maghukay sa ilalim tunay pagganyak dahil grado ihatid impormasyon tungkol sa
kakayahan , tulad ng papuri .

School programs that provide money or prizes for reading books have been criticized for their potential
to reduce intrinsic motivation by overjustification. However, a study of the Pizza Hut program, Book It!,
found that participation in the program neither increased nor decreased reading motivation.[17] Although
motivating students to read by rewarding them may undermine their interest in reading, it may also
encourage the reading skills necessary for developing an interest in reading.
(Mga programa ng paaralan na magbigay ng pera o premyo para sa pagbabasa ng mga
aklat ay na- criticized para sa kanilang mga potensyal na bawasan ang tunay
pagganyak sa pamamagitan ng overjustification . Gayunman, ang isang pag-aaral ng
programa ng Pizza Hut , Book Nag !, natagpuan na paglahok sa programa alinma'y hindi
tumaas o nabawasan pagbabasa pagganyak . [17] Kahit na motivating mga mag-aaral na
basahin sa pamamagitan ng kapakipakinabang maaaring papanghinain ang kanilang
interes sa pagbabasa ang mga ito, ito ay maaari ring hinihikayat ang mga kasanayan
sa pagbabasa kinakailangan para sa pagbuo ng isang interes sa pagbabasa

Workplace
Cognitive evaluation theory further predicts the different types of rewards that will exert different
effects. According to the theory, task non-contingent rewards like benefits that are based on things other
than performance, such as employment that do not consist any information regarding autonomy and
competence, will have no effect on intrinsic motivation. Task contingent rewards on the other hand like
salary which are awarded for performing or completing a task, will be experienced as controlling and

hence will have a negative effect on intrinsic motivation. The study conducted by Deckop and Cirka
(2000) reported that introducing merit pay programs in a non-profit organization led to decreased
feelings of autonomy and intrinsic motivation, indicating that rewards can undermine intrinsic
motivation in work settings.[7]
(

Cognitive pagsusuri teorya sa higit pang hinuhulaan ang iba't ibang uri ng premyo
na magpunyagi iba't ibang mga epekto . Ayon sa teorya , gawain na di- maaaring
mangyari premyo tulad ng mga benepisyo na ito ay batay sa mga bagay maliban sa
pagganap, tulad ng trabaho na hindi binubuo ng anumang impormasyon hinggil sa
pagsasarili at kagalingan , ay walang epekto sa tunay pagganyak . Task hindi
inaasahan premyo sa kabilang banda tulad ng suweldo na ibinigay para sa gumaganap o
makumpleto ang isang gawain , ay nakaranas bilang pagkontrol at samakatuwid ay
magkakaroon ng negatibong epekto sa tunay pagganyak . Ang pag-aaral na isinagawa ng
Deckop at Cirka ( 2000) na iniulat na nagpapakilala sa mga programa sa kahalagahan
pay sa isang non- profit na organisasyon na humantong sa nabawasan ang mga damdamin
ng pagsasarili at tunay pagganyak , na nagpapahiwatig na ang premyo ay maaaring
maghukay sa ilalim tunay pagganyak sa mga setting ng trabaho. [7]

Performance contingent rewards like monetary incentives that are given for good performance or
meeting a certain standard will be experienced as highly controlling hence decreasing intrinsic
motivation. The Shirom, Westman, and Melamed (1999) study found that pay-for-performance plans
resulted in lower well being in blue-collar workers, and this was especially evident for those who felt
that their jobs were monotonous.[7] However, in certain cases where the reward also conveys information
about competence that will in turn reduce the negative effect.[6]
(

Pagganap hindi inaasahan premyo tulad ng mga insentibo sa pera na ibinigay para sa
mahusay na pagganap o naaabot ang isang tiyak na pamantayan ay nakaranas bilang
lubos na pagkontrol kaya mababawasan ang tunay pagganyak . Ang Shirom , Westman , at
Melamed natagpuan (1999) pag-aaral na pay- para - pagganap plano nagresulta sa mas
mababang rin pagiging sa asul - tubong manggagawa, at ito ay lalo na maliwanag para
sa mga nadama na ang kanilang mga trabaho ay hindi nagbabago ang tono . [7]
Gayunpaman, sa ilang mga kaso kung saan nagbibigay din ang gantimpala impormasyon
tungkol sa kakayahan na siya namang bawasan ang mga negatibong epekto. [6]

Gamification
The term gamification refers to the application of game design elements to non-game contexts[18] in
order to drive participation, often with the goal of encouraging greater engagement with the non-game
context by providing symbolic rewards such as points, badges, or virtual currency. However, a number
of academics and other critics have expressed concern that these rewards may backfire via the
overjustification effect. Drawing directly on self-determination theory, these critics of gamification
express concerns that gamified contexts such as foursquare might provide expected rewards for
activities that do not adequately meet self-determination theorys three innate needs for intrinsic
motivationrelatedness, autonomy, and competenceand therefore reduce intrinsic interest in those
activities.[19]
(

Ang terminong gamification ay tumutukoy sa application ng laro disenyo elemento sa

konteksto non -game [ 18] upang humimok ng paglahok , madalas na may layunin ng

naghihikayat sa mas malawak na pakikipag-ugnayan sa mga di- laro ng konteksto sa

pamamagitan ng pagbibigay symbolic premyo tulad ng mga puntos, mga badge , o virtual
pera. Gayunman, ang isang bilang ng mga akademya at iba pang kritiko na ipinahayag
alalahanin na ang mga premyo ay maaaring kalabang apoy sa pamamagitan ng
overjustification epekto. Pagguhit nang direkta sa pagsasarili teorya , ang mga
kritikong ng gamification express alalahanin na gamified konteksto gaya ng matapat
at wagas maaaring magbigay inaasahan premyo para sa mga aktibidad na hindi sapat na
matugunan ang tatlong katutubo pangangailangan pagsasarili teorya para sa tunay
pagganyak - relatedness , pagsasarili , at kagalingan at samakatuwid bawasan ang
tunay na interes sa mga gawain. [19]

Crowdsourcing
Websites that rely on user-generated content sometimes offer monetary rewards for contributions, but
these may cause the contributors to succumb to the overjustification effect and stop contributing.[20] For
example, Amazon Mechanical Turk allows the creator of a task to offer a monetary reward, but a survey
of 431 Mechanical Turk participants showed that they are driven more by intrinsic motivations than a
desire for the usually meager monetary compensation.[21] The overjustification effect was also considered
in a study on how to maximize contributions when crowdsourcing creative endeavors.[22]
(

Mga website na umaasa sa nilalamang binuo ng user minsan nag-aalok ng premyo sa

pera para sa mga kontribusyon , ngunit ang mga maaaring dahilan ng mga kontribyutor
sa sumakabilang-buhay sa overjustification epekto at tumigil sa pag-aambag . [20]
Halimbawa, nagbibigay-daan sa Amazon Mechanical Turk ang lumikha ng isang gawain
upang mag-alok ng isang hinggil sa pananalapi gantimpalaan , ngunit isang survey ng
431 Mechanical Turko kalahok ay nagpakita na ang mga ito ay higit na hinimok sa
pamamagitan ng tunay motivations kaysa sa isang pagnanais para sa mga karaniwang
manipis kabayaran sa pera . [21] ang overjustification epekto ay isinasaalang-alang
din sa isang pag-aaral kung paano i- maximize ang mga kontribusyon kapag
crowdsourcing creative mga pagsusumikap . [ 22 ]

Volunteering
Empirical evidence shows that expected financial rewards "crowd out" intrinsic motivation, while the
size of the monetary reward simultaneously provides extrinsic motivation. If the size of the monetary
reward is not large enough to compensate for the loss of intrinsic motivation, overall engagement can
decline. A survey data-set revealed that small financial payments reduced volunteer hours among Swiss
citizens, and that the median financial reward provided to these volunteers caused them to work less
than volunteers who were not given any paymen
(Ipinapakita ang empirical na katibayan na inaasahan sa pananalapi premyo "

karamihan ng tao out" tunay pagganyak , habang ang laki ng mga gantimpala sa pera
nang sabay-sabay ay nagbibigay ng hindi kailangan pagganyak . Kung ang laki ng mga
gantimpala sa pera ay hindi sapat na malaki upang bumawi para sa kawalan ng tunay
pagganyak , pangkalahatang pakikipag-ugnayan ay maaaring tanggihan . Isang survey
data - set nagsiwalat na binawasan maliit na mga pagbabayad sa pananalapi volunteer
na oras sa mga Swiss mamamayan, at ang panggitna gantimpala sa pananalapi na
ibinigay sa mga boluntaryo sanhi ang mga ito upang gumana nang mas mababa sa mga
boluntaryo na ay hindi ibinigay na anumang paymen

How Rewards Can Backfire and Reduce Motivation

SURELY ONE OF THE BEST WAYS to generate motivation in ourselves and others is by dangling rewards?
Yet psychologists have long known that rewards are overrated. The carrot, of carrot-and-stick fame, is
not as effective as weve been led to believe. Rewards work under some circumstances but sometimes
they backfire. Spectacularly.
Here is a story about preschool children with much to teach all ages about the strange effects that
rewards have on our motivation.
Its childs play

Psychologists Mark R. Lepper and David Greene from Stanford and the University of Michigan were
interested in testing what is known as the overjustification hypothesisabout which, more later
(Lepper et al., 1973).
Since parents so often use rewards as motivators for children they recruited fifty-one preschoolers aged
between 3 and 4. All the children selected for the study were interested in drawing. It was crucial that
they already liked drawing because Lepper and Greene wanted to see what effect rewards would have
when children were already fond of the activity.

The children were then randomly assigned to one of the following conditions:
1. Expected reward. In this condition children were told they would get a certificate
with a gold seal and ribbon if they took part.
2. Surprise reward. In this condition children would receive the same reward as above
but, crucially, werent told about it until after the drawing activity was finished.
3. No reward. Children in this condition expected no reward, and didnt receive one.

Each child was invited into a separate room to draw for 6 minutes then afterwards either given their
reward or not depending on the condition. Then, over the next few days, the children were watched
through one-way mirrors to see how much they would continue drawing of their own accord. The graph
below shows the percentage of time they spent drawing by experimental condition:

As you can see the expected reward had decreased the amount of spontaneous interest the children took
in drawing (and there was no statistically significant difference between the no reward and surprise
reward group). So, those who had previously liked drawing were less motivated once they expected to
be rewarded for the activity. In fact the expected reward reduced the amount of spontaneous drawing the
children did by half. Not only this, but judges rated the pictures drawn by the children expecting a
reward as less aesthetically pleasing.
Rewards reduce intrinsic motivation

Its not only children who display this kind of reaction to rewards, though, subsequent studies have
shown a similar effect in all sorts of different populations, many of them grown-ups. In one study
smokers who were rewarded for their efforts to quit did better at first but after three months fared worse
than those given no rewards and no feedback (Curry et al., 1990). Indeed those given rewards even lied
more about the amount they were smoking.
(Ito ay lamang sa mga bata na hindi ipakita ang ganitong uri ng reaksyon sa premyo ,
bagaman, ang nagpakita sa kasunod na mga pag-aaral ng isang katulad na epekto sa
lahat ng uri ng iba't ibang mga populasyon , marami sa kanila ang lumaki -up. Sa
isang pag-aaral naninigarilyo na ay gagantimpalaan para sa kanilang mga pagsisikap
na umalis ginawang mas mahusay na sa unang ngunit pagkatapos ng tatlong buwan fared
mas masahol pa kaysa sa mga ibinigay na walang premyo at walang feedback ( Curry et
al . , 1990 ). Sa katunayan sa mga binigay premyo kahit na nagsinungaling nang higit
pa tungkol sa mga halaga ng mga ito ay smoking .

Reviewing 128 studies on the effects of rewards Deci et al. (1999, p. 658) concluded that:
tangible rewards tend to have a substantially negative effect on intrinsic motivation () Even when
tangible rewards are offered as indicators of good performance, they typically decrease intrinsic
motivation for interesting activities.

(Nire-review ng 128 na pag-aaral sa mga epekto ng premyo Deci et al . ( . 1999, p

658 ) Napagpasyahan na :
" Nasasalat premyo ay may posibilidad na magkaroon ng malaki-laking negatibong
epekto sa tunay pagganyak (...) Kahit na nasasalat premyo ay inaalok bilang tagapahiwatig ng magandang pagganap , karaniwang sila bawasan ang tunay pagganyak para
sa mga kawili-wiling gawain. "

Rewards have even been found to make people less creative and worse at problem-solving.
Overjustification

So, whats going on? The key to understanding these behaviours lies in the difference between intrinsic
and extrinsic motivation. When we do something for its own sake, because we enjoy it or because it fills
some deep-seated desire, we are intrinsically motivated. On the other hand when we do something
because we receive some reward, like a certificate or money, this is extrinsic motivation.

The children were chosen in the first instance because they already liked drawing and they were already
intrinsically motivated to draw. It was pleasurable, they were good at it and they got something out of it
that fed their souls. Then some of them got a reward for drawing and their motivation changed.
Before they had been drawing because they enjoyed it, but now it seemed as though they were drawing
for the reward. What they had been motivated to do intrinsically, they were now being given an external,
extrinsic motivation for. This provided too much justification for what they were doing and so,
paradoxically, afterwards they drew less.
This is the overjustification hypothesis for which Lepper and Greene were searching and although it
seems like backwards thinking, its typical of the way the mind sometimes works. We dont just work
forwards from our attitudes and preferences to our actions, we also work backwards, working out
what our attitudes and preferences must be based on our current situation, feelings or actions (see also:
cognitive dissonance).
When money makes play into work

Not only this but rewards are dangerous for another reason: because they remind us of obligations, of
being made to do things we dont want to do. Children are given rewards for eating all their food, doing

their homework or tidying their bedrooms. So rewards become associated with painful activities that we
dont want to do. The same goes for grown-ups: money becomes associated with work and work can be
dull, tedious and painful. So when we get paid for something we automatically assume that the task is
dull, tedious and painfuleven when it isnt.
This is why play can become work when we get paid. The person who previously enjoyed painting
pictures, weaving baskets, playing the cello or even writing blog posts, suddenly finds the task tedious
once money has become involved.
Yes, sometimes rewards do work, especially if people really dont want to do something. But when tasks
are inherently interesting to us rewards can damage our motivation by undermining our natural talent for
self-regulation.
The Overjustification Effect
The Overjustification Effect

Following on the heels of Daryl Bems 1965 theory of self-perception, the overjustification effect states
that how individuals will feel toward performing certain tasks is determined by whether they are
intrinsically or extrinsically motivated to perform the task (Deci, 1971). Using the self-perception
theorys prediction that when extrinsic motivations are present they will take precedent over intrinsic
motivations, the overjustification effect reveals the importance of motivation on performance (Lepper,
Greene, & Nisbett).
(Ang pagsunod sa takong ng 1965 teorya ng self- pagdama Daryl Bem , na ipinapahayag
ang overjustification epekto na kung paano indibidwal ay pakiramdam patungo sa
pagsasagawa ng ilang mga gawain ay natutukoy sa pamamagitan ng kung sila ay
intrinsically o extrinsically motivated upang gumanap sa mga gawain ( Deci , 1971 ).
Gamit ang hula ng mga self- pagdama teorya na kapag nasa labas motivations ay
naroroon sila ay dadalhin sa paglipas ng pamarisan tunay motivations , ang
overjustification epekto ay ipinapakita ang kahalagahan ng pag-uudyok sa pagganap
( Lepper , Greene , & Nisbett ).

Understanding Motivation
In understanding the overjustification effect, it is important to distinguish between the two types of
motivation present: intrinsic and extrinsic.
Intrinsic motivation is the desire to perform an activity out of the enjoyment derived from the activity
itself. In performing an intrinsically motivated activity, an individual expects no external reward; the
activity is a reward in itself. An example of an intrinsically motivated activity would be one that a
person does as a hobby or in his or her free time.
Extrinsic motivation is the motivation to perform an activity because the activity leads to something
else. The desire to perform an extrinsically motivated activity comes not from the activity itself, but

from rewards or benefits associated with the activity. An example of an extrinsically motivated activity
would be chores that are preformed for an allowance. The chores themselves are not pleasurable, but the
cash that result from completing them is.
Both intrinsic and extrinsic motives can be present in an activity. In such a case, the salience of extrinsic
motivation over intrinsic motivation is the basis for the overjustification effect.
Sa pag-unawa sa overjustification epekto , mahalaga na makilala sa pagitan ng mga
dalawang uri ng pagganyak kasalukuyan : tunay at hindi kailangan .
Tunay pagganyak ay ang pagnanais na magsagawa ng isang aktibidad sa labas ng
kasiyahan nagmula sa aktibidad mismo. Sa pagsasagawa ng isang intrinsically
motivated aktibidad , Inaasahan ng isang indibidwal na walang mga panlabas na
gantimpala ; ang gawain ay isang gantimpala sa sarili nito. Isang halimbawa ng isang
intrinsically motivated aktibidad ay magiging isa na ang isang tao ay bilang isang
libangan o sa kanyang libreng oras .
Hindi kailangan pagganyak ay ang pagganyak upang magsagawa ng isang aktibidad dahil
ang aktibidad humahantong sa ibang bagay . Ang pagnanais na magsagawa ng isang
extrinsically motivated aktibidad ay hindi mula sa aktibidad ng sarili nito, ngunit
mula sa premyo o mga benepisyo na nauugnay sa aktibidad. Isang halimbawa ng isang
extrinsically motivated aktibidad ay magiging atupagin na preformed para sa isang
allowance . Ang atupagin kanilang sarili ay hindi kaaya-aya , ngunit ang cash na
nagresulta mula sa pagkumpleto ng mga ito ay.
Ang parehong ay maaaring nasa isang aktibidad tunay at hindi kailangan motives . Sa
ganoong kaso , ang umbok ng hindi kailangan pagganyak sa paglipas ng tunay pagganyak
ay ang batayan para sa overjustification epekto.

Origins of the Overjustification Effect

In 1971, Deci suggested that in a situation where an individual was to receive a reward for an activity,
and knew about the reward prior to participating in said activity, then the individual would attribute his
or her behavior to the reward instead of the activity itself. Decis theory led to the hypothesis that once
an activity is associated with the external reward, a person will be less inclined to participate in the
activity in the future without a reward present.
Deci (1971) conducted a study in which students were either asked to solve puzzles for money or no
money. After the payment stopped, the researchers noted if the students continued to work on the
puzzles. Those that had received money (an extrinsic motivation for solving the puzzles) did in fact
become less inclined to work on the puzzles once they were no longer paid to do so. The students who
had not been paid (they only had intrinsic motivation) continued to show an interest in the puzzles.

Confirming the Overjustification Hypothesis

Two years after Decis study, a group of researchers tested the overjustification hypothesis in a field
experiment. Lepper, Greene, and Nisbett (1973) went to a nursery school and observed childrens

intrinsic interest in various activities. The children were then put into one of three conditions for the
experiment.
In the first condition, known as the expected-award condition, children were told they would receive
a reward (a certificate with a seal and a ribbon) for partaking in the activity that they were previously
doing out of pure intrinsic interest.
In the second condition, the unexpected-award condition, the children were not told of the reward
until after they finished the activity.
In the third condition, also called the no-reward condition, the researchers did not tell or give the
children any reward. This group thus served as the control group, since extrinsic rewards were not
involved either before or after performance.
The extrinsic reward phase ended with the researchers giving the children the certificates based on their
condition group. In the following phase, the researchers let the children go about their activities, but this
time without offering or giving any rewards. In accordance with the overjustification hypothesis, the
children in the expected-reward condition had become less interested in their activities since the
introduction of the extrinsic motivation. However, there was no change in the interest of the group who
received the reward unexpectedly. This is because the children in this condition did not know about the
reward until after the activity, and therefore attributed their behavior to an enjoyment of the activity.
Similarly, those who did not expect or receive a reward had no extrinsic motivation, and showed no
decline in interest as a result.

Controversies over the Overjustification Effect

The overjustification effect is wholly disquieting to behavioral psychologists, whose theories conflict
with overjustification. These so-called behaviorists began doing their own studies to disprove the
overjustification effect.
A reply to this critique was fast in coming by motivationalists (those who support self-perception and
overjustification). Deci, along with Cascio and Krusell (1975), acknowledged Calder and Staws doubts
as to whether non-contingent monetary rewards would result in the overjustification effect. However,
they did not say the overjustification effect was incorrect in this area; merely that other studies needed to
be done.
In 1983, R. M. Ryan, V. Mims, and Koestner placed their support behind the overjustification effect.
They addressed Calder and Staws argument that non-contingent rewards discredit the overjustification
effect by countering that non-contingent rewards are not tied to the activity in question. Thus, they run
little risk of undermining intrinsic motivation.

Meta-analyses and the Conclusion to the Controversies

With so many studies into the overjustification effect, meta-analyses of these studies were eventually
done. In one significant meta-analysis in 1995, psychologists Tang and Hall sufficiently concluded that
physical rewards which were made contingent upon completing an activity, did in fact undermine
intrinsic interest in the activity.
Twenty-five years after Calder and Staw (1974) published their firsts doubts, another meta-analysis was
performed in 1999 that confirmed that extrinsic motivation has a negative impact on intrinsic
motivation. This meta-analysis is the work of Deci, Koestner, and Ryan (1999). It examined 128
carefully conducted experiments and found that tangible rewards do, indeed, greatly weaken intrinsic
motivation.

Relevance for Everyday Life

The overjustification effect, as stated in Deci, Koestner, and Ryans meta-analysis, has significant
consequences for many people. When control is placed on individuals by offering them incentives, the
long term effect will be a loss in intrinsic motivation, accompanied by negative performance. This
applies to classrooms, sports teams, as well as other environments. Should a reward be present, there is a
risk of losing the enjoyment of the activity for itself.
Meta - pagsusuri at ang Konklusyon sa Kontrobersiya
Sa gayon maraming mga pag-aaral sa overjustification epekto , meta- pagsusuri ng mga
pag-aaral ay huli na. Sa isang makabuluhang meta- pagtatasa sa 1995, sikologo Tang
at Hall sapat na Napagpasyahan ng mga pisikal na premyo na nagawa nababatay sa
pagkumpleto ng isang aktibidad, ginawa sa katunayan maghukay sa ilalim tunay na
interes sa aktibidad.
Dalawampu't-limang taon matapos Calder at Staw ( 1974 ) na-publish ang kanilang mga
firsts mga pagdududa , isa pang meta- pagtatasa ay ginanap noong 1999 na nakumpirma
na hindi kailangan pagganyak ay may negatibong epekto sa tunay pagganyak . Ang meta
- pagtatasa ay ang gawain ng Deci , Koestner , at Ryan (1999) . Napagmasdan ito 128
maingat na isinasagawa mga eksperimento at natagpuan na nadarama premyo ko , sa
katunayan, lubhang humina tunay pagganyak .
Kaugnayan para sa Araw-araw Life
Ang overjustification epekto , tulad ng nabanggit sa Deci , Koestner , at mga meta pagtatasa Ryan , na may makabuluhang kahihinatnan para sa maraming tao. Kapag
control ay nakalagay sa mga indibidwal sa pamamagitan ng pagbibigay sa kanila ng mga
insentibo , ang mga pangmatagalang epekto ay magiging isang pagkawala sa tunay
pagganyak , na sinamahan ng mga negatibong pagganap. Nalalapat ito sa mga silidaralan , mga sports team , pati na rin ang iba pang mga kapaligiran . Dapat ay
naroroon sa isang gantimpala , mayroong isang panganib ng pagkawala ng kasiyahan ng
mga aktibidad para sa sarili .

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