Critically evaluate the claim that

‘Sex Tourism’ is an economy that

meets the sexual needs of men
Essay in ‘Sex, Sexuality and Desire’
Julian Ebiye Obubo

2010
 Critically evaluate the claim that ‘Sex Tourism’ is an economy that

meets the sexual needs of men.

In order to complete a comprehensive evaluation of this claim, the key concepts of

‘sex tourism’ and the ‘sexual needs of men’ need to be defined and contextualized.

This essay will thus begin with a clarification of the term ‘sex tourism’ and present

a brief history of its practice in places we consider today to be havens for ‘sex tourists’

The ‘sexual needs of men’ is undeniably a more difficult concept to define, and

perhaps it can be argued that it can never or should never be definable. As we have

moved away from regarding sexuality as purely biological and began to accept it as a

social construction it would be risky to claim that the ‘sexual needs of men’ can fall

into clearly discernable boundaries, socially and linguistically. Studies in masculinity

have attempted to explain the sexual needs of men largely through psychology, and

this essay will utilize some of these studies, primarily those of Lynne Segal who

approaches it from a feminist perspective, and the groundbreaking work of Robert

Stoller on the motivations of men who make use of the services of prostitutes. Like

with most issues of sex and gender, categorizing the sexual needs of men is a highly

contentious field, with radical feminist perspectives which rest primarily on men’s

need for domination disagreeing with those who see men’s sexuality as a tamer and

less aggressive notion. There is considerable difficulty in conducting robust studies

on men who pay for sex, and thus discourses on prostitution have largely disregarded

men’s gendered status (Brooks-Gordon, 2006) ‘the male client has remained a

marginal figure and studies of men involved in prostitution account for less than one

per cent of all prostitution studies’ (ibid, p.80)

 In the context of sex tourism, this essay will primarily deal with Western male

masculinities, and thus an essay dealing with western masculinities and sex tourism

will inevitably have to discuss notions of fetishism and eroticization of the Other. It is

in the context of feminist and psychological notions of masculinity, the structure of

sex tourism and the eroticization of the exotic that this essay will attempt to provide

a conclusion with regard to the initial claim of sex tourism being an economy that

meets the sexual needs of men.

Sex Tourism

In researching the concept of sex tourism, it becomes increasingly aware to the

researcher that the venues of the predominant forms of sex tourism are in South East

Asia, the countries of Thailand, and the Philippines regularly appear in examinations

of the practice. Nagel (2003) asserts that the reason for this geographical inclination

is due to what she terms the ‘military sexual complex’ (ibid. p.191) Thailand and the

Philippines were sites of the US military’s ‘rest & recreation’ bases during the Korean

and Vietnam War, the large influx of single men into these areas was a pull factor for

sex workers, many of them from impoverished rural areas (ibid, Bishop & Robinson,

1998) Williams (1999) argues that after the end of the Vietnam War the

‘recommendation by the World Bank that Thailand develop “mass tourism” as a

means to pay off its depts., encouraged what became, in effect, the peace-time

institutionalization of the sex industry’ (p.154)

O’Connell Davidson (2006) states that by the 1980s, a ‘visible segment of the

tourism markets in Thailand and the Philippines consisted of men from the affluent,

developed world who were attracted by the cheap commercial sexual opportunities

available in these much poorer countries’ (p.224) O’Connell Davidson prefers to keep
the definition of sex tourism limited to the purchasing of sex by affluent tourists in

poor countries, it is a form of tourism that she states relies upon and reproduces

‘racist and sexist fantasies, as well as economic and political inequalities’ (ibid)

steering away from this definition of sex tourism as men who take organized sex

tours to Southeast Asia will result in a blurring of the boundary between ‘sex tourism’

and other forms of tourism, as ‘sex and tourism are so often intertwined’ and there

are strong associations between ‘travel and sex...in the age of mass tourism’ (ibid.

p.224-225)

Exploration of Male Sexual Desire: Categorizing the Sexual Needs of

Men

Lynne Segal (2001) seeks to find out the causative factors of male dominance in

society, is the quest for domination phallic as some psychoanalysts and feminists put

it.

“To what extent does the actual reality of men’s sexual lives, the deployment of
the penis, give men power and control over women? Can we assume that there is
something about men’s shared experience of the physical presence of the penis
which underlies the way men in general relate to their bodies, and gain a sense of
‘masculinity’ and power? Or [is there] something else in common to men’s
experience of sexuality which constructs a shared masculinity, and hence ‘male
dominance’? (p.104)

Segal rejects the ‘accepted’ feminist deduction of an essential connection between

male sexuality and male dominance. She argues that the instances where sexuality is

connected with emotions of domination have not been challenged socially and thus

this false link is cemented. This view of masculinity would view men as perpetually

predisposed to domination by the mere presence and deployment of their penis.

 Campbell (1995) supports this notion, arguing that men learn from a very young

age that part of being a man is to compete and conquer, to be strong and suppress

emotional expressions or feelings. Psychoanalyst Lillian Rubin (1983) contends that

men’s early developmental experience have left them with a deep fear of intimacy

(the ability and willingness to share one’s inner life with another person) This fear of

intimacy and emotional expression is the framework for the definition of a ‘real’ man

(Seal and Ehrhardt, 2003) and ‘real’ men initiate and control heterosexual

interactions, and ‘real’ sex is defined by penetration- a behaviour characterized by

active ‘doing’ to another person (ibid. p.393)

Dworkin (1987) and Smart (1996) suggest that male heterosexuality itself is based

on a power imbalance, and men are attracted to women because of their perceived

‘weakness’, they are drawn to what Bhattacharyya (2002) terms ‘marks of

disprivilege’, heterosexuality is thus upheld by the eroticization of this power

difference. Jeffreys (2009) argues however that this power imbalance is under threat

due to changing roles in the prescribed sexual and social scripts of women, ‘men’s

ideal of a passive woman, which allowed them to see themselves as teachers and

initiators, has been undermined by women’s expectation of sexual pleasure.’(ibid,

p.14o)

Stoller (1976) was one of the first to put forward a psychological motivation for

male use of prostitution, an act he described as a pervasion ‘primarily motivated by

hostility’ (ibid. p.4) This ‘perverse act’ was rooted in psychosexual trauma in

childhood, and the perversion was then acted upon when adult reality resembled the

childhood trauma or frustration (Brooks-Gordon, 2006 p.88)

The trigger could be social or marital humiliation or frustration which drives the

man to first fantasize his perversion and then seek to realise this fantasy and gain

pleasure. The driving act behind the realization of the perversion was revenge, the
victim of this humiliation (the man) reverses the roles and effects, formerly the

subjugated victim he then, by having sex with a prostitute subjugates her.

Stoller asserts that fetishism compels patronage, and fetishism is the ‘model for all

perversions’ (ibid) ‘one who cannot bear another’s totality will fragment (that is split

and dehumanize) that object in keeping with past traumas and escapes (ibid) A

feminist extension of that argument will be that western men who cannot bear the

totality of women will dehumanise them, thus the western woman is dehumanized by

proxy through the exploitation of Southeast Asian sex workers. O’Connell Davidson

(1998) supports this in her argument on the eroticization of the ‘dirty whore’:

“Added to this eroticization and ‘fucking dirty whores’, is the ability of the man to
command, as a result of economic power, a woman or a child to submit to sexual
acts for payment. Prostitution is valued, therefore because it strips women of that
autonomy and contact with the ‘debased whore’ becomes an act of vengeance
against a ‘good woman’s demands of monogamy and sexual restraint” (p.158)

Experiencing ‘the exotic’ as the motivation for sexual tourism?

Joane Nagel (2003) in Race, Ethnicity and Sexuality argues that in order to

maintain racial/ethnic hegemony in a multiracial society, the dominant race seeks to

de-normalize the sexualities of those they consider ‘others’. This is done usually by

claiming that the ‘other’ men are hypersexualized or hyposexualized and the ‘other’

women are promiscuous. This form of stereotyping permits the ‘crossing’ of

ethnosexual lines by men from the dominant ethnicity (this would give license for

sexual contact between white men and non-white women) but forbids men from

‘other’ races/ethnicities from engaging sexually with women from the dominant race,

‘American discourses of ethnosexual danger most often are articulated as threats to

the purity and safety of white women by sexually menacing nonwhite men’ (Nagel,

2003 p.22) this discourse confirms social male dominance and the patriarchal
system on which American society is built. The term ‘American’ in Nagel’s

description can easily be substituted with ‘Western’ in order for one to understand

the structure of ethnosexual danger on a wider scale. So while during slavery white

American women were protected from the menacing ‘black buck’, white men freely

raped black women with no fear of legal retribution. (ibid) The assertions of the

impurity, inferiority, or hypersexuality of ethnic others often are used to justify

ethnosexual invasions including rape, forced sexual servitude, and trafficking in

women or children for sexual purposes (ibid, p.19)

This framework of racial compartmentalization that served America can be

applied on a global scale today, the patriarchy still exists, white slaveowners are now

white businessmen, and the female black slaves are now young Thai and Filipina

women.

“Ethnic differences also characterize the sex worker/client relationship, since sex
with an exotic Other is one of the chief attractions for sex tourists, just as dreams of
being rescued from poverty is a central fantasy of sex workers” (ibid, p.203)

Gargi Bhattacharyya (2002) argues that geopolitics greatly informs the desire in

sex tourism. In exoticism, the desired object is your slave, your enemy, your absolute

other (Bhattacharyya, 2002 p.107) she further states that there has to be a power

disparity between desirer and the desired- ‘without the sense that the object of desire

is lesser, dangerous and forbidden- alluringly other and beyond any everyday social

contact- there is no exoticist dynamic (ibid p.106) each scenario demands that the

object has less agency and access to mainstream power as the one who desires (ibid,
p.107) Indeed, a Dutch agency organizing sex tours described Thai women as ‘little

slaves who give real warmth’ (O’Neill, 2001 p.149)

An interesting dynamic is formed in the eroticization of the exotic- the lack of

agency, and lack of status of the desired serve to increase their erotic ranking, ‘the

exotic object gains erotic status through association with a more mundane lack of

status’ (ibid, p.110) with this strange power relation the ‘eroticisation of the exotic’ is

also the ‘eroticisation of destitution’

Bhattacharyya (2002) constructs the discussion of the ‘eroticisation of the exotic’

on a grand international relations platform, with the west seeking to reaffirm its

dominance by regurgitating and promoting antique myths of the Orient, the

subordination of the Orient is thus used to maintain a sense of privilege and

entitlement, a privilege she argues may be gradually eroding (or perceived by

westerners as gradually eroding) as a result of increased globalization.

Bhattacharyya’s assessment of the nature of ‘othering’ and its use in the practice of

sex tourism serve to confirm that while sex tourism does meet the needs of men,

these needs are not fundamentally sexual, they are however needs that have been

generated from globalization, post-industrial anxiety, loss of empire, colonization

and neo-colonization, these anxieties serve as the motivations to reaffirm dominance

and are then converted to sexual desires which the phenomenon of sex tourism

fulfils.

There is also an aspect to exoticism that ‘assumes a partial knowledge on the part

of the fantasist (ibid p.110) for there needs to be some sense that the desirer is

conversant with the culture of the desired. Bhattacharyya argues from a British

perspective that while Thailand and the Philippines don’t have strong colonial links
with Britain, the presence of the ‘military sex complex’ in the 1960s and 1970s and

the subsequent promulgation through popular culture of the occurrences at these

‘Rest & Recreation’ bases helped develop a myth of Thai and Filipina sexuality that

was not limited to US military personnel but was transferable and understood in

western societies. The continued cultural transaction between the USA and the UK

(and indeed between the western world) helps spread and solidify myths about

‘others’, ‘once demeaned groups have gained alternative acclaim in the sexual arena,

the exoticist suggestion infuses their social character and becomes part of their

racialized identity (ibid)

Sheila Jeffreys (2009) expands on the argument of the reaffirmation of

dominance: “Prostitution tourism1 offers men from rich countries the opportunity to

confirm their masculine dominance over women, who are claiming equality in the

west and prepared neither to accept masculine authority nor to adapt themselves so

dutifully to men’s sexual demands (p.138) it therefore reaffirms their superior status

as men (ibid. p140)

For the dynamic of sex tourism to work, the desired woman must be as different

from western women as possible i.e. ‘willing to accept masculine authority’ and

‘dutifully adapting themselves to men’s sexual demands’. This analysis is supported

by Bhattacharyya (2002): “exotic objects must learn to remain exotic by never

becoming familiar or too much like the mundane stuff of back home (p.121) Enloe

(1993) talks about sex workers in the Philippines and Thailand having to ‘earn new

sexual skills in the 1980s that they hadn’t needed in the 1960s because...their male

customers...had acquired new tastes (p.156) These new sexual skills ranged from

1Jeffreys refers to Sex Tourism as Prostitution Tourism as she views the issue as fundamentally caused by male
quest for dominance- referring to it as sex tourism she argues gives agency to the women whom she contends
have no agency.
‘foxy boxing’ where Filipina women wrestled each other for the till they drew blood

and learning how to pick up coins with their vaginas (ibid)

The sex tourist expects there to be a marked difference in the sexual skill and

willingness of the sex workers between those in the west and those in Southeast Asia,

additionally, he expects a difference in the nature of the encounter. Kruhe-

MountBurton (1995) suggest that western men purchasing sex in their countries

were turned off by the failures of the prostitutes to ‘disguise the commercial nature of

the interaction’ (p.193)

The commerciality of prostitution seems to be the strongest case for agency of the

prostitutes, however paying for sex disturbs the balance of male power therefore

limiting the enjoyment of the sexual experience. For the experience to be heightened,

total domination must exist, which means that western men must fulfil their sexual

script of charming a woman into bed (Segal, 2001)The nature of Southeast Asian

prostitution allows for the clients to construct narratives suggesting they are not

directly paying for sex (O’Connell Davidson, 2006) this is facilitated by the fact that

apart from sexual intercourse, sex workers often perform non-sexual labour, such as

shopping, tidying, washing, translation for the client (ibid, p.226) the client can

therefore view the encounter as more of a relationship than a transaction. This

confirms researcher’s findings that clients fantasize that women sex workers have

chosen them because of their physical attractiveness or sexual technique (Nagel,

2003 p. 203, O’Connell Davidson, 1998)

The [imagined] denial of a financial transaction in exchange for sex denies the

Southeast Asian sex workers any agency, however arguable the notion was in the first
place. Framing the use of prostitutes as a brief relationship serves to reaffirm the

client’s masculinity- he is doing what ‘real’ men do and it is his physicality and not

his money that has earned him the company of the woman. This restructuring of

power, of user and used is most apparent in this remark: “In the third world, even

the “third rate” American or European tourist is king or queen” (O’Connell Davidson

and Sanchez Taylor, 2005 p.87)

O’Connell Davidson’s Prostitution, Power, and Freedom (1998) also discovered

that some clients framed their encounter as helping elevate the women from poverty,

all imagined frameworks put the men in positions of power “it’s sad to see these girls

with no choice in life, waiting for their next customer...there’s nothing you can do to

change it, but you can still be one of the kind and generous ones who help”.(p.179)

O’Connell Davidson argues from a Marxist definition of power, and states that sex

tourists do not see themselves as part of a larger power dynamic, instead viewing

their power as individualized.

This framing is also suited for those who ‘disapprove of or are sexually turned off

by the idea of commercial sex’ (O’Connell Davidson, 2006 p.227)

In a purely western encounter, Holzman and Pines (1982) research support

O’Connell Davidson’s and indeed Stoller’s (1976) assertion that fantasies often

accompanied the act of being a client.

Gendering sex tourism

Kempandoo (1998) argues that since western women also participate in

[heterosexual] sex tourism, the practice should not be subjected to a feminist

analysis and should therefore not be considered a gendered field. Kempandoo’s work

on Global Sex Workers argues for the agency in prostitution, not only due to the fact
that the women are getting paid to provide a service, but she also rejects some

arguments of coercion being the stimulus of some sex workers to enter and remain in

the trade. This idea of agency on the part of the sex worker and the evidence of

western female sex tourists (in the Caribbean and The Gambia especially) appears to

lend weight to Nagel (2003) and Bhattacharyya (2002) position that the most

important factor in sex tourism is not necessarily fuelled by a fundamental desire for

orgasmic sexual pleasure but rather a desire for sexually sampling the exotic-

crossing ‘ethnosexual’ lines as Nagel (2003) puts it.

However, Kempandoo’s studies also show that male sex workers do not self-

identify as prostitutes, and are not socially defined as such either. They go by

euphemisms such as ‘player’ ‘beach boy’ or ‘island boy’ (Kempandoo, 1998 p.24)

Additionally, with female sex tourism, the encounters between the western female

and local males are usually framed as romantic relationships rather than being solely

sexual. A large proportion of female sex tourism can thus be classified as ‘romance

tourism’ (Nagel, 2003)

This form of sexual tourism does not challenge the patriarchal structure in the

local society as the male sex workers can still see themselves as ‘controlling the

heterosexual’ interaction, the often have other jobs and as they do not have pimps

they can choose to walk away or refuse a specific sexual demand without any fear of

ramifications.(ibid, Ratnapala, 1999) In essence, female sex [romance] tourists are

paying male sex workers to perform established male sexual scripts, male dominance

goes unchallenged.

Research by Pruit and LaFont (1995) shows evidence of ‘othering’ and the

‘eroticization of the exotic’ on the part of the local male sex workers, issues such as

weight and age that may serve as barriers to full sexual pleasure in western cultures

are eroticized by the sex workers, the ‘fat’ and ‘older’ white women are thus denied
status and agency by the sex workers, who can then construct a narrative of ‘helping’

these women achieve sexual satisfaction that has been denied of them back home-

‘foreign women who may not satisfy standards of beauty at home find themselves

the object of amorous attention by appealing to local men’ (ibid, p.426)

Despite being financially inferior, male sex workers can rely on unchallenged

scripts of the normativity of male sexual dominance in order to gain more agency in

sexual transactions, this is a luxury that has no parallel in the sex trade in places like

Thailand and the Philippines, the constructions of sex trade narratives there would

always serve to deny the women agency and status, while elevating the male sex

tourist as either a concerned and generous helper, a desired and attractive lover, or

simply as a man with money and thus the capability to demand sexual pleasure-

these manifestations of male dominance in sex tourism highlight its very gendered

status.

McLeod (1982) in her study of British men who use local prostitutes found that a

‘common feature of men’s sexual activity with prostitutes is the opportunity is

provides them to escape conventional male heterosexual roles with their heavy

emphasis on masculine prowess and dominance’ (p.59) this result does not

correspond with the findings of researchers like O’Connell Davidson who conducted

similar research with British men partaking in sex tourism in Southeast Asia who

profiled the men as often aggressively racist, sexist and homophobic (O’Connell

Davidson, 2006 p.228) she found the men were motivated by the opportunity to ‘live

like kings’ in Thailand (O’Connell Davidson, 1995 p.45)

“The men O’Connell Davidson interviewed were not just angry at European
prostitutes but had what she calls a ‘misogynistic rage’ at western women in
general for acting as though they are men’s equals and not worshipping them as
kings. The rage is at ‘women who have the power to demand anything at all,
whether it is the right to have a say over who they have sex with and when, or the
right to maintenance payments for their children” (Jeffreys, 2009 p.140)

This difference in motivation to procure sex financially between sex tourists and

local British punters demonstrates a distinction in the pull factors between local and

foreign prostitution, the evidence presented so far regarding sex tourism points to

more than fundamental sexual gratification- the pull factors of sex tourism are

fetishization of aspects of the sexuality of Thai and Filipina women, the chance to

recreate unchallenged male dominance and the eroticization of the power disparity,

these factors cannot be summarized as mere ‘sexual needs of men’ they are a product

of a specific historical, cultural and political narrative- sex tourism meets the needs

of particular ‘corporate capital, First World identities, and masculine hegemony.

(Kempandoo, 1999 p.18)

Sex Tourism can be seen as racial, economic and cultural disparities and tensions

between East and West been transfigured into the specific act of sexual intercourse,

or as Nagel (2003) puts it ‘ethnosexual invasion’

Conclusion

The impact of male sex tourism cannot be compared in scale and frequency with

female sex tourism (O’Connell Davidson, 1998)

Male sex tourism compounds the problems of cyclical poverty and exploitation

especially in Southeast Asia, and oftentimes children are abused. However, is the sex

tourism industry so profitable because of the ‘sexual needs of men’? why do men

have to travel thousands of miles to fulfil their sexual needs? Yes, the ‘openess’ of the

sex trade in Southeast Asia allows them to indulge their desires without legal or

societal restraints, however the total cost of a trip to Thailand or the Philippines
would far outweigh soliciting the services of a local prostitute, and there is no

evidence that the prostitution industry in western countries is in decline, or facing

stiff competition from the Southeast Asian brand. The arguments presented in this

essay point to different pull factors than simply a guaranteed orgasmic release. The

lucrativeness of the sex trade in Southeast Asia is as a result of the eroticization of

otherness, a peddling in demeaning stereotypes of Asian female sexuality, a promise

of the re-masculinization of men who feel stifled by the social and sexual ascent of

western women.

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