Professional Documents
Culture Documents
O Routledge
Taylor&FrandsCro
Our knowledge of the volume of slave traffic as well as the geographic origin and ethnicity
of slaves introduced into peripheral areas of the Americas, such as the former Spanish
colony of Puerto Rico, is limited. Information contained in seventeenth- and eight
eenth-century parish baptismal, marriage, and death registers enables us to locate and
identify Africans in a number of island communities, including San Juan. Drawing
upon data culled from parish registers this study seeks to broaden our understanding of
the slave trade to Puerto Rico in the years 1672 to 1810. Few slaves were brought in
either from Africa or from elsewhere in the Americas to Puerto Rico, and the supply of
these was erratic and limited. Although they were small in number, there was considerable
diversity in the geographic origins and ethnicity of African arrivals, with individuals from
West and West Central Africa predominating. For the most part, these shared a relatively
homogenous culture and a greater similarity insofar as the language(s) they spoke. Such
commonalities facilitated integration and promoted social cohesion among the newly
arrived Africans as well as those already present in the host population. It also facilitated
their integration into what was emerging as a unified Afro-Puerto Rican slave community.
We cannot live without Black people [slaves] (No podemos vivir sin gente negra) were
the words used by Asencio de Villanueva, attorney for the city of San Juan, in petition
ing the Spanish Crown for additional slaves to be sent to the island in a letter addressed
to Charles V in 1534.1 Villanueva was not alone in his assessment, as others like him
appealed for the introduction of enslaved Africans. Countless numbers of Africans
were imported, yet our knowledge of the number of Africans brought to the Americas,
especially peripheral areas such as the former Spanish colony of Puerto Rico, as well as
the geographic origin and ethnicity of these forced immigrants, is limited. The few
historical studies that address such topics focus either on the sixteenth and early
seventeenth centuries or on the years following 1800.2 Consequently, we know very
David M. Stark, Department of History, Grand Valley State University, 1 Campus Dr., Allendale, Michigan,
49401-9403, USA. Email: starkd@gvsu.edu
ISSN 0144-039X print/1743-9523 online/09/040491-30
DOI: 10.1080/01440390903245083 2009 Taylor & Francis
little about the number of slaves brought to the island or the links between these
and Africans in Africa during the intervening years, especially the period from
1660 to 1815.
Scholars must draw upon previously overlooked sources if we are to address these
lacunae in the historiography and rescue the history of enslaved populations from pro
longed neglect and relative obscurity. Among these sources, ecclesiastical records and
archives of the Catholic Church, more specifically parish baptismal, marriage and
death registers, figure prominently as a way to look at the past. However, their poten
tial use in studying African populations and their descendants in Puerto Rico has yet
to be fully realised. Information contained in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century
parish registers from Puerto Rican communities including Arecibo, Bayamn,
Caguas, Cangrejos, Coamo, Guayama, Mayagez, Ro Piedras, San Juan, Toa Alta
and Yauco enables us to broaden our understanding of the slave trade to the island
as well as the identity of Africans introduced in the years 1660 through to 1815. In
doing so, we can restore visibility to those who have otherwise remained invisible
and oftentimes ignored in the historical record.
Owing to the scarcity of demographic data and historical records from the late
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the study of enslaved populations in Puerto
Rico during this period has been largely overlooked. Many of the written sources typi
cally consulted including censuses, notary records, diaries or plantation records, bills
of sale, as well as criminal and court cases, no longer exist for this period. Parish reg
isters maintained by the Catholic Church afford us with one means of possibly over
coming this challenge to the study of slavery. With serial data often comprising several
generations if not centuries, these repositories of information on baptisms (births),
marriages and burials (deaths) can be used in innovative ways. For example, scholars
have made use of baptismal records to reconstruct the number of Africans brought to
specific areas of the Americas over time. Moreover, it is possible to obtain valuable
information on the geographic origins and ethnicity of slaves since sacramental
records often identify points of origin in Africa.3 This allows us to learn more about
variations in African slavery across time and space, and thus contributes to a
growing body of scholarship that has begun to focus on the variety of life experiences
and diversity among enslaved populations in the Caribbean.4
There are limitations in using baptismal records as a proxy for data derived from con
ventional sources, such as censuses or information on slave imports. Not all African slaves
were baptised. Some adults either delayed baptism or refused it outright, as might have
been the case with Muslim slaves or those who held steadfast to their own spiritual beliefs.
The survival and transmission of African religious beliefs and practices took place; to
what extent is not clear. Low levels of slave importation and widely dispersed slave hold
ings in Puerto Rico, however, were not as conducive to this phenomenon during the late
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, as they were later.5 Owners also neglected to have
their chattel baptised. Far from the gaze of ecclesiastical authorities, some masters may
have wished to avoid payment of fees charged for baptism or simply felt that the time
away from work, especially if the slaves happened to reside in rural locations, was an
inconvenience and/or distraction. Nevertheless, owners had several reasons for ensuring
production for the export sector, specifically the rise, decline and subsequent rebirth of
sugar production.
Starting in the early sixteenth century, the Spanish government issued licenses to
individual traders who would deliver a predetermined number of slaves to the colo
nists in the Americas. Individual traders, however, were unable to satisfy planter
demand for additional enslaved labour. Thus, the Spanish Crown adopted the
asiento, or monopoly contract, system in 1595. In this system, a monopoly contract
was awarded to an individual or a trading company who was contracted to introduce
a specified number of slaves annually. That same year the Crown approved the Portu
guese entrepreneur Pedro Gomez Reynels bid to introduce 4250 slaves annually to the
Americas until a maximum of 38,250 was reached.11 For the next 40 years Portuguese
slave traders held a monopoly on the asiento. No other contract was drawn up for the
years between 1635 and 1662, when the Genoese traders Domingo Grillo and Ambro
sio Lomelino were awarded the asiento.12 In 1675, it again changed hands with the
Dutch West India Company successfully acquiring and subsequently retaining the
right to introduce slaves into Spanish America until 1696.13 From 1702 until 1713,
the French Royal Company of Guinea held the exclusive monopoly on supplying
human cargo to the Spanish Caribbean. Finally, in 1713, the Treaty of Utrecht,
ending the Spanish War of Succession, awarded England the asiento for the next 30
years. Thereafter, the pervasiveness of contraband and corsairs throughout the Atlantic
world limited the asientos effectiveness and brought about its eventual demise.
We know more about the character and scale of slave importation to Puerto Rico
during the years in which sugar dominated the agricultural economy. For example, the
number of Africans purchased by island residents totalled 6641 in the years 1540
1600. The decades 1561 1570 and 1581-1590 respectively witnessed the largest
arrival of Africans, and also correspond to the decades of greatest sugar output on the
island in the sixteenth century.14 Of these 6641 African slaves, 56 per cent arrived
through legal channels, 41 per cent by means of arribadas forzosas, or the forced
(though often contrived) landing of an enemy vessel, and 3 per cent as contraband.15
The only estimate so far on the size of Puerto Ricos enslaved population in the midto late-sixteenth-century posits that it declined from a high of 15,000 slaves in 1565 to
a low of 5000-6000 slaves in 1594.16 Several factors precipitated this decrease, including
the resale abroad of slaves and the exodus of island inhabitants with their chatel in search
of greater economic opportunities elsewhere.17 The Spanish Crown also contributed to
the decline of Puerto Ricos enslaved population by ordering the inter-island transfers of
slaves, as occurred in 1590 when 200 slaves from San Juan were sent to Havana to work on
military fortifications.18 Chronic labour shortages subsequently ensued and character
ised the islands agricultural economy throughout the colonial period.
A direct correlation exists between the extent of agricultural activity in a region and
the size of the labour force needed. The trade in Africans to Puerto Rico flourished so
long as labour-intensive agricultural production for the export sector remained profit
able. When a series of economic crises threatened the sugar industry in the late six
teenth and early seventeenth centuries, many sugar planters turned to the
cultivation of ginger as an alternative cash crop. As a result of restrictive Spanish
bore the additional expence associated with the maintenance of unproductive slaves.
Making matters worse, enslaved populations on sugar plantations were unable to
sustain themselves byway of natural increase due to the prevailing sex ratio imbalance,
which characterised slave holdings. For example, ingenio San Antonio in 1659, located
in Bayamn to the west of San Juan, had a labour force consisting of 16 individuals; of
these, 10 were male and six were female, while four of the enslaved workers were over
the age of 60.24 Efforts to revive the islands sugar industry were thus thwarted by a
labour crisis for which there was seemingly no end in sight. The years between 1663
and 1674 represent the lowest point of the slave trade to the Spanish Americas.
Direct traffic from Africa ended and a total of 15,210 slaves were introduced - an
annual average of 1382; while one can only speculate, few were probably destined
for Puerto Rico.25 The only recourse for planters wishing to purchase slaves was to
rely upon contraband trade, which is precisely what they did. Slaves began to arrive
from diverse Caribbean locations, with the English - operating out of Jamaica and
nearby Tortola - gradually assuming a more active role in the trafficking of Africans,
as contraband.26 Not until the Dutch, operating out of Curao, were awarded the
asiento in 1675 would the slave trade resume; even then illegal trade continued una
bated well into the eighteenth century.
Little is known about the levels of slave importation to the island from 1660 to 1765.
It is particularly difficult to gauge during the waning years of the seventeenth century
and the initial decades of the eighteenth century, as there is little in the way of official
records or estimates of the slave trade.27 We can, however, use information contained in
parish baptismal registers to locate and identify Africans who were brought to Puerto
Rico, and more specifically San Juan ( 1672-1727), much like what Mary Karasch did in
her study of Central Africans in Gois (Brazil) in the late colonial period, in addition to
the work done by Matthew Restall on Afro-Yucatecans in eighteenth-century Merida
(Yucatan).28 Levels of legal slave importation were low based upon the small number
of adult slaves - of African origin and acquired through the slave trade - baptised
in San Juan and other island communities. A total of 460 adult slaves were baptised
in San Juan from 1672 to 1727, an average of just over eight adults baptised each
year. These account for 30 per cent of the 1553 slaves baptised29 (See Appendix I.)
The slave trade to the island, or at least the number of African arrivals in San Juan,
was both irregular and infrequent during these years. In nine of the 55 years comprising
the observation period, no adult slaves were baptised in San Juan. For example, none
was baptised from 1677 to 1680; whereas in other years African slaves were more readily
available, as was the case from 1717 to 1719 when a total of 90 adults were baptised.
However, this short-term influx of enslaved individuals did not arise from increased
traffic to the island. Rather, the slaves were brought to San Juan following a successful
military campaign to dislodge the English from the nearby island of Vieques and auc
tioned as spoils of war. For most slave traders, the sale of their human cargoes in Puerto
Rico was at best an afterthought; one they probably considered only if other more
lucrative markets were unavailable.
There are additional signs pointing to the paucity in slave traffic at that time. For
instance, Miguel Enriquez, sole distributor of slaves in Puerto Rico for the French
498 David
M. Stark
declined, they increased in other areas of the Caribbean. For example Puerto Ricos
closest neighbor, the Danish-controlled Saint Thomas, registered an increase in its
enslaved population from 555 in 1691 to 4187 in 1720, whereas similar growth was
evinced in Saint Croix from 1906 in 1742 to 16,956 in 1766.38 The volume of slave
imports dispatched to San Domingue (Haiti) and Jamaica was even greater. Given
the very small number of African slaves introduced into peripheral colonies such as
Louisiana or Florida, owners must have valued and perhaps even promoted better
living conditions for their property as well as encouraged its natural growth.
Evidence on the number of slaves imported by the South Sea Company to Puerto
Rico is incomplete. During the three-year period from 1731 to 1733 the number of
Africans totalled only 115, an average of 38 per year.39 Regrettably, baptismal registers
spanning these years for non-whites in San Juan have badly deteriorated; thus we are
unable to compare with official records of the slave trade the number of Africans
baptised. Such low levels of importation probably continued in subsequent years,
and may even have declined. For instance, only 25 Africans were baptised in San
Juan from 1735 to 1739, an average of five per year and down from eight per year
in the earlier period 1672 to 1727. (See Appendix II.) Contraband traders undoubtedly
introduced as many if not more enslaved individuals than did their legal counterparts.
However, because contraband is a form of commerce that is difficult to quantify, it is
virtually impossible to determine how many slaves the European traders and their
Caribbean counterparts illegally brought to the island. Recognising their inability to
curb the introduction of contraband slaves, colonial authorities would invite the
colonists who had purchased such slaves to identify themselves and regularise their
purchases. This involved payment of a fine, known as an indulto, on each person. A
total of 32 slaves were indulted in Puerto Rico from 1716 to 1719.40 Of course, it
was to the colonists advantage to have the purchase of illegally acquired enslaved indi
viduals regularised, since they ran the risk of having contraband slaves seized. In all
likelihood, the legal and illegal supply of slaves was probably adequate for activities
associated with the export of animal products combined with hides, dyewoods and
timber, or foodstuffs. On the other hand, it may have been inadequate for the cultiva
tion of commercial cash crops, including tobacco, coffee, and cotton, that were grown
in small quantities along the islands southern coast.
Low levels of slave importation prevailed elsewhere on the island; this was to be
expected given the link between levels of slave traffic and the profitability of agricul
tural production for the export sector. If we look more closely at the number of Afri
cans introduced into island communities, several distinct trends emerge. (See Table 1.)
Nearly 8 per cent of all slave baptisms in Arecibo (1708-1791) were of adults, and
averaged one per year. Two examples are Cecilia, a slave belonging to Juan Carrion,
baptised on 31 October 1739, who was brought to the island from Saint Thomas,
and Juana, a slave belonging to Bartolom Brito, who was baptised on 24 December
1769, and described as a 25-year-old black from Guinea.41 Planters and ranchers
usually could afford to purchase adult slaves, generally Africans, only during prosper
ous times and very seldom could they acquire more than one individual at a time. In
Arecibo there were seven instances from 1708 to 1791 in which owners baptised more
Table 1 Number of adult and infant slaves baptised in select Puerto Rican communities
Community
Arecibo
Bayamn1
Caguas
Cangrejos
Coamo
Guayama2
Mayagez
Ro Piedras3
San Juan4
Toa Alta5
Yauco6
Totals
Year
Male
Female
Unsure
Totals
No.
1708-64
1764-91
1752-67
1730-65
1773-1810
1701-22
1755-1800
1746-63
1761-79
1771-84
1672-27
1735-39
1752-60
1778-87
1751-76
26
17
13
11
39
2
60
16
7
87
327
18
1
2
3
629
22
19
4
6
11
4
47
9
6
30
133
7
3
0
4
305
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
19
0
0
0
0
0
19
48
36
17
17
50
6
107
25
13
136
460
25
4
2
7
953
0.8
0.7
2.6
2.0
4.1
0.8
2.2
1.2
0.7
14.2
566
504
57
95
37
165
1114
335
107
104
1093
137
16
39
198
4564
9.8
9.2
8.8
11.8
3.1
22.7
22.9
16.6
5.6
10.8
0.4
Baptisms
5751
5452
649
802
1200
727
4875
2024
1911
960
327
767
1563
27,008
12.7
Source: Archivo Parroquial San Felipe de Arecibo [hereafter APSFA], Libro primero de bautismos en Arecibo,
1708-1735, Libro segundo de bautismos en Arecibo, 1735-1749, Libro tercero de bautismos en Arecibo, 17491764, Libro cuarto de bautismos en Arecibo, 1764-1772, Libro quinto de bautismos en Arecibo, 1772-1786,
Libro sexto de bautismos en Arecibo, 1786-1791; Archivo Parroquial de la Santa Cruz de Bayamn [hereafter
APSCB], Libro primero de bautismos en Bayamon, 1751-1765 and Libro segundo de bautismos en Bayamn,
1765-1780; Archivo Parroquial Dulce Nombre de Jess de Caguas [hereafter APDNJC], Libro primero de
bautismos en Caguas, 1730-1765; Archivo Parroquial San Mateo de Cangrejos [hereafter APSMC], Libro
primero de bautismos en Cangrejos, 1773-1810; Archivo Parrroquial San Blas de Coamo [hereafter APSBC],
Libro primero de bautismos en Coamo, 1701-1773, Libro segundo de bautismos en Coamo, 1773-1790, Libro
tercero de bautismos en Coamo, 1790 1794, Libro cuarto de bautismos en Coamo, 1794 1802; Archivo
Parroquial San Antonio de Padua de Guayama [hereafter APSAPG], Indice del libro primero de bautismos,
1746 1763; Archivo Parroqual Nuestra Seora de la Candelaria de Mayagez [hereafter APNSCM], Libro
primero de bautismos en Mayagez, 1761 -1763 and Libro segundo de bautismos en Mayagez, 1763-1779;
Archivo Parroquial Nuestra Seora del Pilar [hereafter APNSPRP], Libro segundo de bautismos en Ro Piedras,
1771-1784; Archivo Histrico Diocesano [hereafter AHD], Libro primero de bautismos para pardos y esclavos en
San Juan, 1672-1706, Libro segundo de bautismos para pardos y esclavos en San Juan, 1707-1714, Libro tercero
de bautismos para pardos y esclavos en San Juan, 1715 1729, and Libro quinto de bautismos para pardos y
esclavos en San Juan, 1735-1739; Archivo Parroquial San Femando Rey de Toa Alta [hereafter APSFRTA], El libro
de bautismo de personas pardas, negros parbulos y adultos, 1752-1760 and Libro dos de bautismos de personas
pardas en Toa Alta, 1778-1787; Archivo Parroquial Nuestra Seora del Rosario de Yauco [hereafter APNSRY],
Libro primero de bautismos en Yauco, 1751-1769, Libro segundo de bautismos en Yauco, 1769-1777.
Notes: 1The baptismal register for the years 1765 to 1780 is missing pages and many others are out of order,
rendering its use impossible. 2Data from Guayama has been culled from the index of the oldest baptismal register,
which provides the name, sex, legal status and origin of most adult slaves baptised in the community. The oldest
extant baptismal register in this community dates from 1813. 3I am very grateful to Lorraine de Castro for
providing me with a transcribed copy of book two of baptisms from Rio Piedras. 4There is no baptismal register
for San Juan spanning the years 1665-1706. However, some entries from these years exist and are part of the
Libro de bautismos de la Catedral de San Juan, Archivo General de Puerto Rico, Coleccin Eclesistica, CP 36, caja
6, expediente 9. It is impossible to calculate what proportion adult and infant slaves comprised among the overall
total number of baptisms in this community. 5Toa Alta was one of the few communities on the island that
maintained separate registers for the white and non-white population. Baptismal registers for the white
population from these years no longer exist; therefore, it is impossible to calculate what proportion adult and
infant slaves comprised among the overall total number of baptisms in this community. 6Many baptismal entries
subsequent to 1776 are illegible and are thus excluded from analysis.
than one adult slave at a time, while in Cangrejos there were five from 1773 to 1810,
and in Coamo there were only four from 1755 to 1800, whereas in Ro Piedras there
were 21 occasions from 1771 to 1784, and in San Juan there were 28 from 1672 to 1727.
Other communities had only one or no such instances. With the exception of Rio
Piedras, there were no occasions in any of the communities examined for this study
in which owners baptised more than two adult slaves at a time. Thus, owners
purchased slaves singly or at most in pairs. Such was also the pattern observed by
Matthew Restall among slave-owners in Campeche and Mrida (Yucatan) in the
early eighteenth century.42 Not only were money and credit tight, but also the
availability of enslaved African labourers was limited.
This was not the case in Ro Piedras. An average of 10 individuals were baptised per
year in this community, the highest number observed on the island. According to the
1765 census, Ro Piedras and Cangrejos (Santurce) had a combined enslaved popu
lation that totalled 121, thus it ranked fourteenth among the 22 island communities
in size. As labour-intensive agricultural production increased in communities located
within the periphery of San Juan such as Ro Piedras, so too did the size of its enslaved
population. By 1776, there were 325 slaves in Ro Piedras alone - Cangrejos having been
recognised as a separate community in 1773 - and it ranked eighth among the islands
26 communities in size. This increase was largely the result of purchases made by sugar
planters and by coffee growers. Both needed additional labourers since by then, Rio
Piedras had emerged as the island leader in sugar output and ranked fourth in terms
of coffee production.43 Because the number of adults baptised exceeded that of
infants - the only community in this study where this occurred - the growth in the
enslaved population resulted from Africans introduced as part of the slave trade.
A comparison of the number of adult slaves baptised in San Juan with Arecibo
reflects differences in the agricultural economy and also highlights variations in
labour requirements. In terms of the total number (460 compared to 84) and the
average number of adult slave baptisms per year (eight compared to one) the differ
ences between San Juan and Arecibo are striking. As the islands capital and seat of mili
tary and political power as well as religious authority, San Juans inhabitants had greater
access to capital necessary for the purchase of African slaves. We see this reflected in the
greater number of instances in which adults were purchased and subsequently baptised
in pairs. More importantly, it should be noted that sugar was still cultivated only in the
outlying areas of San Juan, albeit on a small scale. In contrast, planters and ranchers in
Arecibo purchased fewer adults and demonstrated greater parity in the acquisition of
male and female slaves in comparison to their counterparts in San Juan and its envir
ons. While such trends may reflect variations between urban and rural areas, they attest
to the lower labour demands of the Hato economy, as opposed to those of sugar pro
duction. This, along with the paucity of the slave trade to Puerto Rico, resulted in more
evenly balanced sex ratios and helped the enslaved population to achieve a positive rate
of growth sufficient to maintain its numerical strength throughout the late seventeenth
and well into the eighteenth centuries.
Our knowledge of the slave trade and levels of slave importation to Puerto Rico
from 1765 to 1815 is limited. Following the liberalisation of trade made possible by
increased to 74 per cent (642 of 873 total slaves), and in 1792 it declined to 66 per cent
(1167 of 1762 total slaves).51 Similar fluctuations in the proportion of black to mulatto
slaves also occurred throughout the island in communities like Arecibo and Coamo.
Yet, with so many African arrivals as part of the slave trade, why was the islands
enslaved population not darker? The answer probably lies in the high mortality
rates experienced by enslaved men and women introduced as part of the slave trade
(mentioned above). Even in communities such as Ro Piedras, at the forefront of
the transition in the islands agricultural economy from pastoral to agricultural pur
suits, the proportion of black to mulatto slaves remained fairly constant, increasing
in some years and decreasing in others. For instance, despite a substantial increase
in the size of the enslaved population from 390 to 838 slaves in the years 1792 to
1797, the proportion of black to mulatto slaves actually decreased from 81 to 74 per
cent.52 Thus, the darkening of Puerto Ricos enslaved population occurred in the nine
teenth century, once sugar again dominated the agricultural landscape.
The level of economic development in Puerto Rico is related to slave demography
on the island. As a labour-intensive pursuit, the cultivation of sugar in the mid- to
late-sixteenth century required a large influx of African slaves (mostly male and
adult). Therefore, the composition of the slave population at this time was predomi
nantly male and overwhelmingly African in origin. For example, in 1564 ingenio La
Trinidad had a workforce comprised of 57 males and 14 females, whereas in 1565
ingenio Espritu Santo had a workforce consisting of 49 males and 15 females.53
Although their origin was not noted, the slaves were most likely Africans. With so
many males and a scarcity of females among the slave population, the sex-ratio imbal
ance on many of the sugar plantations like those noted above made it difficult for
enslaved men and women to marry or participate in many forms of family life. More
over, higher mortality rates among African arrivals and lower fertility rates among this
segment of the slave population also prevailed. Any population increase consequently
came about from forced migration rather than from natural growth. Declines in the
islands sugar production during the early to mid seventeenth century, along with
the rise of the Flato economy, eventually led to a drop in the number of Africans pur
chased from slave traders. The failure of subsequent efforts to revive labour-intensive
agricultural production in the years that followed meant that there was little need for
additional enslaved labourers. Slave traders responded by bypassing the island in
favour of more lucrative markets.
The decline in the level of slave importations to Puerto Rico had a lasting impact on
slave demographic and family systems. Since fewer adult males were purchased from
slave traders this helped to lessen their imbalance with women. As the number of
women increased, so too did the proportion of children, therefore facilitating the
possibility of natural growth. The transition to a predominantly native-born slave
population also contributed to evening out the sex ratio. Locally born females typically
experienced longer reproductive periods and, thus, higher fertility rates than their
African-born counterparts. These transformations most probably occurred one or
two generations after the decline of the African slave trade; in the case of Puerto
Rico they probably coincided with the onset of the Flato economy during the mid
adopted some of their cultural attributes. Another possibility is that because he was the
only slave of Mina ancestry observed in Arecibo from 1708 to 1791, Antonio might
have been included in the broad regional category of slaves from Guinea. (See
Table 3.) By the time of his death in 1758, Antonio was simply listed as a moreno
slave belonging to Cayetana Coln.61 Perhaps by then, most if not all, vestiges of his
African ancestry were lost or forgotten. It is not clear how many more individuals
like Antonio there were in Arecibo, or elsewhere on the island forgotten or simply
not recorded in the parish registers.
Let us begin by recapping what is known about the geographic origin and ethnicity of
slaves during the islands initial sugar boom. Slaves introduced during the first half of
the sixteenth century were probably from Greater Senegambia, more specifically the
region of Upper Guinea - between the Nalu estuary and Cape Mount in modem
day Sierra Leone. Individuals from this region were known collectively as the Zape
or Sapi. This name was given to all peoples from Sierra Leone, except for the Mende,
and probably corresponds to the Kpwesi (Kpelle) people.62 Although different
peoples existed in the region of Upper Guinea, these often spoke mutually intelligible
Mel languages, which may have facilitated their integration within host populations
on the island and promoted social cohesion among recent arrivals.63 Throughout
much of the first two centuries of colonisation Greater Senegambia was one of the prin
cipal suppliers of African slaves to the Americas. This was due to the regions geographic
proximity, in particular to the Caribbean, which decreased travel time and allowed for
the use of smaller ships and crews.64 Perhaps it led to higher survival rates because the
middle passage was shorter and slaves arrived in better condition. Another factor that
made Africans from Greater Senegambia particularly attractive for owners in Puerto
Rico was their reputation as well suited for pastoral pursuits; thus cattle ranchers
may have preferred them.65 Lesser numbers of slaves came from Gabon (Biafara or
Bafan), Guinea Bissau (the Banol, Casanga, and Nalu), the Bijagos islands, located
off the coast of Rio Grande (Biohos) and from Senegal (the Jelofes and Berbesies).66
These trends would continue into the second half of the sixteenth century.
Beginning in the 1570s, large numbers of slaves from West Central Africa were intro
duced. A majority of these were probably from the Loango coast; more specifically, the
region just north of the Zaire River. African arrivals from this region may have
included the Brama, or the Lari people from the area near the port of Vili.67 Bantu
language group speakers predominated in West Central Africa, with inhabitants
from the Loango coast probably comprising Kongo language group speakers.68
When Spain granted Portuguese traders the asiento in 1580, these began introducing
slaves from Angola - specifically the geographic area between the Dande and Kwango
rivers - into the island as part of a lucrative trade in human cargo from that region of
West Central Africa.69 The Portuguese continued as the major providers of slaves to
the Caribbean well into the seventeenth century and expanded their traffic to
include Africans shipped from the port established at Luanda. As the century pro
gressed, this port eventually became synonymous with the region of Angola. Moreover,
the term Angola acquired different meanings to the diverse European powers operat
ing in the area, which makes it difficult to know if individuals from this region were in
communities examined for this study suggests that a relatively low level of slave impor
tation characterised the structure of slavery from 1660 to 1765. The number of adult
slaves baptised in San Juan is a useful basis for comparison with other island commu
nities. Adults account for 30 per cent of all slaves baptised in San Juan from 1672 to
1727 (See Appendix I). However, the introduction of adult slaves into San Juan was
irregular, with few or no individuals imported in some years and comparably larger
numbers in others. With the exception of Ro Piedras (1771-84), where adults com
prised 57 per cent of all slaves baptised, fewer Africans were imported elsewhere on the
island. Indeed, only 8 per cent of the total number of slave baptisms in Arecibo ( 170864) was of adults, as compared to 15 per cent in Caguas ( 1730-65), and 4 per cent in
Coamo (1701-22). Perhaps a positive natural rate of growth among enslaved popu
lations satisfied labour demands in these communities since the Hato economy did
not require a large number of slaves. Then again, the paucity of African slaves baptised
in these communities also reflects the low levels of the slave trade at that time.
Except for communities located within the periphery of San Juan such as Bayamn,
Guaynabo, Loiza and Ro Piedras, the proportion of Africans among the islands slave
population did not appreciably increase from 1765 to 1815. As observed in the case of
Ro Piedras, such increases probably occurred as the eighteenth century came to a close
and with the dawn of the nineteenth century. Sugar production was concentrated here,
and individuals who purchased slaves from the Compaia de Barcelona likely resided
in these communities. Beyond the periphery of San Juan, there were few Africans
purchased. Only in Coamo do we find an average of two or more adult slaves baptised
per year from 1755 to 1800, as opposed to less than one per year in other commu
nities.79 Based upon these findings, it would appear that Africans comprised approxi
mately 20 per cent of the islands overall enslaved population. Therefore, the
overwhelming majority of the enslaved individuals in eighteenth-century Puerto
Rico was native-born as opposed to immigrant slaves, which concurs with what scho
lars have long suspected.80 This, of course, was subject to regional variations in the
agricultural economy - as observed in Table 1 - and access to slave markets, with
greater numbers of Africans probably present in San Juan and its environs, and
lesser quantities elsewhere.
The varied sources of slave trade in the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries were
reflected in the geographic origins of enslaved men and women introduced in San
Juan and island communities. A total of 460 adults were baptised in San Juan from
1672 to 1727. Of these, 236 baptisms (51 per cent) list the persons geographic
origin or ethnicity. Comparable information is available for 273, or 43 per cent, of
the 642 adults baptised in the other 10 island communities examined (Arecibo,
Bayamn, Caguas, Cangrejos, Coamo, Guayama, Mayagez, Ro Piedras, Toa Alta
and Yauco) for this study. Observing the geographic origins of adult slaves baptised
shows the extent of ethnic divisions among Puerto Ricos enslaved population. As
in the rest of Latin America, owners often preferred slaves of different ethnic and cul
tural backgrounds to avoid the possibility of uprisings.81 For example, there was a pro
hibition on the introduction of Senegambians, in particular the Jelofes, who were
responsible for the 1527 slave uprising in Puerto Rico.82 Individuals from the Bight
No.
3
1
2
1
6
4
0.7
0.2
0.4
0.2
1.3
0.9
1
17
0.2
3.7
21
4.6
1
8
7
6
36
0.2
1.7
1.5
1.3
7.8
42
33
47
224
460
9.2
7.2
10.2
48.7
100.0
Source: AHD, Libro primero de bautismos para pardos y esclavos en San Juan, 1672-1706; Libro segundo de
bautismos para pardos y esclavos en San Juan, 1707-14; Libro tercero de bautismos para pardos y esclavos en San
Juan, 1715-29.
With regard to Calabar, at first it referred to lands on the east side of the Niger Delta,
around Bonny and New Calabar located near Degema. Later the term was applied to
the port on the Cross River, or what became known as Old Calabar. Both Old and New
Calabar eventually became major centres of the Atlantic slave trade.90 Many of the
Africans who were identified as Karabali at the time of their baptism in San Juan
may in fact have been Igbos; these made up the majority of slaves from this region,
and were probably also present in Puerto Rico.91
Enslaved individuals did not ordinarily reach Spanish Caribbean colonies in com
plete shiploads, especially in the years following 1663 when direct trade from Africa
ended.92 Rather, several ports throughout the non-Hispanic Caribbean such as
Curao, Saint Eustatius and Saint Thomas received such transports, with slaves sub
sequently re-exported from these ports to their Spanish counterparts. Based upon the
low levels that characterised slave imports to Puerto Rico, it would appear that the
trade in enslaved individuals to the island functioned in this manner. This indeed
appears to have been the case, as a sizeable proportion of Africans introduced into
Table 3 Identity of adult slaves baptised and buried in select communities within the
periphery of San Juan: Bayamn, Cangrejos and Ro Piedras
Ro Piedras
Bayamn Cangrejos (1771-1784)
(1773 1810)
(1764-1800)
(1752-1767)
2
2
0.7
0.7
36
12.1
0
1
0
0
2
0
0
0
7
3
2
2
0.7
0.7
0
0
3
132
136
4
6
233
298
1
1
0
0
31
4
2
1
0
0
2
2
6
50
!
1
1
7
17
Totals
-----------No.
%
0
1
1
0
0
1
2
Deaths
0
88
95
2.3
1.0
0.3
1.3
2.0
78.2
100.0
Source: APSCB, Libro primero de bautismos en Bayamn, 1751-65 and Libro segundo de bautismos en
Bayamn, 1765-80; APSMC, Libro primero de bautismos en Cangrejos, 1773-1810; APNSPRP, Libro segundo
de bautismos en Ro Piedras, 1771 84 and Libro primero de defunciones en Rio Piedras, 1764-1800.
majority of African slaves introduced to the island over the course of the eighteenth
century were from the Gold Coast, Nigeria, and Dahomey, known collectively as
Guinea.97 Furthermore, Mario Rodrguez Leons study of Bayamris baptismal regis
ters noted that the overwhelming majority (96 per cent) of African slaves baptised in
this community from 1752 to 1830 were from Guinea.98 Trends in the geographic
origins of African slaves who were imported into island communities differ from
those observed elsewhere in the North America. For example, the majority of Africans
shipped to French colonial Louisiana in the early eighteenth century were of Senegambian origin, specifically from Bambara.99 Most slaves that were introduced at this time
into the Chesapeake came from Senegambia and the Bight of Biafra, while the majority
of slaves brought to South Carolina in the first half of the eighteenth century were of
Angolan origin.100
Caguas
(1730 -1765)
(1729 -1770)
ToaAlta
(1752 -1760)
(1778--1787)
Deaths
Deaths
Deaths
No
6
1
5
27
3
1
9
3
3
0
26
84
Totals
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
8
2
4.8
1.2
36
22.0
1
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
38
6
2
22.6
3.6
1.2
2
0
0
0
0
10
2
0
1
0
14
17
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
4
4
0
0
0
0
1
2
13
7.7
3.0
2.4
1.2
30.3
100.0
4
2
51
168
Source: APSFA, Libro primero de bautismos en Arecibo, 1708-35, Libro segundo de bautismos en Arecibo, 173549, Libro tercero de bautismos en Arecibo, 1749-64, Libro cuarto de bautismos en Arecibo, 1764-72, Libro
quinto de bautismos en Arecibo, 1772-86, Libro sexto de bautismos en Arecibo, 1786-91, Libro primero de
defunciones en Arecibo, 1714-67, and Libro segundo de defunciones en Arecibo, 1769-91; APDNJC, Libro
primero de bautismos en Caguas, 1730-65, and Libro primero de defunciones en Caguas, 1729-70; APSFRTA, El
libro de bautismo de personas pardas, negros parbulos y adultos, 1752-60 and Libro dos de bautismos de
personas pardas en Toa Alta, 1778-87.
Note: Because not all newly purchased slaves were baptised, we must also rely upon the death registers to locate
and identify slaves of African origin. The oldest death register in San Juan dates from 1747 and has badly
deteriorated.
for the labour requirements associated with the Hato economy, especially since the
islands enslaved population by then was capable of reproducing itself through
natural increase. Following the liberalisation of the slave trade in 1765, there was a
sizeable influx of Africans to Puerto Rico that helped establish the foundation for
the nineteenth-century resurgence of sugar production. Areas where this labourintensive cash crop was cultivated received the greatest number of African arrivals
(mostly young adult males), thereby giving rise to unfavourable demographic
conditions for the natural reproduction of slaves and a concomitant decline in
opportunities for marriage and family life.
As we have seen, few slaves were brought in either from Africa or from elsewhere in
the Americas to Puerto Rico. Only a small number were introduced each year into
Arecibo, Bayamn, Caguas, Cangrejos, Coamo, Guayama, Mayagez, Ro Piedras,
San Juan, Toa Alta and Yauco. Individuals from West and West Central Africa
Table 5 Identity of adult slaves baptised and buried in select communities along Puerto
Ricos southern coast: Coamo, Guayama, Mayagez and Yauco
Number of slaves
Coamo
(1701-1721)
(1755-1800)
(1773-1808)
Guayama
(1746-1763)
(1746-1781)
Mayagez
(1761 1779)
Yauco
(1751-1790)
Deaths
Deaths
Deaths
Deaths
Ethnicity or point
of origin
Danish Islands
Saint Thomas
Non-Hispanic
Caribbean
West Africa
Guinea
Karabali
Mina
West Central Africa
Tingla
Kongo
Loango
Unknown
Totals
Totals
No.
%
5.1
09
04
3.4
0 30
00
00
3
0
0
2
1
2
0
0
0
4
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
39
1
2
22.2
0.6
1.1
04
00
00
6 60
6 107
0
0
0
3
6
18
0
0
0
25
10
0
0
1
11
0
0
0
9
13
0
0
2
5
7
0
0
0
1
32
0
2
85
176
18.2
0.0
1.1
48.3
100.0
Source: APSBC, Libro primero de bautismos en Coamo, 1701-1773, Libro segundo de bautismos en Coamo,
1773-1790, Libro tercero de bautismos en Coamo, 1790-1794, Libro cuarto de bautismos en Coamo, 17941802, and Libro primero de defunciones en Coamo, 1773 1808; APSAPG, Indice del libro primero de bautismos
en Guayama, 174o 1763, and Libro primero de defunciones en Guayama, 1746 1781; APNSCM, Libro primero
de bautismos en Mayagez, 1761 1763 and Libro segundo de bautismos en Mayagez, 1763-1779; APNSRY,
Libro primero de bautismos en Yauco, 1751-1769, Libro segundo de bautismos en Yauco, 1769-1777, Libro
tercero de bautismos en Yauco, 1777-1789, Libro cuarto de bautismos en Yauco, 1789-1804, Libro primero de
defunciones en Yauco, 1751-1770, Libro segundo de defunciones en Yauco, 1770-1785, and Libro tercero de
defunciones en Yauco, 1786-1802.
predominated, with those from Guinea and Tari in the majority among the former and
those from the Loango coast, Angola, and the Kongo prevailing among the latter. The
rise of Guinea and Senegambia as points of origin for African slaves may have contrib
uted to mutual intelligibility among forced immigrants to the island. Both regions
share a relatively homogenous culture and history, in addition to closely related
languages (Wolof, Sereer, Pular or Fulbe and Malinke).101 Likewise, individuals
from the Loango coast, Angola and the Kongo all spoke closely related Bantu languages
and, though they were mutually unintelligible, the linguistic similarity between Kongo
and Kimbundu was such that language barriers were weak and speakers of these
respective languages could learn to communicate with each other in a short period
of time.102 If not, they possibly spoke some kind of pidgin Spanish.
Although there was considerable diversity in the geographic origins and ethnicity of
Africans introduced into Puerto Rico, individuals from both West and West Central
Africa for the most part shared a relatively homogenous culture and a greater similarity
in so far as the language(s) they spoke. Such commonalities facilitated integration and
516 David
M. Stark
[42] Restall, 151. Such was also the pattern observed by Lorena Walsh among slave-owners in the
Chesapeake from the 1660s to 1710s, who seldom purchased more than two slaves at a time.
Lorena S. Walsh, From Calabar to Carters Grove: The History of a Virginia Slave Community
(Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1997): 53.
[43] Fernando Pic, Esclavos, cimarrones, libertos y negros libres en Ro Piedras, 1774-1873,
Anuario de Estudios Americanos, XLIII (1986): 25-33, esp. 28-29.
[44] Curtin contends that the revival of labour-intensive agricultural production for the export
sector began in the mid-1770s and that slave imports would have been greater in the sub
sequent years. He also posits that slave traffic to the island declined in the wake of the Napo
leonic wars. See Philip Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison: University of
Wisconsin Press, 1969): 32-34.
[45] The number of slaves imported in the years 1766 through 1770 were as follows: 220 in
1766, 2574 in 1767, 3734 in 1768, 2101 in 1769 and 821 in 1770. Cayetano Coll y Tost,
Documento para la historia de la esclavitud de los negros en Puerto Rico: Negros introduci
dos de 1760 a 1770, Boletn Histrico de Puerto Rico, 9 (1922): 122. According to Jorge
L. Chinea, British and French slave traders landed over 7000 Africans in San Juan from
March 1767 to May 1769. See Jorge L. Chinea, A Quest for Freedom: The Immigration of
Maritime Maroons into Puerto Rico, 1656-1900, Journal of Caribbean History, 31, nos 1-2
(1997): 51-87, esp. 69.
[46] Cited in Manuel Alvrez Nazario, El elemento afronegroide en el espaol de Puerto Rico (San
Juan: Instituto de Cultura Puertorriquea, 1974): 42; and Daz Soler, 90.
[47] I am very grateful to Teresa de Castro for providing me with a transcribed copy of the San Juan
death register. A total of 1275 deaths were recorded; of these 445, or 35 per cent were of slaves.
[48] So many African arrivals succumbed to small pox that a new cemetery was opened in San Juan
on 10 March 1768, para enterrar a los negros de la factora del cargo [de los] factores Dn Alex
andra Noboa y Dn Joaquin Pober, por haber estos apestadose de Vi [nielas] ... (to bury the
blacks from the company of which Alexando Noboa and Joaquin Pober are the agents in
charge, as a result of their having been afflicted with smallpox). AHD, Libra sexto de defun
ciones en San Juan, 1766-1769, folio 135.
[49] Censuses from the years 1775, 1776, 1777, 1778, 1780, 1781, 1782, 1783, 1784, 1785, 1787,
1789, 1790, 1792, 1794, 1795, 1797, and 1798 form part of the microfilm collection at the
Centro de Investigaciones Histricas, Facultad de Humanidades, Universidad de Puerto
Rico, Ro Piedras, Puerto Rico.
[50] Daz Soler, 99 and 105.
[51] Centro de Investigaciones Histricas, Facultad de Humanidades, Universidad de Puerto Rico,
Ro Piedras, Puerto Rico.
[52] Op cit.
[53] Gelp Baiz, 56.
[54] Philip D. Morgan, Slave Counterpoint: Black Culture in the Eighteenth-Century Chesapeake &
Lowcountry (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998): 463.
[55] Gwendolyn Midlo Hall, Slavery and African Ethnicities in the Americas: Restoring the Links
(Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 2006): 35.
[56] See Oscar Grando Morguez, The African Origin of Slaves Arriving in Cuba, 1789-1865, in
David Eltis and David Richardson, eds., Extending the Frontiers: Essays on the New Transatlan
tic Slave Trade, 176-201 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008). 190 and 193.
[57] Morguez, The African Origin, 193.
[58] Hall, 52.
[59] Thomas N. Ingersoll in his study of slave society in eighteenth-century New Orleans states,
... determining origins was relatively easy; most [slaves] were readily identifiable in the
slave quarter by the variety of distinctive scarification practiced by most West African
518 David
[84]
[85]
[86]
[87]
[88]
[89]
[90]
[91]
[92]
[93]
[94]
[95]
[96]
[97]
[98]
[99]
[100]
M. Stark
Appendix I
Number of adult and infant slaves baptised in San Juan, 1672-1727
Adults
Infants
Year
Male
Female
Totals
1672
1673
1674
1675
1676
1677
1678
1679
1680
1681
1682
1683
1684
1685
1686
1687
1688
1689
1690
1691
1692
1693
1694
1695
1696
1697
1698
1699
1700
1701
1702
1703
1704
1705
1706
1707
1708
1709
1
1
2
2
3
0
0
0
0
0
2
0
2
0
0
3
0
3
3
0
6
8
6
2
1
3
1
1
10
8
20
28
9
2
0
2
3
4
1
0
1
1
2
0
0
0
0
2
0
0
2
0
0
0
0
1
4
3
2
4
3
0
0
0
1
1
5
0
11
4
3
1
0
2
3
4
2
1
3
3
5
0
0
0
0
2
2
0
4
0
0
3
0
4
7
3
8
12
9
2
1
3
2
2
15
8
31
32
12
3
0
4
6
Totals
10
8
17
19
21
11
7
9
5
8
7
6
10
21
21
38
22
24
10
62
25
19
48
34
42
29
43
24
16
29
23
43
25
3
7
19
20
31
( Continued)
Infants
Year
Male
Female
Totals
Totals
1710
1711
1712
1713
1714
1715
1716
1717
1718
1719
1720
1721
1722
1723
1724
1725
1726
1727
Totals
7
9
8
7
6
9
2
29
11
27
8
23
17
5
5
6
9
3
327
4
5
7
6
5
2
0
4
8
11
2
3
2
0
1
8
3
1
133
11
14
15
13
11
11
2
33
19
38
10
26
19
5
6
14
12
4
460
20
23
24
22
17
17
5
17
21
23
12
6
11
10
11
22
11
5
1093
Source: AHD, Libro primero de bautismos para pardos y esclavos en San Juan, 1672-1706; Libro
segundo para pardos y esclavos en San Juan, 1707-1714; Libro tercero de bautismos para pardos y
esclavos en San Juan, 1715-1729.
Appendix II
Number of adult and infant slaves baptised in San Juan, 1735-1739
Adults
Infanst
Year
Male
Female
Totals
Totals
1735
1736
1737
1738
1739
Totals
3
8
2
2
3
18
1
5
1
0
0
7
4
13
3
2
3
25
11
40
28
34
24
137
Source: AHD, Libro quinto de bautismos para pardos y esclavos en San Juan, 1735-1739.