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ANDTHELEFTBEHINDNOVELS
NEOLIBERALISM
Ande
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APOCALYPSEOR NOW?
Building on a tradition of premillennialist theology, the Left Behind
books begin with the "Rapture" (or disappearance), of all the world's
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culture"whoseprimaryconcernis the satisfactionof fleshlyand material appetites" (3) and, on the other, of a rabid apocalypticism that
welcomeswarsas a fulfillmentof prophecy(13).Otherreaders,notably
GershomGorenburg,see the books primarilyin terms of evangelical
wish fulfillment.Fortheirreaders,Gorenburgargues,the LeftBehind
books offerthe "delicioussatisfactionof being right,"a sense thatthose
labeled "weirdos"by mainstream culture have won (33). Melani
McAlisteris one of the books' most astute readers,perhapsas a result
of her long work on evangelical apocalypticism.McAlistercriticizes
accounts that foreground the authors' conservative credentials and,
as a result, view the books as a "revivalof 1980s-stylepolitical fundamentalism,"as symbolized by JerryFalwell'sMoralMajority(781).
But by interpretingthe books as primarily "about"evangelical support for a Palestine-freeIsrael, McAlister perpetuates the idea that
the books function as propagandafor the ChristianRight. Although
these readingsall have a degree of truth,they obscurethe books' complexity,a complexityforegroundedby Amy JohnsonFrykholm'sbooklength study of Left Behind readers.With Frykholm,I argue that the
Left Behind books representthe intersection of a numberof cultural
vectors;among these, fundamentalistChristianitylooms large but is
by no means totalizing.
In America, the apocalypse has always been a metaphor, as
RobertFullerdemonstratesin his remarkablehistory of premillennialist theology, Namingthe Antichrist.The Antichrist has been yoked
to everything from Native Americans to Soviet Communism.In the
period after 1970,as Fullershows, the Antichrist has been primarily
invoked againstthe productsof both the liberalstate and late capitalism. Writerslike Hal Lindsey and PeterLalondelocate the influence
of the Antichrist in education, technology, the global economy, and
multiculturalism.Computer technology, for example, has been invoked as the mechanismfor the Antichrist'sdomination;the markof
the beast becomes an implanted microchip.In most respects, the Left
Behind books remain consistent with the general outlines of recent
premillennialisttheology: the Antichrist is a charismaticfigure; the
Antichristforms a one-world religion;the Antichristcreatesa global
economy; the Antichrist is a European leader who uses the United
Nations. But the books deviate from some of the general contours of
the premillennialist vision expressed by, say, Lindsey. It is here, I argue,
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167
THE POLITICALRATIONALITY
OF NEOLIBERALISM
In a recent article, Wendy Brown points to a definition of neoliberalism that extends beyond the conventionalunderstandingof the term
as a set of economic policies. Although neoliberalismhas been heavily critiqued in antiglobalization circles for the havoc it wreaks on
debtor nations, Brown finds it operating more widely, as a form of
governancethatsupersedesliberaldemocracy.Brownarguesthatneoliberalism,beyond simply privatizingstate functions,in factpromotes
marketsmore grandly,as "theorganizingand regulativeprinciple of
the state and society" (11).For neoliberals,marketrationalityshould
penetrate into every corner of contemporaryexistence, placing state
and individual decisions on the same continuum. Under neoliberalism, not only does the state perceive markets as the best solution to
social problems-the best way to distribute wealth and democracy
most widely-but ultimately,the state's role is only to constructcitizens as "entrepreneurialactors"in everyday life, to the point where
moral and ethical actions are framedin marketterms.9Neoliberalism
"configur(es)morality entirely as a matter of rational deliberation
aboutcosts,benefits,and consequences"(15).In Brown'sreading,neoliberalismis as much social philosophy as economic philosophy.As
such, it has a set of values and a culture, both of which must be ideologically promoted for its economics to succeed. This means thatneoliberalism is flexible enough to cannibalize multiple forms of social
life; its values have the capacity to encompass both Clintonian centrists and Reagan-Bush neoconservatives (though, as Brown observes,
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THEMILITIACOMPOUND
ANDTHEGATED
COMMUNITY
On the one hand, then, the LeftBehindbooks occupy the margins,the
extremist ideology of the far (Christian)Right. On the other hand,
they occupy the very center, the adherence to market ideology that
forms the core of contemporaryAmerican politics. In melding the
far Right with neoliberalism,then, the Left Behind books simultaneously hail the subjects of the militia compound and the gated community.12These two spaces could not be fartherapart.One occupies
the far margins, the remote states, the extreme edges of belief. The
other seems ever closer to the symbolic heart of American public discourse, is saturated with anticrime, profamily, privatized discourse,
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and is contiguous with the corporate sprawl that covers more and
more of the country's surface. Militias are nowhere; gated communities are everywhere. Militia groups symbolize a reactionary, far-Right
ideology built around self-reliance and violence. Gated communitieswhich Linda Kintz calls the premier site of American evangelical
Christianity-represent a self-dubbed "mainstream" America built
around rising incomes and property values. The groups share some
core beliefs, especially around distrust of government. But while the
militia member resists and fears the global, the gated-community resident-or neoliberal professional-necessarily participates in global
trade, both in working and consuming. In negotiating between these
two ideologies, the books index a complicated set of beliefs.
In both spaces, walls protect against a catastrophe that is simultaneously part of the future and present, a catastrophe imagined as
both urban Other and bureaucratic totalitarianism. Both the militia
compound and gated community respond to apocalypse with a vocabulary of security and escape. For the militia member, this vocabulary
consists of stockpiled weapons, stored food, and remote compounds;
for the gated-community resident, this vocabulary consists of rugged sport-utility vehicles, satellite phones, and unlimited wealth. The
series' protagonist group, the Tribulation Force, indexes both spaces.
In doing so, this group of Christians embodies both the survivalist
and the neoliberal professional. On the one hand, the Tribulation Force
employs the methods of the right-wing survivalist movement: selfreliance, security obsession, stealth, stockpiling, violence. But on the
other hand, the members of the Tribulation Force engage in all of the
fantasies inherent to the neoliberal professional: workplace achievement, high-level recognition, unlimited finances, international travel,
and occupation of elite spaces.
Given the Tribulation Force's name and revolutionary action, the
participants' resemblance to militia members comes as no surprise.
They stockpile food, create remote "safe houses" and set up an alternative distribution network. More generally, as Gorenburg observes,
the Left Behind series depends very much on militia-themed beliefs,
the fantasies about Armageddon that have circulated through groups
like the Militia of Montana, the Order, and Posse Commitatus (34). In
locating the Antichrist in the United Nations, the books fictionally
confirm longstanding militia beliefs that the U.N. is bent on world
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takeover.Thebooks' warningsagainstone-world currenciesand oneworld religions fall into a similar vein. Militia groups believe in an
already-presentend to the United States,an end thatmustbe defended
against with stockpiledweapons and pure beliefs. In the books, milithe series'
tias arestructurallyequivalentto Christians;by Armageddon,
eleventhbook, militias are one of three groups-besides Christianswho have rejectedthe Antichrist's mark of the beast (the others are
"devoutMuslims"and "practicingJews who did not believe in Jesus
as messiah" [233]).The books affirm militia members' own apocalyptic fantasies;when the one-world government comes, when the
black helicoptersstart flying, the militias will not give up their independence. The books suggest that their readersbe physically as well
as spiritually prepared.The enemy is coming, and one must take to
the hills with weapons in orderto survive. This idea is paralyzingbut
enjoyable. It is enjoyable in the way that the eighties paramilitary
fantasy film RedDawn is enjoyable,or in the way that Tom Clancyare enjoyinspired video games like SplinterCell:PandoraTomorrow
able: the fantasy of being pitted, alone with one's resources,against
an all-powerfulenemy.
But if the books draw on themes beloved of the far Right, they
articulatethese themes within the confinesof the gated community.13
Describing the gated community as the symbolic space of a certain
evangelicalChristianity,Kintz links militia isolation with these more
conventionalspaces of late capitalism:
groupsescapingto "pure"placeslikethePacificNorthwestare
Far-right
only the most extremeversionof this phenomenonbasedon achieving
a sense of securitythatis highlydependenton purgingdifferenceand
communitiesof the same.Thesearehandystructures,as
reconstructing
well, for enablingglobalcorporationsand the wealthyto jettisontheir
publicresponsibilitiesand anykindof commitmentto the publicgood.
In fact, that commitmenthas been redefinedin terms of supply-side
economicsto meanthatone'sobligationto the socialgood is to become
wealthy(108).
As she does throughouther book, Kintz here acknowledges the continuity between a neoliberalorientationtoward governmentand the
isolationism of the militia compound. She views the gated community as part of the same system of ideas, grounded in a desire for
security, a security that translates into a division between the pure
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This passage conflates the militia compound and the suburban home,
as suburban space becomes heavily fortified. As Davis demonstrates,
this ideal represents the limit logic of security-the ultimate in fortification against evil. The idea of immorality and evil yokes the Antichrist's forces with more ordinary fears of crime. The paramilitary
fantasy organizing militia life converges with the security fantasy
organizing gated community life. In the books, the home becomes a
fortress, with all of the equipment for defending against an apocalyptic Other. For the characters, the equipment of security condenses
with rhetoric of home life: "Closing the door, she checked the motion
detector, then sat before the periscope. ... She rather liked having the
contraption in the middle of her home. It satisfied some inner need
to protect-control, Buck would have teased-her friends and loved
ones, the more than two hundred who now lived underground in San
Diego" (Armageddon26).
But the books do more than establish well-defended suburban
locales; they also allow their characters to travel the globe while
remaining secure. They do so with the expensive technologies that
symbolize the petit bourgeois professional. Throughout the books,
characters make frequent use of sport-utility vehicles, satellite phones,
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one from Desecrationwhere Chloe Williams finds a group of innercity Christians living in an abandoned Chicago bank vault. This
group-survivors of a ministrycalled The Place-has lived separately
fromthe books' otherChristians,who arelead by the TribulationForce
and bound togetherby the TribulationForce'sWebsite.16These characters remain outside of this network until Williamsdiscovers them.
They are all "poorblacksand Latinos"and all former"pimps,whores,
crackheads, drunks,players,hustlers,motherswith no husbands,and
children with no fathers"(290).These charactersrepresentthe series'
only attempt to represent the urban Other, a figure they otherwise
relegate to "looting."To find these characters,Chloe has to venture
outside the safe house and actually walk the streets of (deserted)Chicago. Fora moment, it seems as though the world outside the gates is
not as threateningas it seemed, that perhapsthe books are capableof
recognizingan (apocalyptic)Other.Evenif the books treatthese characters in a patronizing,stereotypicalmanner,this scene nevertheless
offers a glimpse beyond the rigid exclusions of the gated community.
But readerslearnlaterthatthe group fromThe Placeactuallydid pose
a threat-they helped "compromise"the Tribulation Force's safe
house. Twobooks later,Williamsthinks, "Itwas [she] who had stumbled upon The Place in Chicago with its exciting band of self-taught
believers. On the other hand, all that activity, their moving in with
the Trib Force, was the first step in compromising the safe house"
42). If, at the books' beginning, charactersfret about the
(Armageddon
inner city moving to the suburbs, when the inner city moves to the
safe house, the results are just as bad.
THENEOLIBERAL
PROFESSIONALS
OF LEFTBEHIND
The gates protecta particularform of life;the citizens thatlive in these
gated communities are the global petit bourgeoisie, the managers
and professionals who represent the world's skilled workers, those
who succeed under neoliberalism.For these workers,the marketis a
meritocracy, with the best jobs, and the most spoils, going to the most
skilled. Left Behind replicates this logic by endowing its Christian
characters with overwhelming competence. In the books, professionally successful Christians bear out a market ideology, a market that
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world" and serve as "symbols of an international culture whose identity is not linked to any specific society but to membership of the managerial circles of the informational economy across a global cultural
spectrum" (447). This is the symbolic imaginary presented in the Left
Behind series, the fantasy of global mobility and management that
originates with an elite (of which LaHaye and Jenkins are members),
and whose identity, as Paul Apostolidis argues, is consistent with a
Christian evangelical identity.18
But what reader are these superskilled characters designed to
appeal to? Do they perhaps provide a fantasy for readers left out of economic and political success? Joan Didion observes of the Left Behind
series, "it is from this assumption of competence, of the ability to
manage a hostile environment, that the series derives both its potency
and its interest: this is a story that feeds on wish fulfillment, a dream
of the unempowered, the kind of dream that can be put to political
use, and can also entrap those who would use it" (81). Highly professional Christians appeal, of course, to Christians that feel unempowered, but they also contribute to a sense of Christianity as consistent
with the scientifico-managerial world of global capitalism. In Didion's
reading, the power fantasies of the series allow the disempowered to
imagine the kind of life a managerial professional enjoys, with unlimited success, wealth, and mobility. But in another sense, the depiction
of Christians as superskilled professionals is neither a fantasy nor
surprising. As Paul Apostolidis points out in his reading of Focus on
the Family, Christian culture often promotes a version of Christian
fundamentalism congruent with secular management. In Apostolidis's
reading, the terms Christian and professionalare by no means contradictory. Focus on the Family's James Dobson, for example, promotes
himself as a high-quality psychologist. In Dobson's self-presentation,
Christians are "in this world" as well as "of this world," in the sense
that they are extremely successful professionals. In the Left Behind
books, one needs more than just faith for salvation in a certain Christian narrative. One also needs professional skills, and these skills meld
with one's Christian identity.
The books bestow praise on professionals, in sometimes surprising ways, as is the case with journalist Williams (the contemporary
Right being no friends of "the media"). Nevertheless, they also apply
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STROMBECK
marketlogic to professionals,differentiating-in the cold logic of university cutbacks-between useful and inutile professions.The seventh
demonstratesthis logic in the treatmentof a statebook, TheIndwelling,
sponsored (and homosexual) artist, Guy Blod, who produces "Godless" art for the Antichrist'sheadquarters,and who is charged with
creating a twenty-foot replica of Carpathia'sbody after he dies. The
books mock Blod relentlessly,from the "French"pronunciationof his
name, to his comfortablenesswith nudity, to his love for new clothes,
to his mannerof speaking (TheIndwelling61-66). This scene also presents a rich intersectionbetween neoliberallogic and Christianconservatism. Guy's art is worthless because it's not useful; therefore
he is useless as a professional. His skills, sculpting and painting,
contributenothing to the hard, utilitarianbusiness logic of the postapocalypse. Blod thus indexes the emphasis neoliberalismplaces on
efficiencyover culturalenrichment,an emphasis especially visible in
university funding, as Lisa Duggan argues. Simultaneously,though,
this scene echoes the debates around public funding of "indecent"
art. Such scenes demonstratethe effortlessmelding of neoliberaland
Christianconservativeideology.
This professionallogic works in an inclusionaryas well as exclusionary way. The heroes here are bourgeois professionals;the books
contain few working-classcharacters(despite their readers'reputation for being lower class). When the books reach across class lines,
they must firstprofessionalizethe workingclass. One character,Zeke,
is a formermechanicand "formerdruggie-biker-tattooartist"(Desecration173).While the books repeatedlyemphasizeZeke's homespun
intelligence in the face of "intellectuals,"they reinforcethe logic of
class division even as they apparentlyquestion it. First,they continually comment on a disjunctionbetween Zeke's appearanceand his
naturalintelligence:"Likeeveryoneelse, she liked the way he thought,
though his way of expressinghimself might fool a strangerinto think173).Second,they make Zeke
ing he was less thanbright"(Desecration
an expert in disguise and forgery. In making Zeke an expert, they
professionalizehim, making him into an "acceptable"memberof the
working class. Zeke's expertise contrastsmarkedlywith the ordinary
drudgery experienced in working-class life; he is effectively crafted
into a neoliberal professional.
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AND MULTICULTURALISM
NEOLIBERALISM
But how do the books reconcile their commitment to bordered elitism-the gated community of the petit bourgeois professional-with
the ostensible egalitarianism of Christianity? They do so in multiple
ways. As noted, the books tend to professionalize the working class.
But they also displace class equality onto multicultural equality. The
books officially care nothing for race, culture, or ethnicity. As such,
they both reinforce a neoliberal vision of the globe and maintain a
utopian vision of Christian egalitarianism. Egalitarianism here is the
egalitarianism of the market, which responds equally to all subjects
with resources ("Money is the great leveler," says Marx), which are
the subjects the books establish for Christian conversion.
But this multiculturalism is ambiguous. On the one hand, as
McAlister observes, it allows for a seemingly progressive multiculturalism even within the books' Christian conservative vision (789).19
On the other hand, multiculturalism erodes into a vision of subjects
that are entirely alike in their difference. By the ninth book (Desecration)
the Tribulation Force has expanded beyond its initial white American
foundations to assemble a globally diverse team, with a Polish Jew
(David Hassid), a Native American (Hannah Palemoon), a Jordanian
Arab (Abdullah Smith), a Kuwaiti (Albie), a Chinese (Chang Wong),
two Israelis (Chaim Rosenweig, Tsion Ben-Judah), and a Greek (Lukas
Miklos). LaHaye and Jenkins present these characters as representations of an even greater diversity. But this diversity is only superficial.
For example, when the authors introduce Hannah, in the eighth book,
she acknowledges cultural imperialism, noting the pain of living on
a reservation and being stereotyped as "Indians with teepees," even
while naturalizing the notion of Christians "witnessing" to her reservation (217). Initially, then, the books locate Hannah as culturally
specific, as having an ethnic identity, but as the books proceed, her
identity falls away, until she sounds no different than the "white"
characters. Only her name remains, residue of a white imaginary
around Native Americans. While McAlister attributes this superficiality to the authors' lack of cultural sophistication, I view the depiction
of Hannah as very deliberate and indicative of a vision of "multiculturalism" that maintains some differences but at core demands a
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cultural sameness. Once characters become Christian, they abandon their culturalcharacteristics(789).The vision of "sameness"that
emerges here, under the mark of God (and its opposition to the corresponding mark of the Antichrist) is beyond race, beyond politics,
beyond class, and beyond skill level: no matter their background,
characterstalk the same, act the same, and have the same values.
Although this sense of "sameness"in part intersects with a neoconservative agenda of "colorblindness"visible in anti-affirmative
actionrhetoric,neoliberalismis at workhere,too. Whatthe LeftBehind
series offers at core is a kind of simulacrumof recognition,a universal acceptancecloakedin sameness-the same simulacrumofferedby
neoliberalism.Neoliberalismhas to somehow account for the rights
legacy of the Enlightenment;more narrowly,and recently,it has to
accountfor the legacy of postwarsocial movementsarguingfor recognition. The Left Behindbooks, as documents both of neoconservativism and neoliberalism,must somehow account for rights, and they
do so by preaching a gospel of sameness. The global sameness here
demanded by Christianity is analogous to the global sameness demanded by institutions like the IMFand the WorldBank,institutions
that requirethe same practices among member countries regardless
of theirparticularculturalcircumstances.Makingbodies safe forJesus
is like making countries safe for capital.In the Left Behindbooks, as
in neoliberalism,individuals from all sorts of backgroundscan get
along, provided they capitulate to a bland sameness equally represented by the neoliberal professional and the "LeftBehind" Christian. The globalmanagementsymbolizedby the hated United Nations
makes its return here at the level of identity. While including multiculturalcharacters,the books demandrigid adherenceto gendercodes
and reduce ethnic/cultural identities to brief sketches. Ethnicidentities emerge only as loose stereotypes, such as "the honor of the
Middle Easternman" or the "hardwork of the Chinese."Otherwise,
all characterssound and act no differently than the books' white
characters.The books supersede a conservative view of identityantimulticulturalist-with a neoliberalview of identity-necessarily
global, and thus, to a degree, necessarily multiculturalist.As Lisa
Duggan argues, culture is part and parcel of a neoliberal agenda, and
neoliberal philosophy can work comfortably alongside identity politics, and the "culture wars" can serve as a key ally of privatization.
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NEOLIBERALFAITH
But the books' commitment to neoliberalism runs deeper than obsessions with security, technology, and petit bourgeois professionalism.
Market rationality surfaces in the very act that the books emphasize
as central to their mission: conversion.20 Although, arguably, the books
focus much more on fighting evil than on conversions, conversion is
nevertheless what the books themselves claim they are about, both in
terms of their narrative and their function as commodities. (The Left
Behind Web site-www.leftbehind.com-has
a whole section on readers who come to Jesus after finishing one volume or another.) In The
Mark,the series' eighth volume, Hannah Palemoon-the Native American member of the Tribulation Force-relates to another member that,
before the Rapture, she'd known about Christianity from the missionaries that came to her reservation. But she didn't convert, she
says, because "I was afraid I'd wind up in a cult or a multi-level marketing machine" (217). Her statement conflates "wild" capitalism with
"wild" religion. She learns later, of course, that she was wrong. Christianity is not a cult, as the worldwide disappearance of Christians
proves. Christianity is also not a multilevel marketing machine. It is
more like a well-run corporation, and non-Christians would be wise
to invest in it. The books promote conversion as a rational choice,
with nothing of the difficulty of Pascal's "kneel down and you shall
believe." Consider, for example, a speech made by Chaim Rosenzweig,
a converted Jew (the books love to convert Jews) chosen to preach in
a kind of showdown with the Antichrist:
Of the billionsand billionsof people who have everlived, One stands
head and shouldersabovethe restin termsof influence.Moreschools,
colleges,hospitalsand orphanageshave been startedbecauseof him
thanbecauseof anyoneelse. Moreartwas created,moremusicwritten,
and more humanitarian acts performed due to him and his influence
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Invest in Jesus. Productivity is up, way up.21 Like the choice to bank
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CHRISTIANFUNDAMENTALISM
AND THESPIRIT OF
GLOBALCAPITALISM
In many ways, of course, the commitment to neoliberal faith here is
nothing new. In Holy Terrors,Bruce Lincoln argues that American
Protestantism, lacking a central bureaucracy, has historically seen
entrepreneurial success and affluence as a measure of spiritual success. In a sense, then, the logic of what is now called neoliberalism
penetrates deep into a certain history of evangelical faith. Market logic
overtakes theological logic, eliding the potential conflicts between the
life of the spirit and the life of the economy. And it works both ways:
Duggan refers to neoliberalism as a "reigning theology" (3) and to its
promoters as a "secular priesthood" (19). The slippage between the
theological and the economic echoes and repeats the slippages between
the moral and the economic, a state of affairs whereby making money
equates to morally responsible action. Brown nicely sums up the neat
ties binding neoliberalism and moral action, writing, "neoliberalism
equates moral responsibility with rational action; it relieves the discrepancy between economic and moral behavior by configuring morality entirely as a matter of rational deliberation about costs, benefits,
and consequences" (15). Following in the footsteps of the (controversial, even for evangelicals) "name it, claim it" movement (when you
pray for a Cadillac, be sure you tell God which color), the Left Behind
series presents faith as just one more consumer choice. In a sense, it
reproduces the choice to buy the books within the pages of the books
itself. The books work to reinforce not just a community of readers
but a community of consumers.23
In their validation of neoliberal values, these books demonstrate
that the relationship between Protestantism and capitalism diagnosed
by Max Weber continues under late capitalism, moving from what
Weber saw as a focus on accumulation to a focus on consumption
and markets. Christianity becomes the vehicle for articulating a gated
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paradiseon earth,imagininga heavenlyconflicttranslatedinto everyday economics (while continuing to profess belief in a real heaven,
where, one would suppose, capitalism is divinely frictionless). The
Left Behindbooks validate the desiring structuresof both consumption and markets;Jesus is a good investment,with the ultimate payoff. In supporting neoliberalism,the books demonstratethe Right's
successfulfusion of corporatecapitalismand social conservatism.But
they also demonstratethe extent to which neoliberalismhas cannibalized even the most "extremist"forms of social life, registeringthat
the much-discussedpost-Reagan"triumphof the Right"is itself subservient to a largerhegemony.24Partly,of course, what this reflectsis
the genealogy of the New Right, which, as historianBruceSchulman
demonstrates,has been tethered to free-marketbeliefs from its origins in the seventies.25In The Seventies:The GreatShift in American
Culture,Society,and Politics,Schulman depicts the Right not as an
uneasily grouped coalition but as a tight network of groups that co-
sires,purchasing'power'"(Comoroffand Comoroff333).Againstthese
disruptions, Christianfundamentalism-whatever its faults-would
seem to offer a stable realm: a return to community, a resurgence of
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ANDTHEFUTURE:
THEUNRECOGNIZED
CAMP
PETRAAS REFUGEE
Out of these books, then, emerges a vision of Christian fundamentalism as located not at the extremes of global culture but ratherat
its core. Fundamentalism'ssupposed antimodernityevaporates,and
fundamentalistChristianity emerges as entirely consistent with the
supposedly religion-neutralideology of neoliberalism.Neoliberalism
emerges as humanity's only protection against apocalypse;security
and economic freedom work in fluid coexistence with premillennialist theology. But if the Left Behind books present a complicated logic
of management, if they face apocalypse by retreating behind symbolic and actual gates, in narratingdisaster they nevertheless open a
space to considerthe contradictionbetween neoliberalefficiencyand
the chaos of disaster.And if disaster is something that the neoliberal
professionalcontinually wards off, disaster can neverthelessbecome
a means for an imaginary identification with neoliberalism's Other,
the refugee.
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Here, the books offer their readersan image familiarfrom contemporary newscasts-the vision of thousands of people on the move. The
context here-fleeing from ethnic cleansing-further links the Left
Behind Jews to the specter of the refugee. But the narrativecontains
the impact of this image, both by depicting these refugees as "singing
and rejoicingand praying"and by keeping security lines intact:the
Jews here enter into one massive gated community.As a result of this
containment,readers cannot transfer the impact of this image elsewhere, to the other depictions of sufferingthroughoutthe books, the
locusts and plagues and mega-earthquakesthat generally affect the
outside masses-those who do not sing and rejoiceand pray.Thebooks
contain the image of the refugee within a logic of Otherness.
Butthis logic of Othernesseventuallybreaksdown, if momentarily.
Forthe majorityof the books, the Otherboth deserves its apocalypse
and embodies it. As noted, the books have difficulty differentiating
between the proles and Big Brother,between the suffering masses
who have not accepted Jesus and the agents of the Antichrist. Both
tend to be equally threateningand thus equally deserving of death by
fiery hailstorm,demonic soldiers, mega-earthquakes,or neo-bubonic
plague. But this sort of logic proves difficult to keep up, and by the
series' end, a sort of compassion for the Other begins to emerge, if
shakily.By the eleventh book, all non-Christianswho have taken the
Antichrist'smarkcannotbe saved. Only at this point in the books are
Christians free to be compassionate toward the fallen-and at this
point the line between inside-the-gatesand outside-the-gatesbecomes
less rigid. RayfordSteele thinks,
(He)knew the prophecy-that peoplewould rejectGod,enoughtimes
that God would harden their hearts and they wouldn't be able to choose
him even if they wanted to. But knowing it didn't mean Rayford under-
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it compute with the God he knew, the loving and merciful one who
Here, the Other becomes less alien. At long last, the series dares to
questionthe tyrannical,brutallogic of the premillennialistGod.Steele,
here, is more mercifulthan his God, even if he still falls back on the
immobile truth of prophecy.Even if this is a case of forgiving those
who are alreadydamned, of visiting the imprisoned after clamoring
for their imprisonment,it neverthelessrepresentsa break.If, as Guy
Debord argues, late-capitalistideology can only admit truths once
they no longer apply-"it is inasmuchas individual reality is not that
it is allowed to appear" (16)-the Left Behind books point to such
reality at the moment of its eclipse. That is, the artificialdivision of
the world into gated and nongated hesitates only at the moment this
division succeeds absolutely.
Only in thesepassagesdoes the books'commitmentto the icy logic
of neoliberalismstartto breakdown, only here does the exclusionary
ontology of the gated community show cracks.Here, the books' careful division of the world into deserving and undeserving loosens.
Here, the specter of the refugee emerges to haunt the clean, securitybased logic of neoliberalism,and the masses outside the gates become
something more than simply a threateningOther. It resembles the
moment when the Bush administration'sjustificationfor the IraqWar
dissolvedinto humanitarianism.One hopes thatthe world will remind
them of this justificationwhen the next flood of refugeesis unleashed.
At such moments, the books revealthe limits of neoliberalism'soverdetermination-in Brown's words, the way the "economy must be
directed, buttressed, and protected by law and policy as well as by
the dissemination of social norms designed to facilitatecompetition,
free trade,and rationaleconomic action on the part of every member
and institution of society" (10). Neoliberalism'sneed to incorporate
"everymemberand institution" leaves it open to gaping exceptions,
which can be leveraged to challenge its relentless logic. Fundamentalist Christianity'sstrident rhetoricfails to evade this logic. But the
refugee, as emerging in the Left Behind books, presents the potential
for just such a challenge.
CONCLUSION
Farfrom one-dimensionaldocuments of the ChristianRight, the Left
Behind books offer a rich glimpse into a certainAmericanimaginary,
one consistent with historicalAmericanparanoiabut simultaneously
attuned to the latest in late-capitalistideology. As novels of disaster,
but disaster containedby neoliberalsecurity,they offer a comforting
and hegemonically reinforcingnarrative.Their rampant popularity,
especially in the post-September 11 era, manifests their resonancein
the Americanimagination.Theircomplex culturalimaginaryextends
beyond a narrow Christian agenda. The books register not only the
difficult question of how the Right unites big-corporation politics
with social conservatismbut also the ability of neoliberalismto cannibalize all forms of political and social life. Ultimately,the problem
with the books is not that they are oppositional but that they are not
oppositional enough. From a Left viewpoint, the American Right's
rampant success of the past thirty years has been viewed with dismay but also with envy; accounts of the Right, such as Apostolidis's
or Berlant's,often end with a wistful note-"if only the Leftcould do
it this well." The Left Behind books, as cultural products at the apex
of a ChristianRight vision, demonstrateinstead the degree to which
the triumph of the Right is itself something of an illusion, and that
the real triumph lies with the relentless procession of post-Fordist
capitalism. In their reinforcementof a neoliberalvision, these books
point ever more to the need for a new politics that supersedes the
oppositions upon which neoliberalismrests so easily. Otherwise, the
gates will continue to go up without much protest.
Notes
1. WhileChristianpopularmusichasarguablymadedeeperinroadsintothe
mainstreamconsciousness-everythreemonths,it seems,a bandlikeSwitchfoot
orJarsof Claycrossesoveronto secularcharts-this Christianmusicis generally
not easily identifiableas such, since these bands' lyrics tend to be ambiguous
abouttheirChristianorigins.
2. LaHayeplayeda key rolein the recentascendanceof the politicalChristian Right, helping found both the Moral Majority and the less well-known but
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Institute and ghostwrote Billy Graham's 1997 autobiography.Critics can be forgiven, then, for reading the Left Behind books as manifestations of their authors'
religious and political agenda. As Amy Johnson Frykholm observes, the books
do seem designed to further this political agenda, or at least this is how Tyndale
Publishers frames the books in its advertising to Christian bookstores (155). For
Tyndale,Frykhouk argues, there exists no difference between increasing the company's bottom line and converting more souls.
3. In addition to the series' novels, the Left Behind brand has produced two
movies, a children's series, graphic novels, and a "military"and "political"series
(a video game is apparently forthcoming), which relate the events of Left Behind
from the viewpoint of other characters.Besides advertising widely and maintaining a thriving Web site, TyndalePublishers has also sponsored a NASCAR vehicle.
4. As a number of commentators note, the American version of this theology
has been shaped primarily by two sources: the teachings of nineteenth-century
preacherJohn Darby and the publication of the ScofieldReferenceBible,which used
footnotes to chart Darby's ideas about the rapture and tribulation. See, for example, Frykhouk 15-18.
5. In the second chapter of Capital,Marx, quoting the Book of Revelation,
uses the Mark of the Beast as a metaphor for the money-form, the basis for the
market exchange so lauded by neoliberalism: "And that no man may buy or sell,
save that he had the mark, or the name of the beast, or the number of his name"
(181). For Marx, the apocalypse arrives as soon as commodity exchange takes
over culture.
6. A note on textual selections: a full treatment of the rich, dense books in
this series would take far more than a short essay. Nevertheless, the texts in the
Left Behind series display a consistency and continuity that allows them to function as a coherent system of ideas, with their various themes interacting rhizomatically. As a result, I strive to treat the books here as one large text, which, for
all intents and purposes, they are. But because the books develop one long story,
with the early books providing back story and the later books offering a fullfledged global vision, picking episodes from among them is necessary for a discussion of how the books develop a multifaceted neoliberal vision.
7. Glenn Shuck's Marksof theBeast:TheLeftBehindNovelsand the Strugglefor
EvangelicalIdentitywas published too late to be considered in this essay.
8. As Paul Apostodilis shows in his reading of Oliver North on James Dobson's Focuson theFamily(132-34), these ambiguous feelings toward the media are
characteristic of a Christian media culture that uses every telecommunications
tool at its disposal, even while decrying the pernicious influence of media on the
country.
9. Of course, neoliberalismis in some ways simply a new term for the set of
policies promoted beginning in the 1970s. The rise of "cultural neoliberalism"
constitutes a response to the flexible accumulation of post-Fordist capitalism.
PrefiguringBrownand Duggan, though along slightly differentlines, David Harvey
observes the wide dissemination of market values under flexible accumulation:
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26. In "The Mass Public and the Mass Subject,"Michael Warner famously
argues that disaster serves to fix the identity of the late-capitalist subject. "The
transitive pleasure of witnessing/injuring (through disaster) makes available our
translation into the disembodied publicity of the mass subject.By injuring a mass
body-preferably a really massive body, somewhere-we constitute ourselves as
a noncorporeal mass witness" (179). For the most part, this is exactly the way disaster functions in the Left Behind series: readers witness the mass injuries resulting from demon-locusts and identify themselves with the unsympathetic gaze
watching the destruction. But even if Agamben's refugee merely represents an
inassimilable remainder, a point where Warner's disaster-identification mechanism breaks down, it still may offer a lever with which to pry open the airtight
hegemony of market solutions found in the Left Behind series.
27. This idea is visible also in the resistances it produces. In coverage of the
2005 tsunami, the American media continually worked to challenge any vision of
the Other as human, regularly focusing on either the paltry number of American
dead or the ways in which ThirdWorld "bureaucracy"and "corruption"thwarted
the aid efforts of the West.The rumors of a "childtrade"were especially distasteful
in this regard.
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