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Are the Chinese in Africa More Innovative than the

Africans?
Comparing Chinese and Nigerian Entrepreneurial Migrants

Cultures of Innovation
Dirk Kohnert
No 140
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July 2010
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Socio-Economic Challenges in the Context of Globalisation
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GIGAWP140/2010
AretheChineseinAfricaMoreInnovativethanthe
Africans?
ComparingChineseandNigerianEntrepreneurialMigrants
CulturesofInnovation
Abstract
TheremarkableinfluxofChinesemigrantentrepreneursinWestAfricahasbeenmetwith
growing resistance from established African entrepreneurs. Whether the former have a
competitive edge overthe latterbecause ofdistinctive sociocultural traits or whether the
Chinesessupposedeffectivenessisjustacharacteristicfeatureofanytradingdiasporais
opentoquestion.Thiscomparative exploratory study ofChinese and Nigerian entrepre
neurialmigrantsinGhanaandBeninprovidesinitialanswerstothesequestions.Appar
ently,theculturalstimuliformigrantdriversofchangearenotrestrictedtoinheritedvalue
systemsorreligions,suchasaProtestantethicorConfucianism;rather,theyarecontinu
ally adapted and invented anew by transnational migration networks in a globalized
world.ThereisnoevidenceofthesupposedsuperiorityoftheinnovativecultureofChi
nese entrepreneurial migrants versus that of African entrepreneurial migrants. Rather,
thereexisttradingdiasporaswhichhaveagenerallyenhancedinnovativecapacityvis
vislocalentrepreneurs,regardlessofthenationalcultureinwhichtheyareembedded.In
addition, the rivalry of Chinese and Nigerian migrant entrepreneurs in African markets
doesnotnecessarilyleadtotheoftensuspectedcutthroatcompetition.Oftentheactions
ofeachgrouparecomplementarytothoseoftheother.Undercertainconditionstheyeven
contributetopovertyalleviationinthehostcountry.
Keywords: tradingdiasporas,internationalmigration,entrepreneurs,culture,innovation,
SMEs,Africa,China,Nigeria,Cotonou,Accra
JELCodes:F22,J61,O15,R23,M14,N85,N87,Z13
Dr.DirkKohnert,
an economist, has been deputy director of the Institute of African Affairs (IAA) at the
GIGAGermanInstituteofGlobalandAreaStudiesinHamburg,Germanysince1991.Be
fore this he worked as a lecturer in development planning and as a senior development
expertinseveralAfricancountries.Hehaspublishednumerousbooksandacademicjour
nalarticlesoneconomic,socialandculturaldevelopment;planning;andevaluation.
Contact:
kohnert@gigahamburg.de
Website:
http://staff.en.gigahamburg.de/kohnert
GIGAWP140/2010
Zusammenfassung
SindChineseninAfrikainnovativeralsAfrikaner?
InnovationskulturenchinesischerundnigerianischerunternehmerischerMigranten
inWestafrika
Der bemerkenswerte Zustrom von KleinunternehmernausChinain Westafrika sttauf
wachsenden Widerstand bei etablierten afrikanischen Unternehmern. Ob erstere einen
Wettbewerbsvorteil gegenber letzteren aufgrund bestimmter soziokultureller Merkmale
haben, oder ob die vermeintliche grere Effektivitt der Chinesennur ein charakteristi
sches Merkmal jeder HandelsDiaspora ist,isteine offeneFrage.Diese vergleichende Er
kundungsstudie chinesischer und nigerianischer Kleinunternehmer in Ghana und Benin
liefert erste Antworten. Offenbar ist die kulturelle Motivationsgrundlage unternehmeri
scherMigrantenalsTriebkrftedesWandelsnichtauftradierteWertesystemeoderReligi
onen wie die protestantische Ethik oder den Konfuzianismus beschrnkt; vielmehr wird
sieimRahmentransnationalerMigrationsNetzwerkeineinerglobalisiertenWeltstndig
neudefiniertundangepasst.EsgibtkeinenBelegfrdieangeblicheberlegenheitchine
sischergegenberafrikanischenInnovationskulturenunternehmerischerMigranten.Eher
existiert,unabhngigvomRahmendernationalenKulturenindiesieeingebettetsind,ei
ne erhhte Innovationskapazitt von HandelsDiasporen gegenber lokalen Kleinunter
nehmern im Allgemeinen. Auerdem fhrt die Rivalitt chinesischer und nigerianischer
Migranten auf afrikanischen Mrkten unter dem Einfluss der Globalisierung nicht not
wendigerweise zum angenommenen halsabschneiderischen Wettbewerb. Oft ergnzen
sich beide Gruppen. Dies trgt unter bestimmten Bedingungen sogar zurArmutsminde
rungindenGastlndernbei.
AretheChineseinAfricaMoreInnovativethantheAfricans?
ComparingChineseandNigerianEntrepreneurialMigrants
CulturesofInnovation
DirkKohnert
ArticleOutline
1 Introduction
2 ComparingChineseandAfricanBusinessCulturesinSubSaharanAfrica:
LiteratureReview
3 ChineseMigrantEntrepreneursinWestAfrica
4 NigerianMigrantDiasporasinWestAfrica
5 TheArticulationofTradingDiasporasInnovativeCulturesinWestAfrica
6 Conclusion:TheComparativeValueofTradingDiasporasInnovativeCultures
inWestAfrica
1 Introduction
The upsurge in Chinese migration toAfrica over the past decade began drawing consider
ablelocalattentionsomeyearsagobutwentlargelyunnoticedbytheoutsideworld.Schol
arly interest in this phenomenon, which is summarized below, has been more recent.1 My
firstquestionisthusasfollows:ArethesenewChinesemigrantsthemuchrequireddrivers
ofchangeinAfrica(MohanandTanMullins2009)?
Intimatelyrelatedtothisisasecondsetofquestions:Isthereanysignificantdifference
betweentheinnovativedriveofChineseandAfricanmigrantentrepreneurs?DoChineseen
trepreneurialmigrantsinAfricaoutperformAfricantradingdiasporasintermsofindividual
Paperpresentedatthe17thISAWorldCongress,Gothenburg,Sweden,July,1117,2010.Thanksforvaluable
suggestions go to Bert Hoffmann, Jann Lay, Ulrike Schuerkens, Karsten Giese and Melissa Nelson. The re
sponsibilityforanyfallaciesorinaccuraciesinthepaperremainswiththeauthor.
DirkKohnert:ComparingChineseandNigerianEntrepreneurialMigrantsCulturesofInnovation
economicsuccessorevenintermsoftheirimpactondevelopment?Dothereexistsignificant
differencesintheinnovativedriveofeithergroup,andifso,whataretheunderlyingreasons?
DoChinesemigrantnetworkshavespecificculturaltraitsthatfavortheireconomiccompeti
tivenessrelativetoAfricancultures?OristhesupposedeffectivenessofChinesemigranten
trepreneurs,admiredbysomegroupsandenviedbyothers,justacharacteristicfeatureofany
tradingdiaspora?Areitsmembersperhapsmoreinclinedorforced,accordingtotheircir
cumstancestobeinnovativedriversofchange,ifonlyinordertosurviveinaforeign,some
times even hostile social environment? After all, economic migrants are perceived by most
people worldwide as more enterprising and adventurous than the ordinary human being
whostaysathometoearnhisorherliving.
Thethirdsetofquestionsisasfollows:Whatkindoflinkageorrelationship(ifany)ex
istsbetweenbothmigrantgroups?Thatis,howdothetwogroupsinteract?Dotheyfightor
ignoreoneanother,ordotheymeeteachotheronalevelplayingfield?Doesthesupposedly
cutthroat competition, including all its allegedly negative effects on indigenous develop
mentinAfrica,exist,orarebothgroupsrathercomplementary?
Allofthesequestionsareinvestigatedinthefollowingexploratorystudy,basedmostly
onareviewoftheliterature,whichisfocusedonasmallbutimportantpartoftheuniverse
of Chinese andAfrican trading diasporas in WestAfrica, a center of attraction for Chinese
migrantsinthepastdecade.2Thefollowingcomparativestudyofmigrantentrepreneursin
thecapitalsofBenin(Cotonou)andGhana(Accra),bothintimatelylinkedtotheregionalsu
perpowerNigeriainvariousways,providesinitialanswerstothesequestions.Cotonouisa
transithubforthemainlyinformaltradewithNigeriaandacradleofthemushroomingin
formal institutions of both immigrant groups; Accra is an emerging regional subpower
alongsideNigeriainAnglophoneWestAfrica.Thestudysimultaneouslyaddressesthegen
eral issue of the sociocultural roots of development and the perpetual adaptation of these
rootstotheactualsettinginwhichinformalinstitutionsareembedded.
Aholisticunderstandingofthelinkagebetweencultureanddevelopmentisprovided
by the underlying rationale of the concept of cultures of innovation, as developed by
UNESCO (2004) and scholars such as DOrville (2004) and others (Kohnert 2006). Schum
petersdistinctionbetweeninnovationandinventioniscrucialtoourunderstandingof
culturesofinnovationasitfocusesonthedisseminationandimplementationofinventions,
In a second stage, empirical case studies within the framework of a larger research project will generate a
morerobustdatabaseforanalysis.Thedatabasewillincludeempiricalanalysisofthemultifacetedinteraction
oftheseinnovativecultures,bothamongthemselvesandwiththeculturalenvironmentofthehostcountries,
withregardtotheirpotentialforinnovativeimpulses.Inaddition,thequestionofthestratumspecificcharac
teristicsofculturesofentrepreneurialism,aswellaspossiblegenderspecificelementswithinandbeyondcul
turalbordersshallbetakenintoaccount.(EntrepreneurialChineseMigrantsinUrbanWestAfricaTheIm
pactsofInterculturalInteraction.Proposedresearchproject,GIGAHamburg,201113).
processesthatarenotjustdrivenbythestrongwillofacharismaticindividualentrepreneur
butalsostimulatedbytheeconomic,politicalandculturalinstitutionalframeworkofasoci
ety(Schumpeter1934[1912];Swedberg2002).Thus,culturesofinnovationareinformalinsti
tutions,whichareoftenbasedonsharedvaluesorvaluesystems.Theyfulfillimportantori
entation,motivation,coordination,andlegitimizationrolesintheactualperformanceofin
novation processes (Heidenreich 2001; Shane 1993; Hofstede 2003). The concept provides a
methodologicalframeworkforthedelimitationandanalysisofelementsandstrategiesofin
novativeculturalagency.Culturesofinnovationdependonspace,timeandcontextspecific
frameworks. They are a significant part of multiple modernities, which are influenced by
globalization,transnationalnetworksandsocialspaces(Featherstone2007;HahnandKlute
2008;Pries2001;Robertson1995;Sassen2001;2006).Theinnovativeculturesofmigrantsare
shapedbythechangingrequirementsofinformalinstitutionsintheirrespectiveAfricanhost
communities,towhichtheyhavetoadaptinordertosurvive(Meagher2007;2005).
For our purposes, I define cultures of innovation as relatively stable modes of cogni
tion,behaviorandsocialorganizationwhicharedirectedtowardsdevelopment.3Withinthe
framework of African cultures, the unjustified reduction of cultural economics to Western
standardsofreasonandrationalchoice,againstwhichStephenMarglinandothershaveal
readycautioned(Marglin2009:295296;Kohnert2007),shouldbeavoided.
Examplesofculturesofinnovationaretobefoundindifferentrealms:religionisobvi
ouslyoneofthem,asMaxWebersfamousthesisabouttheProtestantethicasthespiritof
capitalism suggested.A more recentexampleis providedby acase study ofnewChristian
and Islamic movementsasthemodernizing forcesbehind Nigerian informal entrepreneurs
(Meagher 2009). Ethnic networks of migrant entrepreneurs or the cultural foundations of
trading diasporas as drivers of modernization are other examples, as demonstrated in an
otherstudyonIgboinformalenterpriseandnationalcohesionfrombelow(Meagher2009a).
Withinthefieldofpolitics,thesovereignNationalConferenceswhichmushroomedinFran
cophoneAfricaasdriversoftransitionintheearly1990srepresentedanotherinnovativecul
ture, although the outcome was not always that convincing, as in the model case of Benin
(Kohnert2006).
Migrantcommunitiesculturesofinnovationareoftenembeddedinthebroadersocial
settingofethnicentrepreneurship(Volery2007:3031).However,bothconceptsareclearly
distinctive in scope, aim, and methodology. The most notable conceptual advantage of the
conceptofethnicorculturalentrepreneurshipistheintroductionofatransnationaldimen
sion(Zhou2004:105460,1066).Thelattersuggeststhatmigrantentrepreneursarecharacter
izedbyamixedembeddednessindistinctiveculturalspheres:theirowntraditionalcul
Ourconceptofdevelopmentfollowsaholisticapproach,aspresentedbyAmartyaSen(2004:2,3):
Inoneformoranother,cultureengulfsourlives,ourdesires,ourfrustrations,ourambitions,and
thefreedomsthatweseek.Thefreedomandopportunityforculturalactivitiesareamongthebasic
freedomstheenhancementofwhichcanbeseentobeconstitutiveofdevelopment(Sen,2004:3).
ture,thatoftransnationalmigrantnetworksandofthehostcommunity,andthatofformal
versus informal institutions (Volery 2007: 35). This transnational dimension has also been
underlinedinthecritiquesofmethodologicalnationalismwithrespecttomigrationtheories
(BeckandBeckGernsheim2008;Beck2007;Chernilo2006;WimmerandSchiller2002;Sassen
2006).Inanycase,tradingdiasporas,inordertobecomeeffectiveandsustainable,needan
ideology, a symbolic blueprint for their organization, asAbner Cohen rightly asserts in his
seminalpublicationontheculturalstrategiesoftradingdiasporas(Cohen1971).Thisideol
ogyismostoftenbasedonthecreationofmythsofbelonging,includingrulesregardingre
wardsandsanctions.Allthishasdevelopedthroughalongprocessoftrialanderror,ofcul
turalinnovationsandofmediationandsymbolicformulation(Cohen1971:276).
The articles conceptual framework or methodology is based on a comparative ap
proach and a literature review. The latter has been complemented by an analysis of data
availableintheAfricanmediaandontheInternetonthecomparativecharacteristicsofthe
innovationculturesofboththeAfricanandtheChineseethnicmigrantcommunities.Taken
together,thisinformationconstitutesthebasisforhypothesesgenerationandtesting.
Inordertoperformamethodologicallysoundcomparisonofdifferentethnicgroupsof
migrantentrepreneursandtodiscerntheirdistinctiveinnovativecultures,itisimportantto
makeevaluationsonalevelplayingfield.Thatis,bothethnictradingdiasporasshouldide
allybeimplantedinanidenticalforeignenvironment(hostcountry)andstudiedatthesame
timeinordertoallowformeaningfulcomparisonsand,lastbutnotleast,toreduceasfaras
possible the often unknown external intervening factors. In general, to stress it once again,
oneshouldpaydueattentiontothetransnationalsocialspacesinwhichthesemigrantnet
worksareembedded.Assessingandisolatingtheimpactofculturesofinnovationondevel
opmentbecomesevenmoredifficultinviewofthepossiblecounteractinginfluencesofother
significantfactors.Themostsignificantofthesefactorsisprobablytheglobaltrendofneo
liberaleconomicandpoliticalreformsinrecentdecades,promotedbytheinternationaldo
norcommunity,combinedwithstateneglect,mostnotablyinAfrica,bothofwhichshapethe
performanceofentrepreneurialnetworksthroughcomplexinteractions(Meagher2010:166).
My first working hypothesis, derived from the following literature review, is thatthe
competitionbetweenChineseandNigerianmigrantentrepreneursdoesnotnecessarilylead
tothesuspectedcutthroatrivalryorhostility,whichissupposedlyreinforcedbytheimpact
ofglobalizationingeneralandtherecentworldwidefinancialcrisisinparticular.Undercer
tainconditions,competitionmay spur thedevelopmentofspecific but complementary cul
turesofinnovation.Astrongcapacitytoadapttotherapidlychanginglivingconditionsand
businessopportunitiesintheirhostcountryisthebasisforthesurvivalandsuccessofboth
groupsofmigrants.Nevertheless,accordingtomysecondhypothesis,thebusinessstrategies
andmodesofsurvivalofthesetwogroupsdiffersignificantlyaccordingtothedemandsof
their home community, the transnational diaspora, and the host country in which they are
meanttointegrate.Accordingtomythirdhypothesis,theculturalunderpinningsofmigrant
driversofchangearenotrestrictedto,nornecessarilydominatedby,inheritedcustomsorre
ligions such as the revival of Confucianism (Pairault 2007), Pentecostalism (Kamphausen
2000),orVodun.Theyarepermanentlyandcreativelyadaptedandinventedanewbytrans
nationalmigrantnetworksintheglobalizedworldinordertosuitthespecificneedsofthese
migrantcommunities.However,untilnowtherehasonlybeenscantyevidenceavailableto
provethesepoints,andiftheyarediscussedatallinscholarlysources,theissuenevertheless
remainsasourceofdebate.
Thearticleisstructuredaccordingtothethreesetsofkeyquestionsmentionedabove,
witharegionalfocusonWestAfrica:Followingtheliteraturereviewinthesecondsection,I
analyzethefirstquestion,whetherthenewChinesemigrantsinAfricaaretobeconsidered
asdriversofchange,inSection3,usingtheexampleofChineseentrepreneurialmigrantsin
GhanaandinBeninRepublic.InSection4IthenundertakeacomparisonoftheChineseand
NigeriantradingdiasporasagaininGhanaandBenin.Thelinkageorinteractionbetween
bothmigrantgroupsisdiscussedinSection5,andthisdiscussionisfollowedbyaconclusion.
2 ComparingChineseandAfricanBusinessCulturesinSubSaharanAfrica:
LiteratureReview
Theremarkable growthofChineseAfrican trade in thepast ten yearshasattracted a great
deal of scholarly attention.As early as 2006, an OECD study envisaged the newAsian gi
antsChina and Indiaas growth models forAfrica, although it cautioned about possible
negative effects on resource allocation, governance (rentseeking), and poverty reduction
(Lyons and Brown 2009; Goldstein et al. 2006). In 2007 China becameAfricas second most
important trading partner, just behind the USA and before France (Bertoncello and Brede
loup2009:45).Moststudieshavesofarfocusedonthemacroeconomicorpoliticaleffectsof
thecirculationofgoodsandcapitalonthisnewsilkroadtoAfrica(Broadman2007).The
accompanyingcirculationoflaborhasreceivedlessattention.
Yet thesoaring trade figures have beenaccompanied bythelargescale immigration of
ChineseentrepreneursintoAfrica.UptoonemillionChinesehaveflockedtoAfricawithinthe
pasttenyears,thoughanexactcountofthepopulationisnotpossiblebecauseoftheirregular
statusofmostimmigrants(Lessault andBeauchemin2009; Mohanand Kale2007:910). Un
doubtedly, the deregulation of Chinas emigration legislation and of private labor recruit
ment in the first decade of this century due to geopolitical and ideological concerns facili
tatedthisoutwardmovement(MohanandKale2007:16).Inanycase,thisinfluxhasalready
resultedinanexceedinglyvisibleChinesepresenceinAfrica,particularlyinthecapitalcities
and more recently also in resource frontier zonesfor example, the oilrich Niger Delta
andtheZambianandCongoleseCopperbeltregionorflankingthenewlyestablishedChi
nesesilkroadsinsubSaharanAfrica.OtherlandmarksofthegrowingChinesepresence
10
aretheveritableChinatownsofLagos(AkinrinadeandOgen2008),Johannesburg,andCape
Town.
Apparently,thegrowingChineseforeigndirectinvestment(FDI)inAfricahasprimar
ilyinvolvedsmallandmediumenterprises(SMEs),whicharesaidtobedrivenbyastrong
entrepreneurialspiritandethos(Gu2009:574).NowevenChinesemanagementconsultants
forChineseSMEsregularlytourAfrica.Some,likeWangWenning,oneofChinasmostim
portant executive consultants, and incidentally director of Africa Invest, the only Chinese
consultancyfirmdealingexclusivelywithAfrica,areenviedbytheirWesternpeersfortheir
outstandingsuccess(Blume2008).Untilnowmostscholarlystudieshavefocusedonmacro
ornationallevelsofanalysis(Broadman2007;AscheandSchller2008).However,totheor
dinarypublicinAfricatheChinesepresenceismostremarkableinthelocalmarket,notonly
in the formof cheap consumer goods, which are affordable even for the poorer sections of
the population, but also in the form of the Chinese migrant entrepreneurs themselves. A
growing number of more recent case studies from variousAfrican countries on this devel
opmentarenowavailable,asthefollowingdiscussionshows.However,twomajoracademic
questions remain unsolved (Mohan and TanMullins 2009): Could these Chinese entrepre
neurial migrants provide an example of an innovative spirit which could boost sustainable
economicgrowthinsubSaharanAfrica?DoChinesemigrantsinAfricaactasagentsofde
velopment,oraretheyjustanotherfacetoftheplunderingofAfricanresourcesbyoldand
newglobalplayers?
Differinganswerstothis question have feda contentiousdebate among scholars and
politicians(seeAscheandSchller2008foranoverview).TherearestrongindicatorsthatAf
rican infant industries are destined to lose out due to the tremendous growth in Chinas
cheapconsumergoodsexports,particularlytextiles,footwear,andotherlowpricednondur
ableconsumergoods.Onevisiblesignhasbeenthegradualdisplacementofclothingexports
from African countries (Gu 2009; Sylvanus 2009; Akinrinade and Ogen 2008). This has al
readyhadnegativeeffectsonthenascentAfricanexportindustrysmanufacturingtermsof
trade (Kaplinsky 2008). However, Kernen and Vulliet (2008: 33) maintain, based on field
studies in Mali and Senegal, that in the majority ofAfrican countries Chinese goods (still)
competenotsomuchwithlocalproductsbutwithcompetingimportsduetotheweakness
ofthenascentlocalindustries.Accordingtotheauthors,competitionisinsteadbetweenChi
nese and African traders importing similar goods from China (ibid.: 3336). Each trading
communityhasitsownstructuraladvantage.WhereasChinesetradersgenerallyhavemore
efficient supply networks in China, African importers, obviously more familiar with local
customsandwithtradeenhancinginformalinstitutions,apparentlystillhaveacompetitive
edgeconcerningthedistributionnetworkandsmallretailsalesintheirhomecountry,most
notablyinthehinterland.AccordingtoDuprandShi,thesedifferencesrepresentadivision
of labor rather than a rivalry between Chinese and local traders in the domesticmarket, at
leastinBeninandMali(DuprandShi2008:38).
11
Nevertheless,thereisagrowingreserveamongAfricanstakeholdersvisvisthisre
markableincursionby Chinesemigrant entrepreneurs.African traders associations, for ex
ample,areincreasinglyexertingpoliticalpressureontheirrespectivenationalgovernments
todemandprotectionistmeasures,againstbothChinesemigrantsandgoodsmadeinChina
(forexample,inNigeria,SenegalandTogo;BertoncelloandBredeloup2009:5253;Sylvanus
2009;MohanandKale2007:1516;AkinrinadeandOgen2008).
The relative performance, success, and business network integration of Chinese and
Africanentrepreneursareapparentlycontroversialissues.Nevertheless,mostscholarsagree
that the remarkable entrepreneurialism demonstrated by overseas Chinese in Africa (and
elsewhere) is due to their specific networks, adapted to the requirements of globalization,
ratherthantoculturalcharacteristicssuchasConfucianism(MohanandKale2007:2,78;Ho
2008).Infact,theChinesediasporaisnotatallhomogenous.Althoughthereareelementsof
acommonculturalheritage,thiscommonalityisoverlaidbylanguageandregionaldistinc
tions(forexample,CantonChineseversusMandarin),aswellasclass,gender,andagedif
ferences.Inaddition,theshiftinglobalcapitalismtowardsflexibleaccumulationhaspro
ducedcomplexbusinessnetworkswhichexploitincreasinglyfluidcomparativeadvantages
ofmultiplesites(MohanandKale2007:8;forMali:Bourdarias2009).Nevertheless,theeco
nomicdynamismshownbythisdiasporaissaidtohaveadisproportionalimpactinAfrica,
and this impact concerns development in general much more than simply economic
growth (ibid.: 6; Brutigam 2003). In general, Chinese migrant entrepreneurs have a more
pronouncedselfesteemasagentsofmodernizationanddevelopmentvisvistheirAfrican
counterparts(Bourdarias2009:1819,basedonaprolongedfieldstudyinMali).
AccordingtoDeborahBrutigam(2003),whoundertookcomparativefieldstudieson
ChinesebusinessnetworksinMauritiusandEasternNigeria,researchonindigenousbusi
ness networks in subSaharan Africa suggests that they are less likely than European or
Asiannetworks(inAfrica)toprovidethekindofcredit,information,andexamplesthatcan
launchanentrepreneurintomanufacturing(ibid.: 452).Thisissaidtobeduemainlytothe
lackofsupportiveinvestmentpoliciesinAfricancountriesandthehighdegreeofinformal
ity of African trade, which limits indigenous networks. Contrary to African business net
works, Chinese networks have facilitated the flying geese pattern of industrialization
(ibid.:454).
BasedoncomparativestudiesofChineseandAfricanbusinessculturesinKenya,Alex
andraGadzala(2009:20506)maintainsthatChineseguanxinetworksofSMEshaveacom
petitiveedgeovertheirKenyancounterparts.ThemanifoldethnicdivisionsofAfricancoun
triesandsubsequentcleavagesbetweenethnicgroupspreclude,soitissaid,effectiveinter
ethniccollaborationandtheforgingofhorizontaltiesamongAfricanentrepreneurs.Thelat
ter,however, are said to be typical ofChineseSMEsbecauseoftheircultural homogeneity,
althoughthishomogeneityinturnhinderstheSMEsabilitytoconnectwithpartnersbeyond
their immediate networks (ibid.: 206). Because guanxi networks are based on interpersonal
12
trustwithinhighlycircumscribedexclusivenetworks,themaintenanceofonesownfaceis
saidtobeofmuchgreaterimportancethanitiswithinAfricannetworks.Moreover,Chinese
trustrelationsarecharacterizedbytheabidingnatureoflongtermobligations,asopposed
tothesupposedimmediacygenerallyexpectedinAfricannetworks(ibid.: 20506).
YettheallegeddifferencesbetweenChineseandAfricanculturalnetworksasdescribed
byGadzalaarequestionable.Manyoftheparticularitiesofdistinctguanxinetworksshede
scribesarestronglyreminiscentofthelongstandingscholarlydiscussionaboutAfricaneth
nic patronage relations, which are neither primordial nor divisive but instead continually
adaptedtomodernrequirementsandguidedbyasophisticatedsocialfabricofbothbridging
and bonding, which aids in crosscultural exchange (Meagher 2005: 227). This corresponds
with the view of those China watchers who contest the argument that guanxi is something
uniquetoChineseculture.TheyconsiderittobelittlemorethanaChinesewordforsocial
networksandsocialcapital,bothofwhichcanbeidentifiedintheinformalsectorsofmany
developingsocieties(Goldetal.2002:3).Inaddition,itisbynomeanscleartowhatextent
theseguanxinetworksareliabletochangeorwhethertheyadapttonewlocalenvironments
(ibid.: 4). Nor has the way in which they influenceAfrican networks under the prevailing
conditions of globalization been investigated. The latter question concerns the question of
whetheramergerofthepositivebusinessenhancingaspectsofbothculturesgraduallytakes
place, or whether Chinese ventures have reinforcing, neutral or negative effects onAfrican
businesspractices(Pratt2009:40).
In a study based on data from the Regional Program on Enterprise Development in
cluding Kenya, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Tanzania, V. Ramachandran and M.K. Shah (1999)
arrive at the conclusion that overseas Chinese (or Indian) entrepreneurs inAfrica start out
largerandgrowsignificantlymorequicklythanlocalAfricanfirms.Theauthorsarguethat
Asianminorityentrepreneurshaveaccesstoinformationalandfinancialnetworksthatpro
vide better access to credit, information, and technology for their members than those of
theirAfricancounterparts.Again,anecdotalevidenceofthesupposedsuperiorityofguanxi
networksservesastheargumentforthedifferentialadvantageofChineseentrepreneursin
Africa(takingtheexampleofKenya,seeRamachandandShah1999:74).
In contrast, Storey and others assume that there is a crosscultural diffusion of man
agementpractices(Storeyetal.2008:464).Intheirview,Asianbusinessnetworkssuchasthe
guanxiare,intheglobalizedworld,boundtomixwithsimilarAfricannetworks.Theyhold
thatAfricanmanagementhasoutofnecessityalwaysbeenlargelycrossculturalinviewof
the rich and diverse cultural heritage ofAfrican ethnic groups and their intimate historical
linkages. Reportedly, the South African notion of ubuntu, which means I am who I am
through others, serves as an indicator of crosscultural diffusionin contrast to exclusive
socialnetworksliketheChineseguanxiortheselfcenteredcredosofWesterncultures,par
ticularly the Descartian doctrine cogito ergo sum or Smithsonian economics, which focus on
thesupposedlybenevolentmacroeconomicimpactofselfishindividualactors.Althoughthe
13
conceptofubuntuisnotknowninallpartsofAfrica,similarvisionsofcommunalhumanism
hold a strong appeal for advocates of a multiculturalAfrican renaissance (ibid.). However,
ClaireAdida(2008)cautionsagainstprematurehypothesesregardingeasycrossculturalex
changeamongdifferentethnicgroupswithsimilarculturaltraits.Basedonfieldworkamong
Nigerian immigrants inAccra and Niamey, she concludes that overly strong cultural simi
laritiesbetweenimmigrantsandahostsocietytendtoworsenimmigranthostrelationsand
social integration. Hostcountry citizens tend to reject those migrants whom they fear will
easilyblendinandthusbettercompeteforscarceresources.
3 ChineseMigrantEntrepreneursinWestAfrica
3.1 ChineseMigrantEntrepreneursinGhana
ChinesemigrationtoGhanahasalonghistory.Itbeganincolonialtimesandblossomeddur
ing the early days of Ghanas independence, when Chinese citizens, mainly from Hong
Kong,wereluredbytheNkrumahgovernmentanditspromiseofaflourishingeconomyin
theEnglishspeakingCommonwealthcountry(Ho2008a:910;2008:5556;MohanandTan
Mullins 2009: 598).As was the case elsewhere inAfrica, however, the substantial influx of
mainlandChineseonlybeganinthelate1990s,forthereasonsmentionedabove.Todaybe
tween 6,000 and 20,000 Chinese live in Ghana, mainly in the coastal urban areas ofAccra,
Tema,andTakoradi(MohanandTanMullins2009:591).4FormostChinesemigrants,mov
ing abroad has signified progress and modernity; they have aimed to distance themselves
fromtheculturalpractices,traditions,andpoliticsathome,whichtheyhaveviewedasbeing
inoppositiontoanenlightened(Western)imaginationofmodernitywhichtheythemselves
share.However,Chinasrecentriseasamajorglobalplayer,whichisalsoobeyingtherules
ofglobalcapitalism,couldconvincethemtoconsiderreturninghomeeventually.Theymay
takeitasanindicatorthatChinasanachronisticvaluesarebeginningtofadeout(Ho2008:
5253).ThisnewoptionforcircularmigrationshouldnonethelessstillenhanceChineseen
trepreneurspropensitytomigratetoAfrica.
However,theinnovativedriveofthefirstwavesofChineseentrepreneurialmigrantsin
Ghanauntilthe1980s,focusedonthemanufacturingandservicesectors,isbeyondquestion.
These migrants were truly globally active entrepreneurs. They were keenly aware of, and
switchedbetween,temporarylucrativebusinessopportunities,including(illegal)foreignex
change transactions, as shown by Conal Hos detailed case studies, which cannot be pre
sented here because of a lack of space (Ho 2008: 5771). These cases also demonstrate that
selfinterested individual agency and profit orientation, even when they are innovative, do
notnecessarilycontributetothewealthofanationasAdamSmiththought.
Mostofthemworkunderirregularconditions,whichiswhymoreexactestimatesarenotavailable.
14
WhetherthenewwaveofoverwhelminglysmallscaleChineseentrepreneursinGhana
sharesthesameinnovativedriveasitspredecessorsisnotknown.Certainly,themassivein
flow of FDI and the growth of Chinese imports in Ghana mentioned above has also been
beneficial for thesemigrants. However, the business climate in Ghana has changed consid
erably, among other reasons because the legal framework for expatriates has become more
restrictive, because competition has increased, and because the disposable resources of the
newcomersareconsiderablylowerthaninthepast.Takentogetherthesefactorshavealsoim
pactedtheeffectivenessofthemigrantsowntradingnetworks,notleastbecauseofheightened
suspicion on the part of Chinese migrants visvis outsiderseven those from their own
countryin view of the class divide between different networks of Chinese immigrants and
theinformalbusinesstransactionsinwhichmostofthemareinvolved(ibid.: 6061).
Ifoneweretobelievethelocalmedia,especiallytheGhanaiantabloidpress,mostChi
neseentrepreneursinGhanatodayareinvolvedcertainlytodifferingdegreesinirregular
activities, most notably in illegal retail, which is apparently often covered up by a shop
frontedbyaGhanaiancounterpart(Liu2010:193,196).InrecentyearsChineseentrepreneurs
havealsoenteredintosmallscalegoldmining,knownlocallyasgalamsey.Smallscalemin
ingwaslegalizedin1989bytheSmallScaleMiningLaw.However,95percentofsuchmin
ingactivitiesthroughwhichanestimated50,000to100,000workers,mostlyGhanaianbut
alsoforeign,earntheirliving,particularlyintheWesternRegionhaveremainedinformal.
Chinesegoldminers,sometimesbackedbylocaltraditionalchiefs,haveenteredthetradeby
providingfundingandemployingheavyequipmentforillegalminingoperationsunderthe
guise of providing services to smallscale miners.5 This has threatened Ghanaian miners,
wholacktheresourcesnecessarytochallengetheChinesecompetition.6
Incidentally, it is by no means only the Chinese who have violated Ghanaian regula
tionsrestrictingtheactivitiesofexpatriates;majorculpritsconvictedin2007alsocamefrom
Nigeria, India, Germany, and theNetherlands(Baah etal.2009: 97, fn10).YetbesidesChi
nese traders, it is Nigerians who have actually been targeted most often by the Ghana In
vestment Promotion Centers (GIPC) task force against illegal retail trading.7 In principle,
Chineseandotherforeignnationalsarenowallowedtobeactiveinthemanufacturing,ser
vice, and wholesaling sectors. In order to protect the national labor market, the Ghana In
5 See Adam, Basiru (2009): Ghana: investors turn illegal miners. Public Agenda (Accra), 27 July 2009; Illegal
mining: 7 Chinese grabbed, Daily Graphic/Ghana, February 9, 2010; Illegal mining deprives state of reve
nue,27November2009,www.graphicghana.com(23April2010);Marfo,KwameAsiedu(2009):Foreigners
TakeOverGalamsey,21August2009,http://www.graphicghana.com(23April2010).
6 AsimilardevelopmenthasbeenobservedbyA.W.Gadzala(2010:41,53)inZambia.
7 InNovember2007approximately200angryNigerianbusinessmenstormedtheJoy FMofficescomplaining
about unfair closures of their business, which according to them contravened ECOWAS protocols on free
trade. The Nigeria Union of Traders in Ghana (NUTAG) backed the protest (see GIPC to meet aggrieved
traders, myjoyonline.com, November 29, 2007; Nigerian traders protest application of law, myjoyon
line.com,30November2007).
15
vestmentPromotionActof1994(Sec.17to19)reservesretailuptoacertainvolumeforGha
naiansonly(ibid.: 97).8Ghanaianentrepreneurshaveincreasinglycomplainedbecauseofal
legeddumping9forexample,thefloodingofthemarketwithcheapcounterfeitsmadein
China;thetransferofinvestmentsinmanufacturingintotradingcompaniescontrarytothe
law,thetransgressionofrestrictionsforforeignersinretailing,andalackofrespectforlabor
rights.TheGhanaUnitedTradersOrganization(GUTA),whichrepresentsGhanaianretailers
andpettytraders,hasprotestedagainsttheallegedimpunityofperpetratorsandexertedin
creasing political pressure on the government. Chinese investors in Ghana, on the other
hand,havebeenconcernedaboutaworseningpolicyenvironment(ibid.: 98).OtherChinese
businessmeninGhanahavebeentroubledbyculturalbarrierstocollaboration,forexample,
theallegedlylaxworkethicoftheirGhanaianlaborersoremployeeswhooftendisappearfor
funerals, marriages, or other family events without permission (Mohan and TanMullins
2009:596).Allthesetendenciestogethermightbeinterpretedasasignofgrowingsocialand
politicalconfrontationbetweenChineseandAfricanentrepreneurs.
However,encountersbetweenGhanaianandChineseentrepreneursatthemicrolevel
are not characterized merely by fierce competition, envy, or enmity. Their interactions are
shapedtoagreatextentbyparticularsituationsandcontexts,whichfluctuateinspaceand
time,aswellasbyrealorimaginedsocialboundaries.JingJingLiu(2010)hasanalyzedthis
aptlyinhercomparativestudyofencountersbetweenChineseandGhanaianentrepreneurs
intheMakolaMarketinAccra.There,innovativedriveandresourcefulnessisexclusively
reserved neither for Chinese nor for Ghanaian identities but is rather ascribed to both, de
pending on the conditions. Chinese traders may view their counterparts in a very positive
light,even stressingtheirshared workethic ashelpful and hardworkinghumans,particu
larlyincomparisontootherAfricans,forexample,Kenyans(ibid.: 197).Ontheotherhand,
Ghanaian smallscale entrepreneurs may feel themselves to be culturally closer to the Chi
nesewhoarenotaboveworkingandlivinginthesameprecarioussocialenvironmentside
bysidewiththeirAfricancounterpartsthantothecountrysLebanesetraders,althoughthe
lattermaybeseenasbeingmoreintimatelyintegratedintotheirhostsociety(ibid.:196 97).
8 TheGhanaianinvestmentcodestipulatesthatforeignerswhowanttoengageinretailinghavetoregisterwith
theGhanaInvestmentPromotionCentre(GIPC)withminimumcapitalofUS$300,000.Inaddition,theymust
employ at least ten Ghanaians. In November 2007 the Ghana Union of Traders (GUTA) urged members of
parliamenttoreviewtheinvestmentcodeinordertoraisetheminimuminvestmenttoonemillionUSdollars
andthenumberofGhanaiansemployedto25(seeKokutse,F.(2008):Ghana:Youhavetospeakupwhen
competitiondestroysyou.IPS,31July2008).However,nothinghaschangedtodate.
9 ThereweresignificantcomplaintsaboutChinesecompaniestakingtheirproductsaswellasthoseofGhana
TextilePrintingCompany(GTP)anddumpingthemontheGhanaianmarketthroughtheneighbouringTogo
leseportatLom(Madichie/Saeed,2010).
16
3.2 ChineseMigrantEntrepreneursinBenin
Chineseentrepreneurs,workers,andacademicshavebeenpresentinBeninforaboutthree
decadesalready.Theirpresencehasbeeninterpretedasasideeffectofgooddiplomaticrela
tions between Peking and Mathieu Krkous Marxist government (19721989).10 However,
aselsewhere,theboominSinoBeninesebusinessrelationsstartedonlyabouttenyearsago.
Accordingtoinformedestimates,only700ChineselivedinBeninintheearly1980s,butthis
numberhadincreasedto1,000in2000andmorethan2,700in2004.
Intheearlyyearsofthiscentury,ChinabecameBeninssecondbiggesttradingpartner
(afterNigeriaandFrance,Mounmouni2010:35).In2008Chinaaccountedfor40percentof
Beninsimportsandapproximately21percentofitsexports(mostlycotton;EIUBeninCoun
tryReport,Jan.2010:22).In2005ChineseimportstoBenin(US$740million)hadalreadysur
passedthosetoGhana(US$660million)(Chaponnire2006:5).However,mostoftheseim
portsweregoodsforreexportdirectedtowardsthebigNigerianmarket.Cotonouhasbeen
aninternationaltradehub,particularlyforNigeria(butalsofortheneighboringlandlocked
Saheliancountries),atleastsincethetimesoftheNigerianimportsubstitutionandindigeni
zation policies in the 1970s and 1980s (Igu/Soule 1992). Benin is renowned as a model of
transborderparalleltradeinAfrica.Asearlyasthe1980sthisinformaltradewasportrayed
as an indigenous solution and popular resistance to bad governance. Even World Bank re
portsinspired by the liberal doctrines of global free tradepraised it, although its devel
opmenteffectshavebeenalwayscontroversial(Meagher1997).
GrowingpopularresentmentagainstChinesetradersinNigeriainthefirstdecadeof
this century reinforced this kind of transnational shadow economy. The Nigerian state re
sorted to nontariff tradebarriers, including importrestrictionsand the(temporary) closure
oftheChinatowninLagosin2006(Ogen2008:93,96),becauseoftheallegedharmfulprac
tices of counterfeiting, smuggling, and the dumping of lowpriced or poorquality con
sumergoodsmadeinChinaontheNigerianmarket.Thesemeasuresmadereexporting
includinglargescalesmugglingfromCotonouevenmoreattractive,andnotjustforinven
tiveChinesetraders.11EnhancedpersonalsecurityforexpatriatebusinessmeninCotonou,as
ChinabuilttheBeninFriendshipStadiumin1982,followedtwoyearslaterbytheManuciafactoryformak
10
ingcigarettesandmatches.FromMay1987toApril1993,ChinaandBeninwerepartnersintheAssociated
BeninTextilesIndustries(SITEX).[InNovember2004,SITEXwasdeclaredbankruptandclosed.Onlythanks
tomassivegovernmentinvolvementandBOADfundingdiditresumeproduction,butundercapacity,D.K.].
ChinaalsobuilttheLokassahospitalforthemin1997(Lafargue,2005:1).Theseearlyinvestmentshavebeen
complemented more recently by the large and impressive Centre chinois de dveloppement conomique et
commercial(Ccdecb)buildinginCotonou(quartierGanhi,inauguratedinDecember2008bytheheadofstate
BoniYayi);theConfuciusInstituteatUniversityofAbomeyCalaviinBenin,inauguratedinSeptember2009;
theCentreCulturelChinoisinCotonou(actuallythefirstcenterinAfrica,foundedmorethantwentyyears
agoin1988);andtheChineseUniversityHospitalinParakou(provincialcapitalofNorthernBenin),whichis
underconstruction.
Unrecorded crossborder trade of Chinese goods between Benin and Nigeria appears to be a major enter
11
prise,employingthousandsonbothsidesoftheborder.[InterviewwithBashirM.Borodo,presidentofMAN
17
compared with Nigerian cities such as Lagos or Port Harcourt, which are notorious for a
high rate of violent crime, was another reason for these Chinese migrants preference for
crossborder trade with Nigeria (Dupr and Shi 2008: 20).A sample survey of Chinese mi
grants in Benin conducted in early 2008 by Mathilde Dupr and Weijing Shi (Sciences Po,
Paris) contained initial, detailed descriptive information about Chinese migrant entrepre
neursatthemicrolevel.Only36percentofChinesemigrantentrepreneursinCotonouinter
viewedbyDuprandShi(ibid.: 29)confirmedthatthefocusoftheiractivitieswasonthelo
calornationalBeninesemarket(comparedwith80percentinMali).
TheChinesediasporainBeninisnotatallhomogenous,evenifitsmembersmaintain
cordial relations.12 The migrants originate from 19 different Chinese provinces, although
many come from the Wenzhou zone (Zhejiang province). More than half of the newly ar
rivedalreadyhadestablishedlinkstocountrymeninBeninbeforetheirdeparture.Thedriv
ingforcebehindthedecision tomigratehasgenerally beenoverwhelminglyeconomic, not
political.Apparently,ChinesemigrantsinBenindonotbelongtothemostimpoverishedso
cialstratainChinabutrathertothe(lower)middleclass.Approximately48percentofthem
statethattheysavemorethanhalfoftheirincome,whichismostoftenremitteddirectlyto
theirfamilyathomeinordertoguaranteetheirchildrenabetterfuture(DuprandShi2008:
2325). Most of them live in the economic capital Cotonou. However, they are not concen
trated in Chinese quarters. Probably due to the irregular status of most migrants in the
private sector, their attitude to public Chinese institutions in Benin, particularly their em
bassyanditsdiplomaticpersonnel,isreserved.
TheChinesedemonstrateanastonishingcapacitytoadapttolocalconditionsinspite
oftheapparentlanguageproblems.Theirstallsorshopsareoftensituatedsidebysidewith
thoseoflocalAfricantraders,andmanyChineseshopownersevenlodgeintheirworkplace
orclosetotheneighborhood(Ibid:1418).Thedifferencesincultureandlanguageneverthe
less remain a problem, though many Chinese migrant entrepreneurs try to speak French
(approximately 80 percent) or even Fongb (approximately 23 percent), the vernacular of
southern Benin. Chinese employers of local laborers often deplore their African employees
lowlevelofeducationandlackofprofessionalrigor,whereasthelattercomplainabouttheir
(ManufacturersAssociationofNigeria)Kano,March2009].Theunrecordedtradealsopresentslucrativerent
opportunitiesforcorruptofficialsonbothsidesoftheborder,whichisonereasonwhysmugglinghascontin
ueddespiterepeatedofficialdeclarationsofintenttobringittoahalt.[InterviewwithNigerianjournalist,La
gos,March2009](MthembuSalter,2009:11).
ApproximatelytwothirdsofChinesemigrantsintheprivatesectoraremale,relativelyyoung(onaverage34
12
yearsold),andmarried.Onlyhalfofthemactuallylivewiththeirfamilyinthehostcountry,buttheymain
tainstronglinkswiththeirpeersathome.Theyactuallypractisecircularmigration;thatis,approximately70
percent regularly return home (at least once a year), either for professional or private reasons. On average,
Chineseentrepreneurialmigrantsstayedjust2.8yearsinBenin(comparedwith4.5yearsinMali)beforeei
therreturningtoChinaormovingontogreenerpasturesinWestAfrican,particularlyneighbouringTogo
orNigeria(DuprandShi2008:2930).
18
employerscaginessandlackoftrust,orpoorlaborrelations(ibid.: 34).AccordingtoMoun
mouni,ChineseemployersinWestAfrica(andelsewhere)haveatraditionallymindedtop
down management style, which is shaped by massive prejudices towardsAfrican workers:
thelatterareassumedtobelazy,lackinginambition,andneedingtobecontrolledandco
ercedintodeliveringtheirmaximaleffort;thisapparentlyappliesalsotoBenin.Asaconse
quence,mostChinesemanagersmissmanyopportunitiestomakegooduseofthepotential
creativityandengagementoftheirlocalAfricanworkforce(Mounmouni2010:29).However,
whetherthistraditionallymindedattitudeisalsoheldbysmallscaleChinesemigrantentre
preneurs, who mostly employ family laborand only if needed anAfrican counterpart or
onetotwoadditionallocalworkersisdebatable.
Ontheotherhand,asisthecaseoverallinAfrica(Sylvanus2009),entrepreneursfrom
BenincomplainabouttheallegedlydisloyalcompetitiongeneratedbyChinesemadecloth
(includingtheillegalcopyingofdesigns),whichtheyholdresponsiblefortheailingtextile
industry.ManyBenineseentrepreneursseethisasanuntenableconditioninviewofthefact
thattheircountryisthesecondlargestcottonproducerinsubSaharanAfrica.Certainly,the
crashingoftwomajortextilefactories,SITEXandCBT,atLokossa,bothjointventuresofBe
ninandChinawhichweremismanagedandincapableofwithstandingthepressureofcheap
imports of Chinese clothes, intensified these fears.13 This is why Beninese businesspeople
considerChinatobebothapredatorandpartnerofBeninstextileindustry(Mounmouni
2010:37).ManytextilevendorsatCotonouslargeinternationalDantokpaMarketarealsoin
conflict with their Chinese (and Pakistani) competitors, who also engage in retailing.14 Par
ticularlybecausebothtradingdiasporasallegedlyimportChinesemadecounterfeitsoftex
tiletrademarks,suchasVlisco,SuperWax,orMandras,orsmuggletextilesfromneighbor
ingTogo(ibid.: 35).15AnotherconcernistheincreasingsmugglingoftimbertoChina;itiscut
illegallyandthuscontributestotheunsustainabledeforestationofsouthernBenin.Although
thegovernmentofYayiBonihassuspendedtimberexports,someChinesefromCotonouare
allegedly still engaged in this irregular trade, taking advantage of the porous frontier with
TogoandNigeria(ibid.: 37).
Nevertheless,thedivisionoflaborbetweenChineseandAfricanentrepreneursinBe
nin tends to be complementary rather than competitive, as is the case elsewhere inAfrica.
WhereastheChineseprofitfromlowertransactioncostsfortheimportofgoods,forexample,
Dossa,Colbert(2010):LetextileBninoisdanslimpasse:Versladisparitiontotaledutissubninoi..Journal
13
DignitFminine,March21,2010;L@raignepresse,http://www.blesshnet.com/heberg/laraignee;(29April2010).
RetailingwaspracticallyforbiddenforforeigntradersundertheMarxistKrkouregime(197289)inorderto
14
create employment and to protect local petty traders. After economic liberalization, introduced by the new
parliamentsubsequenttothedemocratictransitionin1990,alldiscriminatorymeasuresbetweennationaland
foreigntraderswereannulledbylaw(09005Actof15.05.90).In2001,duetoincreasingpressurefromlocal
textiletraders,thegovernmentagainbannedforeigntradersfromretailing(seeMounmouni2010:35).
Vidjingninou, Fiacre (2007): Les commerants bninois digrent mal la concurrence chinoise. Aujourdhui la
15
Chine,http://www.aujourdhuilachine.com,(30April2010).
19
because they are part of more effective business networks in China, theirAfrican counter
parts have more efficient distribution networks on the demand side, particularly in retail
tradeandinthecountryside(DuprandShi2008:38).
4 NigerianMigrantDiasporasinWestAfrica
Nigeria,withapopulationofapproximately150millionin2008,accountsformorethanhalf
ofthetotal population ofWestAfrica. Therefore, it is not surprising that thecountry hasa
long and dynamic emigration history. Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba longdistance traders from
regionswhichtodayconstituteNigeriahaveplayedadecisiveroleinthetransregionalnet
works of migrant entrepreneurs all over West Africa since precolonial times (Meillassoux
1971;Cohen1971;Forrest1994).Mostoftheinternationalmigrationinthesubregionisem
beddedintheinformalsector,whichmeansthereisalackofexactdataonthenumbersand
flowsofNigerianmigrantsindifferentWestAfricancountries.CasestudiesonNigerianen
trepreneurialmigrantsare,however,availableforBenin(Martineau2009andbelow),Cam
eroon (Lawal 2008; Nkene 2003; Weiss 1998), Ghana (Antwi Bosiakoh 2009; Adida 2008;
Eades1993;andbelow),Niger(Youngstedt2004),andwithinNigeria(Meagher2005).They
generallyattesttothesemigrantsastonishingcapacityforadaptationandintegrationaswell
astheirremarkablepropensityforchangeandinnovation,asshowninthefollowingdiscus
sionofGhanaandBenin.
4.1 NigerianMigrantEntrepreneursinGhana
ThefirstwaveofNigerianimmigrantsinGhanawereattractedbygoldanddiamondmining
inthe1920s,andlaterbythegrowthofthecacaocashcropeconomy.Theywerealsodrawn
bythecommoncoloniallanguageandotherculturalsimilarities.AccordingtotheGhanaian
censusof1948,approximately46,800NigerianslivedinGhanaatthetime;theirnumberrose
to100,000in1959(Afolayanetal.2008:10)and300,000in1969(Eades1993:1).16However,
mostoftheentrepreneurialmigrantshadtoleavein1969becauseofrestrictiveimmigration
lawsintroducedbytheGhanaiangovernment,asexplainedinmoredetailbelow.According
to World Bank estimates, some 56,000NigerianslivedinGhanaattheend ofthe1980s,17a
numberthathastripledagainoverthepasttwodecades.Accordingtojointestimatesofthe
WorldBankandtheUniversityofSussex,thenumberofNigerianmigrantsinGhanaatpre
sentisapproximately160,000.18
Outoftheestimated300,000personsofNigerianorigininGhanain1969,150,000wereYoruba,92,400Hausa
16
and21,000Igbo(Eades,1993:200,fn.1).
Cf.Table1in:AtlasonregionalintegrationinWestAfrica,ECOWASSWAC/OECD,2006:12;http://www.
17
atlasouestafrique.org/spip.php?article55.
cf.WorldBank2009website:http.//econ.worldbank.org;Table1:Bilateralestimatesofmigrantstocks.
18
20
ThehistoryofYoruba immigration to Ghana is probably one ofthebestdocumented

incidencesofthegrowthand(sudden)declineofadiasporaofenterprisingNigeriansinAf
ricabetweenthefirstandsecondworldwars:
groupsofenterprisingYorubatradersfromafewtownsinWesternNigeriahadestab
lishedaremarkablysuccessfultradingnetworkthroughouttheGoldCoast(Ghana).Us
inginformation,skillsandcapitalgeneratedmainlywithinthefamily,whatgrewtobe
comethelargestgroupsofimmigranttradersinthecountryhadspreadtoeventhemost
remote rural areas, becoming a powerful force in the Ghanaian markets. (Eades 1993:
covertext)
However,thedominationofGhanascentraltradeinstitutionsbytheseLagosians,asYoruba
immigranttraderswerecommonlycalledinGhana,wasmetwithgrowingresentmentagainst
strangers.ThisresistanceculminatedintheAlienComplianceOrderof1969,whichorderedall
irregular migrants to leave Ghana at short notice. Thus, almost all of the 150,000 Nigerian
YorubalivinginGhanaatthattimewereexpelledwithintwoweeks(Eades1993:1,196,200).
Eadess account from below of Nigerian Yoruba entrepreneurs, both men and
women,inNorthern Ghana ismost illustrative. Ithighlightsthefactthatthese immigrants
werequicktorespondtoneweconomicopportunitiesandincentives,eveninremoteareas
and in the most unusual settings, over a period of six decades. Many of them drew value
fromtheirownresources,relyingextensivelyonlowcostfamilyratherthanwagelabor,and
createdflourishingenterpriseswithoutdemandingpublicsubsidies.Inshort,theywerein
ventiveagentsofchangepursuingdevelopmentstrategies,althoughthesemigrantstoowere
certainlyfocusedprimarilyontheirownwellbeing(ibid.: 107139,196).
Nigerianmigrantassociations,whichweremostoftenintimatelyrelatedtotheirmem
bershometowns,playedacentralroleinorientatingtheirmembers,inorganizingandim
provingthesememberslivelihood,andinfacilitatingtheirintegrationintothehostsociety.
Asarule,thesetransnationalsocialnetworksdidnotaimexplicitlytoenhanceeconomicde
velopment. Yet through their social activities they became effective development agents in
Ghana,asacasestudyofNigerianmigrantassociationsinAccrabyThomasAntwiBosiakoh
(2009:1,1314)demonstrates.TheseassociationscanberegardedasanexpressionofNige
rianentrepreneurialmigrantsspecificcultureofinnovationinGhana,somethingwhichgave
themacompetitiveedgevisvistheirGhanaiancompetitors.ThestronginfluenceofNige
rian(Neo)Pentecostalism,whichtakes prosperity asasignoffaith and divinerecognition,
on the Nigerian diaspora in Ghana (Moyet 2005: 476) may have added to the communitys
competitiveadvantage.EvenmoresobecausethePentecostaldiscourseinGhanarevealsthe
assumed special dangers inherent in commodities of strange origin, claiming at the same
time to possess the remedy to overcome the ugly powers of globalization (Kamphausen
2000).However,neitherthePentecostalorientationnortheuseofhometownassociationsare
specificNigerianculturalstrategiesintheorganizationoftradingdiasporas.Theyarecom
montootherAfrican,andeventoChinese,migrantentrepreneurs.
21
TheNigerianmigrantsagendaandvisionofdevelopmentdidnotalwaysmatchwith
thatoftheGhanaianstateoroftherulingelite,however,astheexpulsionofthealiensin
1969 demonstrated. The general cultural proximity of Nigerians to Ghanaians may have
addedtothegrowinghostilitybetweentheNigerianimmigrantsandtheirhosts,because,as
ClairAdida(2008)suggests,thelatterfearedthatthisclosenesscouldmakethemredundant
evenmoreeasily.Politicalpressureonthepartofinterestgroupsfortheexclusionofforeign
ersinthenationalinterestisthusnothingnew,butit isapparentlyundergoingarevival
withthecurrentspreadofanewnationalismalloverAfrica(Kohnert2007).
4.2 NigerianMigrantEntrepreneursinBenin
ThepresenceofNigeriansinBenindatesbacktoprecolonialtimes,whentheYorubaking
domstretchedoverterritorieswhichwerelaterdividedbycolonialfrontiersbetweenFrench
Dahomey and British Nigeria. Although the colonial powers tried to restrict transborder
tradeasfaraspossible,itneverceased,thoughitwasmadeillegal.AftertheSecondWorld
War,NigerianmigrantssettledmainlyintheurbancentersofCotonouandPortoNovo,the
economicandpoliticalcapitals,respectively,ofDahomey(renamedBeninin1972).Theexact
numberofmigrantsatthattimeisnotknown.EstimatesofthenumberofNigerianmigrants
inBeninin2005rangedfrom51,780to205,512(Martineau2009:243).
Mostimmigrantsremainedcloselyattachedtotheirhometownidentity.Nevertheless,
theirculturalstrategiesforintegratingintothehostsocietydifferedsignificantlyaccordingto
ethnic group and the particular political conditions. Major points of concern on the part of
thegovernmentinCotonouwere,ontheonehand,thegrowingethnicizationoflocalpolitics
inNigeriaduringthepreviousthreedecadesand,ontheother,mixedexperienceswiththe
politicsofbelongingandexclusion,forexample,intheCtedIvoire.Whereasmigrantsfrom
theNigeriantownOffa(KwaraState)whochosetoliveinCotonoupreferredtobecomeBe
ninesecitizensundertheMarxistKrkouregime,whichdiscouragedgeoethnicclaims,mi
grants from Oyo, Ede or Ibadan chose to remain Nigerian, although many of them had al
readylivedinDahomey/Beninforgenerations(ibid .:248257).Inanycase,thestrongsym
bolicrelationshipoftheYorubatradingdiasporasinBeninwiththeirancestorshometowns
constituted a distinctive cultural trait that contributed to the Nigerian entrepreneurial mi
grantsinnovativedrive,whichwassimilartothatoftheircounterpartsinGhanamentioned
above. This has been aptly demonstrated in a recently published case study on Nigerian
tradingdiasporasinBeninbyJanLucMartineau(2009),whooncemoreunderlinesthecru
cialfactthattheculturalidentityofthesetransnationalsocialethnictradingnetworksiscon
tinuallyadaptingtotheactualneedsofallconcerned.Atthesametime,thecompetingethnic
networks of the Beninese Yoruba have jealously watched for any move by their Nigerian
counterpartsthatcouldendangertheirownclaimastherightfulownersoftheirnationscul
turalheritage.
22
5 TheArticulationofTradingDiasporasInnovativeCulturesinWestAfrica
NexttonothingisknownabouttherelationshipbetweenChineseandAfricanentrepreneu
rialdiasporasintheirhostcountries,letaloneaboutthearticulationoftheirculturesofinno
vation.Thisquestion is still terraincognita, awaiting meticulous empiricalinvestigation. In
themeantime,wehavetorelyonanecdotalevidence,someofitsoundandsomeofitnotas
sound,inordertoarriveatsomeinitialworkinghypotheses.Bothgroupsareperceivedby
theirlocalcompetitors,andincreasinglybythenationaltabloidpress,asstrangers,ifnotin
truders. In view of the increasingly xenophobic tendencies of the politics of belonging in
WestAfrica,itapparentlymakeslittledifferencewhetherthemigrantshavealreadylivedfor
generationsintheirhostcountryorhaveevenacquireditsnationality,liketheNigerianmi
granttradersinBenin.Thelattermayprofitfromsignificantculturalsimilaritieswiththelo
calpopulation,particularlyiftheybelongtothesameortorelatedethnicgroups,astheNi
gerianYorubainBenindo.Thismayfacilitate,amongotherthings,theentranceintoorcol
laboration with networks of ethnic entrepreneursnot necessarily of the same ethnic
groupfromtheAfricanhostcommunity.CasestudiesaboutIgboentrepreneurialmigrants
andtheirlinkswithHausaandYorubamigranttradersinNigeria,whicharecharacterized
bylongstandingrelationshipsoftrustandcooperation(Meagher2009),atleastpointinthis
direction.Ontheotherhand,Adida(2008)maintainsthatculturalidentitiesthataretoosimi
lar actually generate suspicion and rejection on the part of local rivals. In short, it is by no
meanscertainthatAfricanmigrantsreceiveageneralboostinlocalestimationvisvisChi
nesemigrantsjustbecauseoftheirAfricanity.19Afterall,Africanidentityisasocialconstruct,
periodicallyinventedandadaptedanewaccordingtocircumstancesandneeds.ThusBene
dict Andersons (1991) renowned concept of the imaginaries of nationalism as invented
communityalsoappliestothenotionofAfricanity.Thisnotionevenstretchesbeyondpeople
andincludestheidentityofgoodsaswell,asNinaSylvanus(2007)hasaptlydemonstrated
usingtheexampleofChinesemadecounterfeitAfricanwaxclothinTogo.
Ifitallboilsdowntothequestionofculturaldifferences,wemaybeinclined,inview
ofthepaucityofdataonthearticulationofChineseandNigerianentrepreneurialdiasporas,
totakeasanapproximationtherelationshipofChineseentrepreneurialmigrantsinNigeria
withtheirlocalcounterparts.Afewcasestudieshavealreadybeencarriedoutinthelatter
field(Ogen,2008;Atomreetal.2009;Obiorahetal.2008;KitchingandWoldie2004).Theyall
pointinthesamedirection,namely,thattherearenorobustindicatorsthatprovedistinctive
culturalfactorsspecifictoeithertheChineseortheNigeriancultureasawhole,independent
fromspaceandtime,whichcouldexplainthedifferentperformanceofthetwo.Quitetothe
contrary,ithasbeenshownabovethatNigerianmigrantentrepreneursinGhanahaveover
decades performed at least as well as Chinese migrants today. But even if such unique na
ThegrowingxenophobiaonthepartofblackSouthAfricansagainstAfricanimmigrantsinthepasttwoyears
19
pointsinthesamedirection(cf.Kohnert2009).
23
tionalculturesofinnovationdoexistinthemigrantsrespectivehomecountries,thiswould
notnecessarilymeanthatthesemigrantsactinasimilarwaybeyondtheirownnationalbor
ders,forexample,uprootedandtransplantedintotradingdiasporaswithinaforeigncultural
environment,farawayfromtheircustomaryculturalhome.
Alternatively,inordertotestthearticulationoftheChineseandNigerianentrepreneu
rial diasporas inAfrica, we could take as a second proxy the relationships of Nigerian mi
grantentrepreneursinChinatotheirlocalChinesecounterparts,whichisjusttheinverseof
thefirstproxy.Infact,thereareanincreasingnumberofAfrican,particularlyNigerian,mi
grantentrepreneursinChina.20Thefewavailablestudiesonthisrelativelynewphenomenon
(BertoncelloandBredeloup2009:5560;2007;Rennie,2010;Onos,2009)againdonotdeliver
any clues about the superiority of a national Nigerian (or Chinese) innovation culture, al
though guanxi networks have again been mentioned as a peculiar Chinese cultural trait
which must be observed byAfrican entrepreneurs (Horwitz et al. 2005), a notion which is
highlycontroversial,asexplainedabove.
6 Conclusion:TheComparativeValueofTradingDiasporasInnovativeCultures
inWestAfrica
ChineseandAfricanentrepreneurialdiasporasareculturallydistinctfromtheirsocietiesof
originaswellasfromthoseoftheirhostcommunities.Astrongcapacitytoadapttorapidly
changinglivingconditionsandbusinessopportunitiesnotjustinthehostcountrybutalso
onaglobalscaleisapreconditionforsuccessforbothgroupsofethnicentrepreneurs.Nev
ertheless,theirbusinessstrategiesandmodesofsurvivaldiffersignificantly,withdueregard
tothedemandsofboththehostcountryandtherespectivetransnationaldiasporainwhich
they are embedded.Although most of these entrepreneurial diasporas are not as homoge
nousastheymayappearatfirstglance,butarerathercharacterizedbysignificantdivisions
according to class, gender, and even ethnic composition, they more often than not develop
theirowndistinctivecultures.Suchacommoncultureisnotsimplyanideologywhichwelds
togetheramoralcommunity(Cohen1971:26667),thatis,acultureofidentitythatactsasa
kindofglueforthedifferentfactionsofthediasporainordertobridgeorhidetheirinternal
divides.Undercertainconditionsitalsobecomesanenablingcultureofinnovationthatpro
videsitsmemberswithadistinctivedriveforchangeandmodernization.Thisculturemay
include a remarkable capacity for institutional innovations across kinship and community
frontiers,similartothatobservedbyKateMeagherinherstudyofIgboentrepreneurialnet
works and their liaisons with other ethnic trading diasporas, which contribute to nation
According to informed estimates between 20,000 and 120,000 Africans live in the Guangzhou region alone.
20
Again,reliabledataarelackingbecauseoftheirregularstatusofmostAfricanmigrants(seeBertoncelloand
Bredeloup2009:55).
24
buildingfrombelowinNigeria(Meagher2009:35).However,thegrowthofculturesofin
novationdoesnotseemtobeaunilateralpathdependentdevelopment,letaloneaplanned
process, but rather the result of a long path of trial and error. Furthermore, although most
trading diaspora cultures have a distinctive creative impetus which stimulates ingenuity,
change,andanentrepreneurialspirit,notallofthemaresimultaneouslyinnovative,thatis,
embedded in social processes and networks that effectively disseminate particular inven
tions.Eveniftheyare,theyarenotnecessarilydevelopmentorientedinthesensementioned
above.
NotwithstandingthegrowingdividebetweentodaysChineseentrepreneurialdiaspo
ras(orNigerianentrepreneurialmigrantsinGhanainthe1960s)ontheonehandandrival
groupsoflocalentrepreneursontheotheradividefueledbytheidentitypoliticsofanew
nationalistelitekeentoconsolidateitspowerandresourcestherehasbeenlongstanding,
effective collaboration at the grassroots level between the different trading diasporas. This
collaboration is based on the division of labor and on the comparative advantage of each
groups innovation culture. Last but not least, this cooperation has also contributed to na
tionwide poverty reduction, particularly through the provision of cheap basic consumer
goodstoeventhemostremotecornersofthehinterland.
25
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Regionalization, April 2010
No 127 Heike Holbig and Bruce Gilley: In Search of Legitimacy in Post-revolutionary China:
Bringing Ideology and Governance Back In, March 2010
No 126 Tim Wegenast: Inclusive Institutions and the Onset of Internal Conflict in Resource-rich
Countries, March 2010
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Are the Chinese in Africa More Innovative than the

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