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The demography of the TPA is this. We have three segments of Tamils who
live in these areas. First is the Up-Country Tamils who live in central region,
second is the Tamils who have migrated from the Northern and Eastern
Provinces and settled in the Western Province primarily and thirdly the
Tamils who are of neither upcountry origin nor north-eastern origin but born
and bred in Colombo who are mostly of Indian origin following Hindu,
Catholic and Islam faiths. Our alliance represents these three segments.
Q: What is your objective? Why do you need such a coalition?
A: You raise two matters in your question. On the objectives, I can share
certain matters stated in the MoU of TPA. We will develop and establish the
collective political leadership to represent the Tamil communities living
outside the North and East Provinces, i.e. Central, Western, Uva,
Sabragamuwa, Wayamba, Southern and North-Central Provinces.
We strive to end the isolation of the Tamil community living in the above
provinces with a special emphasis on the Tamil community which lives in
the central up-country regions in the undivided Sri Lanka. We will certainly
seek national equality on the basis of socio-economic development, paving
the way for affirmative action program for the underdeveloped Tamil
working people of the plantations. We also seek a true ethnic and territorial
democratic electoral representative system defeating under and over
representations at all levels of governance.
applicants. Anyway the DPF, WNF and UPF are founder members.
Q: Why do you need an ethnic-based coalition?
A: Dont singularly blame us. Make no mistake, most if not all the parties in
this country are ethnic, including the major parties. Tell the major parties
to make policies with the multi-ethnic national vision, we will follow closely.
Dont forget, this country failed to nominate even Lakshman Kadirgamar
whom the Sinhalese loved as the prime minister when he wanted it.
I am afraid that the so-called major national parties are not adequately
moving towards a Sri Lankan national identity. It is the responsibility of the
UNP and SLFP to come truly out of the so-called Sinhala-Buddhist mindset
to embrace a Sri Lankan mindset. This country has clear ethnic
polarisations. I accept that this isnt good. But you cant single us out for
blame. Blame history. Blame the big brothers, the major national parties for
selecting the Sinhala Only path in the 1950s instead of Sri Lankan.
Sinhala Buddhist brethren are the numerical majority in this country. Its
going to remain this way always. I love Sinhala and Buddhism. But a Sri
Lankan identity is much greater and superior. I am for a Sri Lankan identity.
But when we face unique challenges for being Tamil or Muslim or religious
minorities in this country, we are compelled to rally on ethnic lines and
identities. I will love to be member in a national party with a pan Sri Lankan
identity. This is because I am a true Sri Lankan patriot. But regretfully I
dont find any such in this country today. Conducting politics with a Sri
Lankan identity is my dream. Therefore until such a time, we will be Sri
Lankan in principle and ethnic in practice.
Q: Some allege you are trying to divide the country once again.
Your comments?
A: The racists who wanted to take back the country into the dark era may
say this. In fact we are trying to do the opposite. We are trying to address
the causes and defeat the tendencies of division. Prime is the isolation of
one particular community. As I explained above, we wanted to bring the
Tamil community living in the central regions, especially the plantation
working people, into the limelight and into the national mainstream. This
cant be an act of division but unison.
The outgoing backward-looking leadership in the plantations wanted to
keep the plantation community away from the national mainstream. They
prevented them from mingling with the Sinhala community. This is to
protect the plantation vote bank for their own selfish interests. Our new
forward-looking progressive leadership is changing this situation. We are Sri
Lankan patriots who wanted to find placements for our people within an
undivided Sri Lanka.
Q: Why are you trying to distance yourself from the mainstream
political parties?
A: I am surprised at your question. Where did you get this information? Who
told you that I am distancing myself from the mainstream parties? On the
contrary I am THE frontline Tamil politician with the mainstream platform.
My policy is double-tracked. One track is that we struggle for the Tamil and
minority rights in this country and stand tall against all the injustices. The
other is identifying with the national mainstream in the struggles of the
Sinhala based progressive democratic forces. We have no room for Sinhala
only and Tamil only paths in principle today. My journey is Sri Lankan. Even
in the ethnically-charged most difficult war days, we never backtracked
from identifying with the mainstream struggles for democracy.
Q: What are your remarks about the 20th Amendment?
A: Some are toying with the thought that the minority parties are blocking
A: The 20A or the subject of electoral reform has come a long way. The
current scenario is this. We started discussing the 20A based on a
document submitted to the Cabinet and party leaders at the National
Executive Council by President Maithripala Sirisena.
The formula in the Presidential document is FPP 165 + DPR 31 + NPR 59 to
a total of 255. The President wanted us to discuss it. We through
discussions developed this proposal to reasonably address the minority
concerns. The minorities were assured that new single member and multi
member electorates would be carved out by the delimitation commission.
We discussed with the President, Prime Minister, various party leaders and
Elections Commissioner, experts who are behind the formulation of this
proposals.
I thought we had arrived at a consensus position on a system which would
do justice to the mandate received by President Sirisena and to the
aspirations of the minor and minority parties. This was the scene until last
Monday morning. But suddenly to the surprise of all of us the formula
changed on Monday evening at the special Cabinet meeting. A new formula
was introduced. The new formula is FPP 125+ DPR 75+ NPR 25 to a total of
225.
The FPP 125 dismisses all hopes because with 125 FPP seats we cannot
create new electorates. The high point for us is the delimitation process.
The last delimitation was held in year 1976. The population of the country
at that time was 7.5 million. Now after 40 years, we have passed 20 million.
We were hoping for the Delimitation Commission to be established through
20A. We are yet to get Presidential assurances over the delimitation
process, that it would be conducted impartially. It is another subject. But we
are worried that the Delimitation Commission cannot perform with this 125
FPP seats even if it wants to perform impartially.
The reason being given to keep the 225 number of Parliament is not
acceptable to us. Some say that people will be disgruntled to witness an
increase in Parliamentary seats from 225 to 255. I dont agree. What the
people want is to get rid of the preferential system and get MPs to
represent electorates. These two are the prime expectations of the people.
An increase of 30 seats is necessary to accommodate the overhangs in the
new system proposed by the President.
As long as we get rid of the preferential system and get MPs to represent
electorates, an increase of 30 is no matter. You cant do severe damage to
minority representations by reducing the FPP electorates to 125. It is not
acceptable. It is the issue today. We have consensus in other areas of the
proposals. This is where the 20A proposals stand today.