Twists and Turns of the Egyptian Revolution

2011 2014

Book title: Twists and Turns of the Egyptian Revolution

Publisher: Arabic Network for Human Rights Information
2 Behlar Passage, off Kasr El Nil Street, floor 5, flat 39,
Downtown, Cairo
Telephone/fax: 23904208 23964180
Website: www.anhri.net
Email: info@anhri.net
Prepared by: Ahmed Hassan
Translation: Sally Sami
Cover and Technical Preparation: Hussein Mohamed
First Issue:
Deposit No:
Printing:
All rights are reserved to the Arabic Network for Human
Rights Information (ANHRI)

This book does not necessarily express the opinion of the

Arabic Network for Human Rights Information, and
expresses the opinion of its author

Prelude
This book does not carry opinions as much as it narrates facts
reminding us of the main stages of the Egyptian revolution
that erupted on 25 January 2011.
The large amount of political events and crimes that Egypt has
witnessed since the eruption of the massive popular protests in
January 2011, nearly made us forget these stages, Some of
them need to be documented further and others need
investigations and fair trials for the restitution of rights and to
dignify the martyrs. These stages also confirm the noble
purpose of citizens whose first demands were social justice
and human dignity.
The Friday of rage and hundreds of martyrs; prison breaks; the
battle of the camels; virginity tests and their victims; sectarian
violence; the Balloon Theatre battle; Maspero massacre;
Mohamed Mahmoud and Cabinet battles; Portsaid Stadium
massacre; the National Guard; the Rab'a dispersal massacre; etc.
These are examples of the stages we should not forget. We
should not even allow those who are seeking to cover them up
or erase them from the memory of Egyptians to succeed.
At the Arabic Network for Human Rights Information we
were seeking to published legal book documenting these
stages and twists and turns, to be a the starting point of the
thread and the key for when the time comes for transitional
justice and rule of law. Each of these points needs a legal,
judicial, and human rights committee to re-investigate the facts
and publish the truth, for the criminals to be punished and for
restitution for the innocent and for these facts to be positioned
in the right place in the memory of this people. However, the
researcher who wrote the book, preferred to present these fats,
or some of them, in their political contexts, linked to what had
preceded it and related to what came later as a result or the
introduction to another new event that is still not over.
3

The truth has many faces. This book presents one of these
faces expressing the vision of one of the witnesses to the
revolution.
We could agree or disagree on the events and the crimes
committed and the size of their impact. However, they
occurred. When we talk about hundreds of martyrs on Friday
of Rage, on 28 January 2011, the most the skeptics can do is
talk about the causes of the killing of so many people; or argue
who opened the gates of prisons; or claim that the Muslim
Brotherhood attacked police stations. This is the most they can
do. However, the most skeptic people of the revolution and its
events can never question whether an event actually took place
or not or the necessity of a serious judicial investigation into
these events.
This is what this book seeks. It seeks to remind the reader of
the events and their details, even if they are narrated in the
eyes of the researcher of this book.
At the end, this book, which is similar to a documentary or a
narration of four years of the life of the Egyptian people, does
not claim that it owns the absolution truth. It only seeks to
remind the reader and re-activate our memories, hoping to
fight forging and manipulating our consciousness.
It is an attempt to give credit to events that the Egyptian
people as usual were the victims.
This book remains, despite its shortfalls, and despite that it
expresses the characteristics of the twists and turns of the
revolution from the opinion of the writer, is a book that wide
opens the door for seekers of the truth and justice, for them too
to tell their story and their vision of the events of the
revolution from another angle; another window looking onto
the squares of protests.
Gamal Eid

Introduction
We are standing before the most important event of Egypt's
modern history, as Egypt challenges one of the most
oppressive regimes in Africa and the East. It is the regime of
Hosni Mubarak, who remained in power for thirty years using
all imaginable tools: lies; prison; suspension from posts; direct
oppression; liquidation of opposition; unchecked powers to
security services; and suffocating political parties by not
allowing them to communicate with the masses, perform any
activity amongst the public, or hold popular conferences, thus
transforming them into impotent administrative offices. The
Mubarak era is infamous for corruption, forgery, confiscation
of freedoms, and the continuous state of emergency. He was
doing all he can do to bequeath power to his son. This ignited
anger amongst several sectors and most of the political elite.
The birth of a new and different opposition had started to
appear. This was stimulated by new possibilities of
communication, through the digital space, outside the control
and monitoring of the state. Bloggers appeared. Then, the
Kefaya (Enough) movement appeared. It clearly announced
that thirty years were enough. Out of Kefaya came derivatives
of student unions, workers, professionals, intellectuals and
politicians. All raised the slogan "For Change".
On the other side, a social movement, of workers and poor in
popular districts and rural areas, began to rise in the form of
waves of large and consecutive protests against the regime's
policies, demanding work, housing, medical care, agricultural
inputs, land, etc. All of this was against the regime's neoliberal policies.
Concurrently, another case was enlarging day after day and
getting ready to explode. It was the case of systematic and
organized torture and killing in police stations by the police.
This case was vigorously adopted by the new youth
5

movements and activists on social networks. Protests against

torture reached a hardcore when the young man Khaled Said
was unduly killed by police informers, who claimed that he
had died for swallowing a roll of drugs. Khaled Said became
the headline of campaigns and mobilization against police
practices that had increased in brutality. There was also Sayed
Belal's death as a result of torture. But the focus on Khaled
Said, as his age and status was similar to that of the young
protesters, became a turning point in the struggle against
torture and the crimes of the Ministry of Interior against
citizens.
On the other hand, there was the Muslim Brotherhood (MB),
which was getting ready for elections and arrangements with
the regime. It did not give attention to the brutality of the
Ministry of Interior and torture. It only started to protest as a
result of the rigging of the parliamentary elections in 2010.
None of its members won despite them winning 88 seats in the
previous elections. The ruling party, masterminded by Ahmed
Ezz, had planned in coordination with security services and
corrupt judges to oust the Muslim Brotherhood completely
from the Parliament. Many protests - social, political, and
democratic, were erupting everywhere awaiting the signal to
explode.
The point when all the enraged gathered was the moment of
challenge. It was 25 January, the national annual holiday for
the Egyptian police. It was decided on that day that the largest
possible protests against the police would go out. This was the
moment of mobilization. Obviously, anti-torture digital pages
that refused humiliation by the police played a large role in
mobilization. The leading page was "We are all Khaled Said"
Other derivatives gathered to join the protests, including those
enraged by the forgery, lack of labour rights, restriction on
student activities, etc. Also, from within the regime there were
those who were angry for being marginalized or because the
6

Gamal/Ezz elite were unilaterally taking power and privileges.

There were also state bodies that sought to stop the
bequeathing plan, which would have reduced the privileges
and the position of the army. These were stuck between the
fear that the popular movement would develop and the
opportunity to completely end the inheritance project.
The preliminary steps to 25 January were strong and stumbling
at the same time. The Tunisian revolution inspired opposition
elite and gatherings in Egypt and gave them hope. The
inspiration by Tunisia reached the extent that some individuals
have tried to imitate Bouazizi by setting themselves on fire.
Tunisia was the signal for revolution and its spark all over the
region, and maybe the world. But Egypt was not aware that it
can actually revolt. The main opposition political parties
announced that it won't participate. The Muslim Brotherhood
was occupied with what had happened to it in the elections.
Outside this circle, the momentum was building up,
mysteriously. Participants and advocates for the protests did
not expect that a day of protests would transform into an
uprising, and that the uprising will become a revolution.
This document seeks to re-draw the most important twists and
turns of the Egyptian revolution throughout four years, a
number of governments, three presidents, and the intensive
presence of the military, its limited withdrawal, and then its
return and domination of the Egyptian political scene. This is
to document the memory of the revolution against those who
are seeking to erase its details from the memory of Egyptians.
The narrative about the revolution changed from being an
accomplishment that was planned for by the army in another
story the Muslim Brotherhood - to being a Zionist-American
conspiracy or Qatari and Muslim Brotherhood or by
dividing the events and considering 30 June a revolution and
the first a conspiracy.

To resist the erasing of our memory and the systematic

smearing of our revolution we must recall it and fix it in our
memory, so that we can start from a heritage we made and not
one that was made for us.
It is impossible to document all the events of this period for
several reasons. First, they were a lot and intense and extended
throughout Egypt, and of course not all the events are of the
same importance. Second, to document everything needs tens
of researchers to collect and document the necessary material,
and still, most probably, it will not be comprehensive. Third,
this documentation seeks to draw the main twists and turns of
the revolution and which have clearly affected its path, and
thus it's more of a panoramic document, so that the reader can
see the events within a context. This way, the reader can
collect the pieces of this alive and dynamic event. I admit that
any error in this document is definitely my mistake alone. Any
success in this document is a success that the images of
martyrs, discussions with friends, and efforts of researchers
have contributed to.
Finally, I hope that this document is a suitable and acceptable
dedication to the souls of Mina Daniel the Christ of popular
alleys, to Omar who sold sweet potatoes and to all the
unknown heroes of the revolution dead or alive.

Chapter 1: 2011
The critical 18 Days

11

Chapter 1: 2011
The critical 18 Days

The beginning: 25 January

The 25th of January is considered the beginning of the
Egyptian Revolution that opened the way for following events
to take place. It did not cross the mind of the most optimistic
participant or observer that the events of the day would evolve
into something more than wide scale protests against the
crimes of the Ministry of Interior and the regime policies. The
period between 25 January and 11 February is considered the
most important stage of the revolution. There were violent
clashes with the police. The army went down into squares and
streets with its tanks. Demands escalated to insist on the
ousting of Mubarak, his party and his rule. Each step led us to
the next. Every obstinate move from the regime would be
met with higher demands. Each compromise the regime had to
make was preceded by escalation form the masses. Until the
day Mubarak stepped down. This was the beginning of
temporary celebrations and a series of maneuvers with regards
to the administration of the state and power.
The revolution dug its path with blood from the first day. With
each new blood spilling, the determination for the goal would
strengthen and the willingness to sacrifice would expand.
These were days in which all political and social equations
flipped. Young men were accompanied by young women
throughout the first nights in Tahrir square. There wasnt one
incident of sexual harassment or annoyances of any kind.
Young women broke the barriers that kept them at home
11

during such times. They went out without hesitation to the

arenas of deadly confrontations. Women fell martyrs, became
leaders, and presented amazing heroic models. The colour of
blood accompanied the paint brushes of artists. On the walls of
Mohamed Mahmoud and over the banners slogans and
demands were written. Egypt was full of popular defense
committees that became spaces for debate and sometimes
platforms for revolutionary popular administration of their
districts.
The reality was not always rosy. Conspiracies assailed onto
the demonstrators. The square was cordoned to prevent food
and medication from reaching the protesters. Gangs were
pushed to work against them, blockade them and harass them.
These gangs were previously used by Al Adly and police
officers. The tanks and armored vehicles played a role in the
cordon even in facilitating the passage for thugs. This became
apparent during what we call the "Battle of Camels".
On the first day, protests flooded from several places, mostly
in Cairo. Protests erupted also in some governorates. These
included Portsaid, Suez, and Alexandria. On Ramses street
there were two gatherings. One was cordoned inside the Bar
Association and the other was in front of the High Court. In
the second gathering, we find some leaders of the Muslim
Brotherhood denouncing forgery. Hundreds of people gathered
chanting different slogans. They are surrounded by security.
At around 1 PM, the protesters managed to break the cordon in
front of the High Court building. Confusedly they started to
move towards Tahrir Square. Security that was mobilized in
different areas on that day was not able to organize their lines
and shut Ramses St quickly in the face of the protest. Some
officers tried to form improvised lines to prevent the march
but the protesters managed to overcome the security and
entered Tahrir square chanting "Bread Freedom Social
Justice". Quickly, marches coming from different areas such
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as Imbaba, Mohandessin and other areas, were arriving too

into the square.
As the crowds increased, security used speakers and sound
bombs to scare the protesters away. In the evening, orders
were given to the security to disperse the protests in any way.
This meant using pellets and bullets. Planes hovered on top of
the protesters. On the ground, teargas bombs were pouring like
rain. One can hear the sound of shots. News of protesters
falling dead in Suez arrived. The killings gave new momentum
to the crowds in Tahrir, and suddenly everyone was chanting
"The people want to topple the regime".
This was the beginning of the 18 days that toppled Mubarak
and shook the grounds beneath the feet of the regime. During
these 18 days freedoms were taken. Despite attempts and plans
to terrorize the people and despite the bullets, the protests did
not stop. Egyptians showed legendary courage and
unprecedented willingness to sacrifice.
The regime might have not fallen, but it had to maneuver and
battle so many times to be able to set its foundations again.

28 January: a people's uprising, the Friday of Rage

Sporadic protests continued in a number of governorates,
particularly Suez, throughout 26 and 27 January. However the
real milestone was Friday 28 January which has been dubbed
by political forces "The Friday of Rage" after a number of
martyrs fell in Cairo. Large masses of people went out to the
streets in Cairo, Alexandria, Suez, Mansoura, Ismailia,
Damietta, Fayoum, Minya, Damanhur, Sharqiya, Portsaid,
North Sinai and others.
What makes the Friday of Rage so special is the participation
of such huge numbers of people across the country. The first
days, were relatively small. Each popular district had to
13

revenge from the police station because of ill-treatment and

torture and occasionally murder. People took to the streets,
venting out their anger mainly on police stations. They went
into violent clashes with security forces that led to the
exhaustion of the security forces and their withdrawal from in
front an uprising of popular anger. On that day, the power of
the Ministry of Interior was broken, and it withdrew from all
its posts and positions not leaving a single guard or presence.
The people burnt a large number of police stations and cars
and Central Security trucks. Criminal detainees were released
from their detentions. Weapons were stolen from the police
stations.
In the afternoon of that day, protesters had succeeded in taking
complete control of Alexandria and Suez. All police stations in
Alexandria were burnt. Security forces had to withdraw from
the city after it has failed to oppress the protesters. In Suez,
protesters took control of the weapons in the Arbein police
station. They used teargas against officers. In Cairo, the main
building of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) in the
center of the city was burnt. Other officers in several cities,
including in Kom Ombo and Damietta, were also destroyed.
Protesters also destroyed all pictures of Mubarak in his
hometown, Shebin al-Kawm, in Monoufia. At the end of the
day, the military armored vehicles came out into the streets in
accordance to a request from the President to support the
police forces that no longer was able to face these pressures
alone.
The Ministry of Interior in a bizarre and unwarranted
manner released prisoners from all prisons. The army had to
intervene. On that day a large number of protesters were killed
(ANHRI estimates there were 551 deaths), and a large number
were arrested.

14

At the beginning, the military forces provided logistical

support to the police force in terms of ammunitions after they
ran out. These attempts did not succeed especially after
protesters took notice of them and stood against them. As a
result the military retreated from this kind of intervention and
started a policy of a flexible siege on the protesters without
any apparent conflict. Some announced that the army is
joining the revolution. The slogan "the army and the people
are one hand" came out.
A car with diplomatic license plates ran over tens of protesters,
killing at least 15 and injuring tens of people. This was on
Kasr El Aini Street near the US and British Embassies. Later it
was discovered that the car belonged to the American
Embassy. Two other similar cars that passed through the street
in the same manner were destroyed.
Central Security trucks ran over masses of protesters killing
and seriously injuring them.
And this is how the popular uprising opened the way for
revolutionary forces to reach Tahrir Square. The curfew did
not succeed to prevent people from the streets. The thugs and
attacks also failed to let people leave.
The Muslim Brotherhood on that day joined as an
organization and not in the form of individuals. It announced
that to the protesters in Tahrir Square after the strength of the
uprising became clear. The regime was seeking to make them
responsible for the events of the day. They had no choice but
either to oust Mubarak or have their heads on the line.
On the following day, 29 January, Mubarak tried to absorb the
anger with a political maneuver. He appointed Omar Suleiman
as his vice president and asked Ahmed Shafik to form a new
government. Omar Suleiman's nomination was a demand
before the revolution by some of the nationalism oriented
opposition in Kefaya as a plan to defy the bequeathing of
15

power to Gamal Mubarak. His appointment as vice president

by Mubarak on 29 January 2011 was provocative for all the
trends participating in the revolution.
The plan to create terror was now being implemented to make
stability, without fulfilling any of the demands, the goal of the
masses. Gangs spread everywhere and unidentified cars were
randomly shooting at citizens.
The armed forces arrested a number of the fugitives and
looters.
Despite that, the protests and the sit-in in squares in most
governorates continued.

Mubarak's First Speech

On 28 January, President Mubarak made a speech. It was the
first since the eruption of the revolution on 25 January. He
said that the protests are legitimate to improve the standards of
living which he stands by, but he disapproves violence.
He had asked the government led by Ahmed Nazif to submit
its resignation, and appointed Ahmed Shafik the new Prime
Minister. However, the protesters continued to protest and
refused the new government.

Mubarak's Second Speech- 1 February

Mubarak seemed to be unaware of the power of this popular
uprising and its transformation into a revolution. He thus
ignored giving a worthwhile compromise especially that so
much blood was spilt and hasnt yet dried. He did not give a
statement for four days that have seen bloodshed in most
governorates and cities of the country. He had to go out of his
silence to give his second speech on 1 February. The angry
masses were not standing behind one revolutionary
16

organization. Most participants were participating in a protest

action for the first time in their lives. It wasnt clear to the
majority what the slogan "bring down the regime" entailed.
And so it seemed to them that it was enough for Mubarak to
leave to achieve the goal. Mubarak's team prepared a speech
that he would deliver perfectly. It was directed to the
spontaneous emotions of the people and the terrified people in
districts and governorates, and so he took on an emotional tone
and language. Mubarak manipulated the emotions of the
people when he appeared as an injured lion, when he gave up
his satirical tone completely.
His speech was focused on a number of factors:
1 He wants dialogue around the demands and goals
2 There are political forces that are seeking to damage the
calls for dialogue and only keen to implement their own
personal agendas. To confront this he is reaching out to the
factions and sectors of the people with his speech.
3 He will ask the Parliament to amend articles 76 -77 that
were the center of criticism. Also he will implement the court
verdicts with regards to the forging of election results in some
districts.
4 The new government will work on implementing the
demands of the people and the youth
5 He is not thinking of running again for elections after his
term is over.
6 He must continue in power to ensure a peaceful transition
through elections
7 If that doesnt happen, chaos will occur
8 He will prosecute the corrupt and the vandals (threatening
statements)

17

He ended his speech with emotional statements, confirming

that he had served Egypt and will die on its land, etc.
The speech had an impact. It did play on people's feelings and
large sectors of the society empathized with him. Parents
pressured their children to withdraw from Tahrir. Actually
large numbers actually withdrew. Mubarak won the empathy
of a critical mass. The sit-in was on the verge of collapsing.
However, the stupidity of the ruling party and its men changed
the game once again. They preceded the events and prepared
to attack on those who stayed in Tahrir Square.
The second day immediately, the regime's men incited sectors
of the people against those in Tahrir. They mobilized thugs
from nearby districts. Ahead of them were people from
Pyramids who work in tourism. They came with their horse s
and camels. All of this is orchestrated by the regime's men to
get rid of the protesters, especially that their business was
harmed as a result of the revolution and the protests. 1

The Battle of the Camels 2 February

Starting the day, news were flowing that there are preparations
by NDP members to attack Tahrir Square. These preparations
were being made from the moment Mubarak ended his speech.
Pro-Mubaraks gathered in Mustafa Mahmoud Square and in
front of Maspero carrying pictures of Mubarak and chanting
supportive slogans.

Logged in on 5 October 2015 YouTube a rare video showing the entry

of camels and horses under the protection of the army during the January
Revolution 4 October 2013
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Q5OEoC7hxmM

18

Some anti-Mubarak protests were confronted violently in

some governorates.
Later, a fact-finding committee was formed to look into the
day. The committee reported several factors:
The first report of the committee showed that member of
parliament, Abdel Nasser Al Gabry, of Haram (Pyramids)
district, with the assistance of Youssef Khattab, Shura Council
member of the same district, have incited to kill protesters on
the day of the Battle of the Camels in order to force them out
of Tahrir Square. The report also accused the former NDP
Secretary General, Fathy Sorour, of inciting the attack against
the protesters.
The circle of indictment expanded to include a number of the
symbols of the former regime, including ministers, such as
Aisha Abdel Hadi, the former Minister of Labour Force, and
Hussein Megawer, former head of the Trade Union
Federation. Also, the list included businessman and member of
the NDP's High Council, Ibrahim Kamel, and the lawyer
Mortada Mansour who claimed that such an accusation was a
form of "trap" as he had intended to run for the coming
presidential elections in Egypt.
The march of camels and horses was able to surpass the
military checkpoints so easily and without any resistance.
There is a famous video broadcast revealing how the national
guards paved the way for the attackers in front of Maspero.
This shows at the very least that the military forces did not
mind if not a partner to the attack. The only exception was
a military officer, Captain Maged Boules, who stood against
the attackers in front of the Egyptian Museum and tried to stop
them. This Captain was named "Tahrir's Lion" for his bravery.
This is an extract of the report that was prepared by the
national fact-finding commission on the Battle of Camels:

19

On 19 April 2011, the fact finding committee issued its report

on the violations committed during the 25 January revolution.
This report, which was submitted to investigative authorities
with evidence and recordings, is focused on the Battle of the
Camels.
The report of the committee which was headed by Adel Koura
stated: "On the morning of Wednesday 2/2/2011 and until the
dawn of Thursday 3/2/2011, bloody events took place in most
of the governorates of Egypt, especially in Tahrir Square,
which has become the symbol of 25 January, and the point of
assembly of revolutionaries from all over the land. Since the
morning, a number of regime supporters gathered in Mustafa
Mahmoud Square on Gameat El Dewal Al Arabiya Street.
This was based on directions from some of the leaders of the
National Democratic Party during an intervention by one of
the party's leaders in a TV program"
The Report confirmed that supporters of the former President
have gathered from all over Cairo's districts. They assembled
in the streets leading to Tahrir Square to prevent anti-regime
protesters from reaching the square. At the same time,
supporters of the regime from the secret police infiltrated
amongst the protesters inside the square. Some occupied the
roofs of buildings looking into the square.
The report mentioned that in the middle of the day large
numbers have tried to storm into the square particularly from
Abdel Moneim Square and 6 October Bridge. At the same
time, the police shot rubber bullets, pellets, and teargas on
protesters. Snipers from on top of the buildings started
shooting at them.
The report confirmed that a group of men on horses and
camels attacked with sticks and metal pieces. Mostly came
from Nazlet Al Semman and gathered at Mustafa Mahmoud
Square before heading to Tahrir Square. They have broken
21

through the metal barriers that the army have placed to protect
the protesters. They beat the protesters, causing injuries and
some deaths. The pro-regime supporters continued to attack by
throwing heavy material, rocks and granite on the protesters.
In order to protect themselves, the protesters started breaking
the pavements and throwing the stones on the attackers. The
situation continued like this until the early mornings of
3/2/2011.
The report stated that the protesters were able to detain some
of the attackers and infiltrators. When they inspected their
identification cards, it was discovered that they were
policemen in civil clothes or NDP members. They were
handed to the armed forces to take all necessary legal
procedures against them. The report added, "The committee
requested from the armed forces information on their
identification and the procedures that were taken, and the
committee did not get any response".
According to the report, the committee heard a number of
witnesses that confirm that some symbols of the NDP,
Members of Parliament and Shura Council from the NDP,
police officers especially from the criminal investigations
and local administration officials have masterminded the proMubarak protests on 2/2/2011 which were launched from
Cairo and Giza districts and directed to Tahrir Square. These
protests were armed with sticks, stones, inflammatory
material, and white weapons. A number of NDP members and
civil clothed police officers have participated with hired thugs
and horse and camel riders in the attack on the protesters in
Tahrir Square in the manner described above.2

AlMasry Alyoum Newspaper published the full report in Arabic, 19 April

2011 http://www.almasryalyoum.com/news/details/126472

21

It is known that this report had disappeared completely from

the documents of the case of the killing of protesters during
Mohamed Morsi's term, according to statements by members
of the committee. According to a news website, Mohsen
Bahnasy, one of the members stated the following
Member for the fact-finding committee on the Battle
of the Camels, Mohsen Bahnasy, revealed that the
committee's report that had mentioned names of new
individuals linked to the events of the battle has
disappeared intentionally and no one knows where the
signed copy is until now.
He pointed out that a copy of the report was submitted
to President Mohamed Morsi, and the former Public
Prosecutor, Talaat Abdullah, and that no one knows
who has this report and its supporting documents now.
Bahnasy's press statements were made on the 3rd
anniversary of the Battle of the Camels that observers
consider to be the greatest crime committed in Egypt
in the last period.
Bahnasy held the Public Prosecutor Hisham Barakat t
the responsibility as he just found it sufficient to put
the request to investigate in the drawers despite the
importance of the case.
The committee's member pointed out that the report
included a list of indictments that included many
names supported with evidence confirming their
involvement in the masterminding and execution of
the Battle of the Camels. He accused Barakat of
"wasting the rights of martyrs and the injured because
he did not take any serious steps regarding this matter,

22

and thus the Public prosecutor must be fully

accountable for this"3
According to the published article, the fingers point at Abdel
Fattah Al Sisi, the head of the Intelligence Services at the time,
and to the Minister of Interior. The article said "Activists have
wondered about the fate of the fact-finding committee's file,
after Public Prosecutor Abdel Meguid Mahmoud resigned, and
the current prosecutor who ignored an investigation into the
file or even mention it. Activists are worried that the file
would be destroyed as it reveals the crimes committed by
senior officials in security services and confirms that they have
been seeking to abort the revolution since it was ignited;
fearing what the revolution would do to their interests and the
interests of the deep state pillars in Egypt, which include
security services, judges, media and journalists, bureaucrats,
and others. "

Haytham Mohamedin's statement confirms:

The lawyer Haytham Mohamedin re-published his statement
regarding the trial of the "Battle of the Camels", in which he
confirmed that Al-Sisi came to Tahrir Square and asked
protesters to evacuate the square so that pro-Mubaraks dont
attack them.
Mohamedin describes, on facebook, the session saying "I was
the lawyer of one of the martyrs in the Battle of the Camels for
the plaintiff's civil rights. The lawyer of the defendant Fathy
3

News piece on Waraa Elahdath website in Arabic with the statements of

the Committee Member Mohsen Bahnasy, 2 February 2015,
http://www.waraaelahdath.com/index.php/%D8%A3%D8%AE%D8%A8%D8%A7%D8%B1%D9%88%D8%AA%D9%82%D8%A7%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%B1/item/
3007

23

Sorour requested the court to question the prosecution witness,

Mohamed Al Beltagy, who had stated the following: I was part
of team of national forces in Tahrir Square. On 1 February
2011 while I was in the room of Safir Tours Company a
person came and introduced himself as General Abdel Fattah
from the military intelligence and asked me to evacuate the
square in order to prevent blood from spilling, because
Mubarak supporters are coming to the square to protest. I told
him: if you are so keen then prevent Mubarak supporters from
reaching the square and protect the protesters"4
This is a paradox raising question marks around the reason for
Mohamed Morsi to appoint Al-Sisi as minister of defense after
Tantawi resigned, especially that he is also someone accused
of the virginity tests incidents and the Egyptian Museum
prison incident.

Negotiations
Omar Suleiman called upon political forces to negotiate
conditions for withdrawal from Tahrir. When the attempts to
break into Tahrir square on 2 February failed, Omar Suleiman
actually started to hold official meetings with the Muslim
Brotherhood and others. It was an attempt to win some time by
giving promises. The most important issues raised during this
4

Article on masralarabia.com about Haytham Mohamedin's statement, 19

January 2015,
http://www.masralarabia.com/%D8%B3%D9%88%D8%B4%D9%8A%D8
%A7%D9%84-%D9%85%D9%8A%D8%AF%D9%8A%D8%A7/469195%D9%87%D9%8A%D8%AB%D9%85%D9%85%D8%AD%D9%85%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%86%D9%8A%D9%86%D8%B4%D8%B1%D8%B4%D9%87%D8%A7%D8%AF%D8%AA%D9%87%D8%B9%D9%86-%D9%85%D9%88%D9%82%D8%B9%D8%A9%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AC%D9%85%D9%84

24

meeting was cancelling the state of emergency, amending the

constitution, implementing court verdicts regarding forged
electoral districts.
The Muslim Brotherhood seemed willing and flexible to reach
and understanding. They actually reached an agreement with
him as was repeated that they have had private closes meetings
in which they agreed to withdraw in return for the release of
Shatter and other matters.
In reality, the square had surpassed the point of negotiations or
just cancelling the state of emergency. The demands have
increased and passed that low limit and everyone was holding
onto the ousting of Mubarak first. But Mubarak was not ready
to let go of power. As a result, no practical impact came out of
these negotiations.
On 6 February, in an attempt by the regime to absorb the effect
of the sit in, they decided to open the roads for cars to pass
through Tahrir square, and asked the banks to go back to work.
But the protesters slept below the tanks and held on to the
closure of the square in the face of anyone who was not
participating in the strike. Actually, some military officers had
asked the protesters to sleep beneath the tanks so that they fail
to follow the orders to withdraw.
The protesters continued throughout the week that was named
"the week of resilience". In that week the siege and harassment
continued. There were cases of arrest and killings.
On 6 February something big happened. After the prayer for
the absent over the souls of the martyrs, the Christians held a
Coptic Mass in the heart of the square over the souls of the
dead for the first time.

25

And this is how he stepped down:

The protests were expanding, and the numbers participating
were exceeding the millions. Battles and killings were
continuing. But all of this did not affect the demands of the
revolution. It has become inevitable that Mubarak must leave
to save the regime. On 10 February, the Supreme Council of
Armed Forces (SCAF) issued its first statement, saying:
Based on the responsibility of the Armed Forces, and
its commitment to protect the people, and to oversee
their interests and security, and with a view to the
safety of the nation and the citizenry, and of the
achievements and properties of the great people of
Egypt, and in affirmation and support for the
legitimate demands of the people, the Supreme
Council of the Armed Forces convened today, 10
February 2011, to consider developments to date, and
decided to remain in continuous session to consider
what procedures and measures that may be taken to
protect the nation, and the achievements and
aspirations of the great people of Egypt.
It was noticed that Mubarak did not attend the meeting that he
is supposed to attend as the Supreme Commander of the
Armed Forces. The meeting was headed by the Egyptian
Minister of Defense, Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein
Tantawi. This meant that the army might have actually taken
power and that there is a will leaning towards the ousting of
Mubarak's rule.
The Egyptian Prime Minister, Ahmed Shafik, had said in a TV
interview that the President Hosni Mubarak had stepped down
and that the situation in the country will soon be revealed.

26

Mubarak's 3rd Speech 10 February

That day was fraught with events. SCAF issued its first
statement after it convened in the absence of the President.
Mubarak delegated his powers to Omar Suleiman and made
his third speech to the people.
The speech was characterized with being emotional and closer
to begging, saying that he won't run again but will not step
down and that he seeks to avoid chaos and is keen to fulfill the
demands of the people and that he will amend five articles of
the constitution not only two.
The speech:
In the name of Allah, the merciful, the compassionate,
dear fellow citizens, my sons, the youth of Egypt, and
daughters, I am addressing you tonight to the youth of
Egypt in Tahrir Square, with all of its diversity.
I am addressing all of you from the heart, a speech
from the father to his sons and daughters. I am telling
you that I am very grateful and am so proud of you for
being a symbolic generation that is calling for change
to the better, that is dreaming for a better future, and is
making the future.
I am telling you before anything, that the blood of the
martyrs and the injured will not go in vain. And I
would like to affirm, I will not hesitate to punish those
who are responsible fiercely. I will hold those in
charge who have violated the rights of our youth with
the harshest punishment stipulated in the law.
I am telling families of the innocent victims that I
have been so much in pain for their pain, and my heart
ached for your heartache.

27

I am telling you that my response to your demands

and your messages and your requests is my
commitment that I will never go back on to. I am
determined to fulfill what I have promised you in all
honesty, and Im determined to execute and carry out
what I have promised without going back to the past.
This commitment is out of my conviction of your
honesty and your movement and that your demands
are the demands legitimate and just demands. Any
regime could make mistakes in any country, but what
is more important is to acknowledge these mistakes
and reform and correct them in a timely manner, and
to hold those responsible for it accountable.
I am telling you, as a president of the country, I do not
find it a mistake to listen to you and to respond to your
requests and demands. But it is shameful and I will
not, nor will ever accept to hear foreign dictations,
whatever the source might be or whatever the context
it came in.
My sons and daughters, the youth of Egypt, dear
fellow citizens, I have announced, without any doubt,
that I will not run for the next presidential elections
and have said that I have given the country and served
the country for 60 years in public service, during
wartime and during peacetime.
I have told you my determination that I will hold
steadfast to continue to take on my responsibility to
protect the constitution and the rights of people until
power is transferred to whomever the people choose
during September, the upcoming September, and free
and impartial elections that will be safeguarded by the
freedom the call for freedom.

28

This is the oath that I have taken before God and

before you. And I will protect it and keep it until we
reach we take Egypt to the safety and security.
I have given you my vision to get out of this current
situation, to accomplish what the youth and the people
called for, within the respect for the legitimacy and the
constitution in a way that will accomplish security,
and security for our future and the demands of our
people, and at the same time will guarantee a
framework of peaceful transition of power. Through a
responsible dialogue between all factions in the
society, with all honesty and transparency, I have
given you this vision under commitment to take the
country out of this current crisis, and I will continue to
accomplish it. And Im monitoring the situation hour
by hour.
Im looking forward to the support of all those who
are careful about the security and want a secure Egypt,
within a tangible time, with the harmony of the broad
base of all Egyptians that will stay watchful to guard
Egypt and under the command of its military forces.
We have started a national dialogue, a constructive
one, that included the youth who have called for
change and reform, and also with all the factions of
opposition and of society. And this dialogue resulted
in harmony, and preliminary harmony in opinions that
has placed us on the beginning of the road to transfer
to a better future that we have agreed on.
We also have agreed on a road map a road map with
a timetable. Day after day, we will continue the
transition of power from now until September. This
national dialogue has has met and was formed
under a constitutional committee that have looked into
29

the constitution and what was required - and looked

into what is required, and the constitution reforms that
is demanded [inaudible].
We will also monitor the execution the honest
execution of what I have promised my people. I was
careful that both committees that were formed - to be
formed from Egyptians who are honorable and who
are independent and impartial, and who are wellversed in law and constitution.
In addition to that, in reference to the loss of many
Egyptians during these sad situations that have pained
the hearts of all of us and have ached the conscience
of all Egyptians. I have also requested to expedite
investigations and to refer all investigations to the
attorney general to take the necessary measures and
steps decisive steps.
I also received the first reports yesterday about the
required constitutional reform reforms that was
suggested by the constitutional and law experts
regarding the legislative reforms that were requested. I
am also responding to what the committee has
suggested. And based on the powers given to me
according to the constitution, I have presented today a
request asking the amendment of six constitutional
articles, which is 76, 77, 88, 93 and 187, in addition to
abolishing article number 79 in the constitution, with
the affirmation and conviction that later on we can
also amend the other articles that would be suggested
by that constitutional committee, according to what it
sees right.
Our priority now is to facilitate free election free
presidential elections and to stipulate a number of
terms in the constitution and to guarantee a
31

supervision of the upcoming elections to make sure it

will be conducted in a free manner.
We I have also looked into the provisions and the
steps to look into the parliamentary elections, but
those who have suggested to abolish article number
179 in the constitution will guarantee the balance
between the constitution and between our security and
the threat of terror, which will open the door to
stopping the martial law, as soon as we regain stability
and security and as soon as these circumstances
circumstances assure the stability.
Our priority now is to regain confidence between
citizens among themselves and to regain confidence in
the international arena and to regain confidence about
the reforms that we have pledged.
Egypt is going through some difficult times, and it is
not right to continue in this discourse because it has
affected our economy and we have lost day after day,
and it is in danger it is putting Egypt through a
situation where people who have called for reform
will be the first ones to be affected by it.
This time is not about me. Its not about Hosni
Mubarak. But the situation now is about Egypt and its
present and the future of its citizens. All Egyptians are
in the same spot now, and we have to continue our
national dialogue that we have started in the spirit of
one team and away from disagreements and fighting
so that we can take Egypt to the next step and to
regain confidence in our economy and to let people
feel secure and to stabilize the Egyptian street so that
people can resume their daily life.
I was a young man, a youth just like all these youth,
when I have learned the honor of the military system
31

and to sacrifice for the country. I have spent my entire

life defending its land and its sovereignty. I have
witnessed and attended its wars with all its defeats and
victories. I have lived during defeat and victory.
During the victory in 1973, my happiest days were
when I lifted the Egyptian flag over Sinai. I have faced
death several times when I was a pilot. I also faced it
in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia and elsewhere. I did not
submit nor yield to foreign dictations or others. I have
kept the peace. I worked towards the Egyptian
stability and security. I have worked to the revival in
Egypt and the prosperity.
I did not seek authority. I trust that the majority the
vast majority of the Egyptian people know who is
Hosni Mubarak, and it pains me to what I have
what I see today from some of my fellow citizens.
And anyway, I am completely aware of the what
we are facing and I am convinced that Egypt is going
through a historical a historical moment that
necessitates we should look into the higher and
superior aspirations of the nation over any other goal
or interest.
I have delegated to the vice president some of the
power the powers of the president according to the
constitution.
I am aware, fully aware, that Egypt will overcome the
crisis and the resolve of its people will not be
deflected and will [inaudible] again because of the
and will deflect the arrows of the enemies and those
who [inaudible] against Egypt.
We will stand as Egyptians and we will prove our
power and our resolve to overcome this through
national dialogue.
32

We will prove that we are not followers or puppets of

anybody, nor we are receiving orders or dictations
from anybody any entity, and no one is making the
decision for us except for the [inaudible] of the
Egyptian [inaudible].
We will prove that with the spirit and the resolve of
the Egyptian people, and with the unity and
steadfastness of its people and with our resolve and to
our glory and pride.
These are the main foundations of our civilization that
have started over 7,000 years ago. That spirit will live
in us as long as the Egyptian people - as long as the
Egyptian people remain, that spirit will remain in us.
It will live amongst all of our people, farmers,
intellectuals, workers. It will remain in the hearts of
our senior citizens, our women, our children,
Christians and Muslims alike, and in the hearts and
minds of all those who are not born yet.
Let me say again that I have lived for this nation. I
have kept my responsibilities. And Egypt will remain,
above all, and above any individuals Egypt will
remain until I deliver and surrender its it to others.
This will be the land of my living and my death. It will
remain a dear land to me. I will not leave it nor depart
it until I am buried in the ground. Its people will
remain in my heart, and it will remain its people
will remain upright and lifting up their heads.
May God keep Egypt secure and may God defend its
people. And peace be upon you.
This speech had lost its effect even before it was delivered.
After the Battle of the Camels no one was willing to believe
him. The blood that was spilt hardened the stance of the
revolutionary forces and attracted popular support to it.
33

Neither his speech nor his continuation was acceptable any

longer. Large numbers marched to the presidential palace in
Masr Al Gadida to protest his speech. Others headed to
Maspero. Calls to head to the presidential palaces the
following day were made and that Friday was dubbed "Friday
of Departure" with an insistence either to force him to step
down or to arrest him.

The Friday of Departure 11 February:

11 February 2011 came on a Friday which was first known as
the Friday of Crawling to the presidential palaces. Millions of
people in Cairo and Alexandria and other areas gathered with
an intention to march to the Presidential palaces, especially the
Kasr Al Qobba Palace in Cairo and the Ras El-Tin Palace in
Alexandria.
After the escalation of events and protests and the continuation
of the strike in Tahrir Square, Omar Suleiman, the Vice
President, announced at 6 PM that Mubarak had given up the
office of the president and instructed SCAF to manage the
affairs of the country. It was clear that it was impossible for
Mubarak to stay in office until the end of his term and with the
passing of each day, the risks grew and the costs of protecting
him increased. SCAF issued two statements that day. Before
Suleiman's announcement of Mubarak stepping down SCAF
issued its second statement:
Due to the consecutive developments in current
incidents and which define the destiny of the country,
and in context of continuous follow up for internal and
external incidents, and the decision to delegate
responsibilities to the vice president of the country,
and in belief in our national responsibility to preserve
the stability and safety of the nation.

34

The Supreme Council of the Egyptian Armed Forces

decided to secure the implementation of the following
procedures:
First: End the state of emergency as soon as the
current circumstances are over.
Decide on the
consequent measures.

appeals

against

elections

and

Conduct needed legislative amendments and conduct

free and fair presidential elections in light of the
approved constitutional amendments.
Second: The Armed forces are committed to sponsor
the legitimate demands of the people and achieving
them by following on the implementation of these
procedures in the defined time frames with all
accuracy and seriousness and until the peaceful
transfer of authority is completed towards a free
democratic community that the people aspire to.
Third: The Armed Forces emphasize on no security
pursuit of the honest people who refused the
corruption and demanded reforms, and warns against
touching the security and safety of the nation and the
people. And emphasizes the need for regular work in
state facilities and regaining of life to normal to
preserve the interests and possessions of our great
people.
However, things exceeded. By the end of the day, Omar
Suleiman was announcing Mubarak's resignation and the
delegation of the army to manage the country's affairs.
The statement was very concise, similar to a short news piece.
There were no statements of introductions or conclusions.
Omar Suleiman delivered briefly and sadly. Behind him stands

35

a man that looks like he would deal with Omar Suleiman if he

went out of what has been written.
The resignation statement said:
In the name of Allah the most gracious, the most
merciful
My fellow citizens, in the difficult circumstances our
country is experiencing, President Muhammad Hosni
Mubarak has decided to give up the office of the
president of the republic and instructed the supreme
council of the armed forces to manage the affairs of
the country.
May God guide our steps
This is how the situation developed. Immediately after, SCAF
issued its 3rd statement as the ruler of the country. SCAF
saluted Mubarak and the Martyrs and postponed everything
else to later.
SCAF 3rd statement:
At this historical juncture in the history of Egypt ,
and in light of the decision by President Mohamed
Hosni Mubarak to relinquish the office of the
presidency of the Republic and the tasking of the
Supreme Council of the Armed Forces with the
administration of the affairs of the nation, and with
awareness of the seriousness of the demands of our
great people everywhere for fundamental change , the
Supreme Council of the Armed Forces is examining
this matter, asking the aid of God Almighty, to fulfill
the aspirations of our great people. The Supreme
Council of the Armed Forces will issue further
statements that will announce forthcoming steps,
measures and arrangements, and it affirms at the same

36

time that it is not a replacement for the legitimacy that

is acceptable to the people.
The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces extends its
highest salutations and appreciation to President
Mohamed Hosni Mubarak for his services over the
course of his career in war and peace, and for the
patriotic decision he took in choosing the supreme
interests of the nation. In this respect, the Supreme
Council of the Armed Forces extends its highest
salutations and admiration to the souls of the martyrs
who sacrificed their lives for the freedom and security
of their country, and to every one of our great people.
May God grant us success.
May Gods Peace, mercy and blessing be upon you.
In reality, SCAF became the new legitimacy; a legitimacy
derived from an ousted ruler; an extension of him but instilled
in a completely different manner than what has been set in the
1971 constitution.
SCAF's ambiguous legitimacy witnessed other dramatic
chapters.
With ousting Mubarak, the inheritance project was lost
forever. The most general goals of the revolution were
achieved. The ousting ended a dramatic chapter of the
revolution. Celebrations erupted in the squares and
governorates to celebrate victory.
Several documentary websites published data that was
gathered from several sources about victims and martyrs of
this period. We have chosen from these sources the ones that
have directly referred to political events.
Numbers of those who have been killed during the first 18
days of the revolution:
37

866 killed in political events during the first 18 days,

821 of them were civilians, 43 from the police, and 2
from the army. Amongst those killed were 103
juveniles, 88 students, 1 journalist, 5 medics, and 22
women.

Distribution of deaths according to the dates:

25 January: 5 deaths; 26 January: 2 deaths; 27
January: 10 deaths; 28 January: 569 deaths; 29
January: 114 deaths; 30 January: 32 deaths; 31
January: 14 deaths; 1 February: 7 deaths; 2 February:
15 deaths; 3 February: 6 deaths; 4 February: 3 deaths;
5 February: 1 death; 6 February: 1 death; 7 February:
3 deaths; 8 February: 8 deaths; 10 February: 1 death;
11 February: 12 deaths; in addition to 65 death cases,
the dates of which they have been killed are unknown.

Geographical distribution:
Cairo: 382; Alexandria: 130; Giza and Qalubiya: 51
each; Suez: 23; North Sinai: 27; Gharbia and Beni
Suef: 20; Ismailia: 19; Beheira: 15; Portsaid: 14;
Dakahliya: 10; Sharqiya: 9; Wadi Al Gadid: 6; Kafr
Al Sheikh and Fayoum: 5 each; Damietta, Assiut: 3
each; Aswan: 2; Sohag, Qena; Monoufia: 1 each; and
there 58 cases unknown.

Distribution according the kind of incident:

Clashes between security and civilians: 577; Attacks
on protesters (Battle of the Camels): 13;
Assassination: 1; Unknown: 2755

A variety of sources, including wikithawra, EIPR, ANHRI, FDEP, other

initiatives such as "remember them" which have been in direct contact with
some of the families, youth groups, such as "we won't forget them", "25

38

Military rule a new bloody chapter and extra

maneuvers
Theoretically speaking, SCAF remained in power from the
date of Mubarak giving up his term and for a year and a half,
until the presidential elections.
SCAF issued its fourth statement first thing the following day,
12/2/2011, which stated that Shafik's government, will
continue and that the country will abide to its international
agreements, in addition to the return of the police to work and
a call upon the people to cooperate with them.
The statement:
In the name of God the Most Gracious, the Most
Merciful,
The fourth statement of the Supreme Council of the
Armed Forces,
In light of the conditions that exist in the country, and
the difficult times that have placed Egypt at a juncture
that demands of us all to defend the stability of the
nation, and the achievements of the people; And due
to the fact that the current phase requires a reordering
of the priorities of the state with the objective of
meeting the legitimate demands of the people, and of
delivering the nation from the current situation; And
as the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces is aware
that the rule of law is not only necessary for the
freedom of the individual, but rather it is the only
legitimate basis for authority; And with determination,
clarity, and faith in all our national, regional and
January Revolution", "People's Story", "25 January martyrs", "1000
memories" and others

39

international responsibilities, and with recognition of

Gods rights and in the name of God, and with His
support, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces
announces the following:
First: The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces is
committed to all matters included in its previous
statements.
Second: The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces is
confident in the ability of Egypts people and
institutions to get through this critical situation, and to
that end, all agencies of the state, and the private
sector must play their noble and patriotic role to drive
the economy forward, and the people must fulfill their
responsibility towards that goal.
Third: The current government and governors shall
continue as a caretaker administration until a new
government is formed.
Fourth: The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces
aspires to guaranteeing a peaceful transition of
authority within a free and democratic system that
allows for the assumption of authority by a civilian
and elected authority to govern the country and the
build of a democratic and free state.
Fifth: The Arab Republic of Egypt is committed to all
regional and international obligations and treaties.
Sixth: The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces
calls on the great people to cooperate with their
siblings and children in the civilian police forces, for
affection and cooperation must exist between
everyone, and it calls on the civilian police forces
must be committed to their slogan the police serve
the people.
41

God is the source of success.

The following day, 13/2/2011, a constitutional declaration was
announced. It had several articles. The most important one was
that the Parliament and Shura Council have been dissolved,
the constitution was suspended, a committee was formed to
amend some articles of the constitution, and that SCAF will
administer the country temporarily for 6 months.
-

The continuation of Shafik's government was a reason

for protests to carry on. There were demands to what
they called the transition period and the first of these
demands was the formation of a temporary national
coalition government to administer the transition, or to
form a presidential council. A whole debate between
SCAF and the rest of the forces erupted around the
arrangements and procedures for the transition and its
nature.

On 25 February, the strike in Tahrir Square was

dispersed and a special military forces known as 777
appeared. Several youth were arrested and assaulted.

On 5 March, State Security headquarters were raided

in several governorates, including Cairo.

Sectarian violence between Muslims and Christians

took place in the village of Sol in Atfeeh in the
Governorate of Helwan, South of Cairo. It ended with
torching a church and the intervention of the army and
other advocates to calm the situation.

On 9 March, the Egyptian Museum became a prison,

where the infamous crime of "virginity tests" was
committed.

On 11 March, million man protest named "National

Unity" went out to affirm the national unity of Egypt
following the sectarian violence in Atfeeh.
41

On 15 March:
The Ministry of Interior issued a decision to cancel the State
Security Investigation Services and all its administrations,
branches and offices in all governorates across the country.
Instead, he will establish a new security service named
National Security Sector that will be specialized to protect the
national security and combat terrorism.
On 19 March 2011, the first constitutional referendum was
held, after that a referendum on amendments to a number of
articles in the constitution. These are article 75 regarding the
conditions for running for presidential elections; article 76
regarding how one can nominate for presidential elections;
article 77 regarding the term of office and the number of
renewals allowed; article 88 regarding the supervision of
parliamentary elections; article 93 regarding decisions related
to the validity of the membership of MPs; article 139
regarding the appointment of a vice president; article 148
which is concerned with the announcement of a state of
emergency; in addition to cancelling article 179 that deals with
combating terrorism and adding another clause to article 189
with regards to general and transition rulings. Also, two
articles were added to the constitution.
The results of the referendum according to the Higher
Elections Committee (HEC), which were announced on 20
March 2011, were:
1. The voter turnout on the constitutional amendments
was: 18,537,954, which is 41.2%
2. The number of those who voted Yes: 14,192,577
(77.2%)
3. Number of those who voted No: 4,174,187 (22.8%)
4. Annulled votes: 171,190
42

After the results were announced, SCAF said that it would

issue a constitutional declaration that would administer the
transitional period until a president and a parliament are
elected. The constitutional declaration was issued on 30 March
2011.

On 22 March:
Al Adly and 6 of his assistants were put on trial before the
criminal court as they were charged with killing the protesters
during the revolution.
SCAF issued the constitutional declaration on 30 March 2011
and suspended the 1971 constitution completely. The
constitutional declaration was composed of 11 articles, which
the people voted for in the referendum (however the final
version had amendments). It also included many other articles
that identified the state of Egypt and guaranteed public and
personal liberties and human rights. In addition, there were
adjustments to the powers of SCAF, reduction in the powers of
the president and the elected parliament. For example, the
constitutional declaration took away the power of the president
to dissolve the parliament, and the ability of the parliament to
withdraw confidence from the government.
This declaration was controversial but was ratified after people
voted for it.

Sharaf's government
In the beginning of March, SCAF started meetings to contain
and calm youth coalitions and groups. However, nothing really
changed. SCAF was slow in implementing its pledges.
Protests and sectarian conflicts were erupting every now and
then. To contain the anger, Shafik's government was removed
and the Revolution's government was formed, headed by
43

Essam Sharaf, which included new ministers in addition to

some who remained from Shafik's government. However, the
protests did not stop.
In April, calls for protesting on the Friday of Prosecution and
Purging were made after SCAF was slowing down the
prosecution of Mubarak, his Minister of Interior, and a number
of the regime's symbols. Hundreds of thousands of people
participated in the assembly in Tahrir Square. The million man
protest saw a number of army officers, known later as the "8
April Officers" participate as well. They announced their
support to the demands of the protest and announced that they
will be striking in the square with the protesters. This led to
the army raiding into the square to disperse the protest and
arrest the officers.
30 March Military declaration with a new constitution
Despite the referendum on the 19 March constitutional
declaration, SCAF issued a new declaration, setting forward
its vision of the road map for the transition. In addition, SCAF
decided the constitutionality of it administering the country
and its powers during this period, as follows:
Article 56
The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces deals with the
administration of the affairs of the country. To achieve this, it
has directly the following;
1- Legislation
2- Issuing public policy for the state and the public budget and
ensuring its implementation
3- Appointing the appointed members of the People's
Assembly Council

44

4- Calling the People's Assembly and Shura Councils to enter

into normal session, adjourn, or hold an extraordinary session,
and adjourn said session
5- The right to promulgate laws or object to them
6- Represent the state domestically and abroad, sign
international treaties and agreements, and be considered a part
of the legal system of the state
7- Appoint the prime minister and his deputies, ministers and
their deputies, as well as relieve them from their duties
8- Appoint civilian and military employees and political
representatives, as well as dismiss them according to the law;
accredit foreign political representative
9- Pardon or reduce punishment, through blanket amnesty is
granted only by law
10- Other authorities and responsibilities as determined by the
president of the republic pursuit to laws and regulations. The
Council shall have the power to delegate its head or one of its
members to take on its responsibilities
This is in addition to other powers set in different articles in
the declaration.
This declaration raised disagreements and criticisms as SCAF
would dominate the political decision, the appointment of
appointees in the Parliament to be elected, and calling the
parliament to convene. In addition, it did not require the
president, ministers, and members of the Shura Council and
Parliament to submit financial disclosures before and after
taking office.
SCAF did not stop at that, especially after the election of the
parliament. It will later come back with a complimentary
declaration consolidating its powers.

45

Bloody April
There was intentional slowdown in the trial of Mubarak and
his men for the crimes they committed against the revolution,
especially the killing. For this, calls and mobilization were
made to go out on Friday 8 April for a one million man protest
named the "Friday of Prosecution and Purging". On that day
21 army officers joined the protests and announced their
support to the demands announced, which were:
-

For a civil presidential council to be formed to lead

the country and for the armed forces to return to its job
of maintaining security and defending Egypt;

Speed in the arrest of the ousted president, Mohamed

Hosni Mubarak, his family, and his corrupt aides, in
addition to putting them on trial for the crimes they
have committed against the people

Dismissal of the public prosecutor who the protesters

held responsible for the slowness of the investigations.
They called for an independent judicial body to be
formed for the trial of the men of the former regime.

Dismissal of the deputy prime minister, Yehia Al

Gamal, after his repetitive failings and what the strife
he caused, in addition to his failure in managing the
national dialogue.

Dismissal, prosecution and purging of security

services and localities. Speed in the release of political
prisoners and their compensation

Speed in dissolving local councils and setting a date

for municipal elections

To continue eliminate the symbols of the former

regime from media and press institutions, in addition

46

to all the ministries, official bodies, and banks and

prosecuting the corrupt.
-

Dismissal of the presidents of universities and deans

of faculties who were appointed by state security and
electing the best suited for the position. Reforming the
educational system.

Speed in issuing laws that would specify the minimum

and maximum wages to eliminate all forms of
factional protests.

These officers appeared in the square in uniform in a blatant

challenge to SCAF and its leadership. Representatives of them
spoke on the main stage in the square.
The military police could not touch them during the events of
the day. The officers decided to strike with the protesters until
their demands are met, especially after the protesters insisted
that the officers stay to protect them from the expected
repression that would happen to them.
The officers issued a statement demanding the dissolution of
SCAF and its prosecution in addition to the aforementioned
demands, accusing SCAF of co-opting with the former regime
and that they dont have any demands other than that of the
people and the revolution.
After midnight, large numbers of armored vehicles and armed
soldiers stormed into the square. They were accompanied by
central security (which had disappeared on 28 January) and a
large number of military police and paratroopers. Under the
curtain of intensive shooting and violence, the officers were
arrested. A number of protesters were injured after their tents
have been demolished. There was news that two people have
been killed by the shootings.

47

The officers were arrested in a violent dispersal of their sit-in

with the families of the martyrs and thousands of
revolutionaries.6
The names of the 8 April Officers:
-

Lieutenant Iyad Imam

Major Mohamed Abdel Kader

Captain Ibrahim Al Share'

First lieutenant Mahmoud Sami Bedir

First Lieutenant Ahmed Al Kholy

First Lieutenant Essam Khairy Badran

Lieutenant Khaled Al Kholy

First Lieutenant Mohamed Refaat

First Lieutenant Ibrahim Al Gaafary

First lieutenant Mustafa Abdel Meguid

First Lieutenant Hussein Saad

Major Hassan Abdel Hamid

First lieutenant Ahmed Rashad

First Lieutenant Ahmed Samir

Major Mohamed Omar

First Lieutenant Yasser Bakhaty

First lieutenant Mohamed Al Hanafi

Arabic blogpost detailing the events of 8 April 2011

http://jan25mina.blogspot.com.eg/2011/05/9-2011.html

48

First Lieutenant Ramy Ahmed

Captain Mohamed Tarek Wadee

Captain Mohamed Fahmy

Thirteen of the officers were sentenced to 10 years in prison.

Later the sentence was reduced.
This is an eyewitness statement from the blog of one of the
people who were protesting that day.7
The evening of the following day, a seminar was held at the
Press Syndicate to discuss the events. Some of the protesters
made statements on what they have witnessed during that
day.8

The First Friday of Retribution: 13 April

There is a demand that would become at the heart of the
revolution's path from this moment onwards. This demand has
been given a number of names, but it is especially about the
trial of the murderers of protesters. Its name will be the
Martyr's Rights or Retribution or Transitional Justice. The
concept is the prosecution of everyone who is responsible for
the killing of revolutionaries, whether they are from Mubarak's
regime or SCAF leaders. However, SCAF now is in control of
the strings of the game and will direct this demand in the
manner it wishes to see.

The army disperses the strike of its officers by force:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pq9v2ALaico; an eyewitness statement
on the "Marshal's Battle" in the dawn of Saturday 9 April 2011
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0wRkijPDqNE
8

the statement of one of the protesters in the square in the dawn of 9 April
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PLXnt79nq38

49

In the beginnings of April 2011, hundreds of families of

martyrs from different governorates organized an open sit-in
in Tahrir square. They demanded retribution from the ousted
president, minister of interior, and the officers who are
involved in the killing of their loved ones.
After the protest of 13 April, the Public Prosecutor ordered the
detention of Mubarak and his two sons for 15 days, pending
investigation, for accusations related to profiteering, abuse of
power, and ordering the killing of protesters. SCAF issued a
statement on its facebook page announcing that investigations
of the former president and his family had actually started.
On Wednesday, 3 August 2011, the first session of the
Mubarak trial started. It was public and he attended on his sick
bed with his two sons, Gamal and Alaa Mubarak. Also, in the
cage with them were Habib Al-Adly, his minister of interior,
and others. They were charged with killing protesters and
intentional harm to public funds.
Starting May 2011, the year began to witness a significant
increase in sectarian violence. This continued until October
2011 at least. In June the Balloon Theatre events took place
when the families of the martyrs were attacked.
We will first present the Balloon Theatre events, for its
important significance, then we will deal with the sectarian
violence that was about to drag the revolution into a sectarian
warfare.

The attack on the families of the martyrs: June 2011

The composition of power during those days was extremely
contradictory. SCAF was appointing ministers and executive
officials of opposition and revolutionary backgrounds. SCAF
appointed the leftist Gouda Abdel Khalek as Minister of Social
Solidarity, Ahmed Douma in one of the important positions,
51

Nasry Maarouf, as a governor. As Minister of Culture, SCAF

appointed the moderate leftist intellectual, Emad Abu Ghazi.
These positions were honorary to a large extent and its
purpose was to assure people and give a positive indicator. In
reality, however, they didnt have any real power. Abu Ghazi
had agreed to hold an honoring ceremony for the families of
the martyrs in the Balloon Theatre on 28 June, organized by an
NGO. At the same time, some families were striking at
Maspero demanding the speeding up of the trial and
retribution.
Tens (nearly 50) of the families went to attend the ceremony.
They were denied as they did not have invitations. When they
insisted to enter, they were brutally attacked, first by the
security of the theatre who threw stones and glass at them.
Later they were attacked by forces and armored cars who hit
them with teargas, according to a report by the National
Council for Human Rights (NCHR). There were several
injures and arrests. Amongst those arrested was a mother of a
martyr. She was taken to the Agouza police station where she
was insulted and beaten. She was released later that day. She
was put on military trial for inciting riots and attacking and
damaging equipments, etc.
Unfortunately, Abu Ghazi condemned the families and
described them as thugs who were heading there with batons
and sticks and white weapons and firearms.9 This was denied
by the NCHR.10

http://gate.ahram.org.eg/UI/Front/inner.aspx?NewsContentID=88154&Title
=%D8%A3%D8%A8%D9%88-%D8%BA%D8%A7%D8%B2%D9%8A%D8%A3%D8%AD%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%AB%D9%85%D8%B3%D8%B1%D8%AD%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A8%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%88%D9%86%D9%83%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%AA-

51

In a message on 29 June, SCAF said that such events only aim

to destabilize Egypt and its security in accordance to an
organized plan to sue the families of the martyrs to drive a
wedge between revolutionaries and the security institution in
Egypt. As a result a sit-in took place in Tahrir square which
was dispersed the first day of Ramadan.
This was not the only assault on the families of the martyrs. It
will be repeated in Tahrir and other incidents.
Large numbers were flowing into Tahrir square when they
found out about the attacks on the families and mothers of
martyrs. The NCHR report stated the following:
-

The number of injuries, according to the Ministry of

Health, reached 1140; more than 70 of them were
policemen.

Injuries varied from cuts, pellet shots, asphyxiation as

a result of the teargas from the police side and the
burning of tires from the protesters' side.

The report concluded:

-

The police had used excessive force by shooting a

large number of teargas bombs in a manner that is not
compatible with the numbers of the protesters. Police
also used pellet shots that led to an increase in the
number of injuries. By looking into the shells of the
teargas bombs, we found that they were of kinds (518,
501, 560, and 350) which vary in their extent and
strength. The police also arrested some citizens while

%D9%85%D8%AF%D8%A8%D8%B1%D8%A9&SearchText=%D8%BA%D8%A7%D8%B2
10

http://25janaer.blogspot.com.eg/2013/01/blog-post_1135.html

52

they were being medicated. The excessive use of force

by the police incited citizens to join the protesters.
-

The fact that authorities are not announcing the

number and names of detainees and their place of
detention in addition to transferring them to military
prosecution has become a repetitive trend that
contradicts completely with the standards for fair and
just trials.

The report explained that the events were a result of:

a) Charged context of frustration because of the slow
pace of prosecution of those accused of killing
protesters during the revolution
b) The injured and their families feel that the state and
public opinion do not care about them and the
sufferings they are living. This is the case in the
absence of a vision by the state to deal with the
victims of the revolution, leaving it to a group of nongovernmental and civil initiatives.
c) Overwhelming concern by the society towards the
path of achieving the goals of the revolution and the
ambiguity of the political path which creates an
environment fertile for turmoil within the society.
What one can deduct from these events is a clear message
from the military and the state to the revolutionary forces and
the families of the martyrs and others. Basically, they no
longer care about the icon of martyrs; restriction will continue
and will increase until the state takes back its power; finally
they will not be stopped by the demands and slogans of
January.

53

From May to October: the days of escalated sectarian

violence
We cannot deny that there is suppressed sectarian tension in
Egypt. Sometimes it fades away and other times it explodes.
This has been particularly the case since the extremist Wahabi
culture invaded the Egyptian society, leading to aggravation
and consolidation of sectarian discrimination and religious
hatred. Security services sometimes use this tension and
facilitate its explosion for one purpose or the other, for
example the bomb attack on the All Saints Church. At other
times, the violence is stirred up by conservative religious
forces, especially the Salafis. In the first days of the
revolution, the sectarian tension disappeared completely
giving way for a collective psychology and popular fusion
created by the revolution. It reached an extent that the Copts
were able to hold more than one public mass in Tahrir square
without any one standing against them. On the contrary, they
were welcomed. Muslims and Christians cooperated as
comrades of the same battle. However, the sectarian tension
was employed again at a later stage to divert the path of the
revolution. Security services played a role, media played a
role, and the Salafis played many roles.

4 May: Abeer's Battle

Imbaba witnessed sectarian violence. The heroine of the story
was a girl called Abeer Talaat Fakhry. According to an
interview with Al-Ahram Newspaper, she is an Egyptian
Christian who was married to a Christian man and they went
into fights and for this she converted to Islam and changed her
name to Asmaa Mohamed Ahmed Ibrahim. She filed a divorce
case against her husband and married a Muslim man.
However, her family found her and handed her to her church
so they bring her back to her faith. She said she was detained
54

before the revolution in several places belonging to the church.

The last place was of Saint Mina Church in Imbaba. When the
revolution broke out she was able to talk to her Muslim
Husband to come save her. As a result some Muslim youth
and Salafi elements assembled at the church trying to enter to
search for Abeer. Clashes took place and fire exchange and
Molotov. The church was attached, its guards killed and then it
was burnt. Some individuals who shot at those assembled
before the church. The defendants confessed to having shot at
groups of youth from the roofs of the surrounding buildings
who they thought were coming from the church. Ten thugs
who have participated in the burning of the Virgin Church
were arrested. They found on them Molotov bottles, weapons
and knives. Their ages varied from 17 to 19 years old. Security
services were able to take control of the situation after the
church was burnt. Many youth who have burnt the church
were arrested. In this event, nearly 12 people fell dead; in
addition the church guards were killed.11
SCAF issued statement number 48, in which it transferred all
the defendants to the military prosecution for interrogation. It
sent a committee to evaluate the size an amount of damage and
loss. A large number of Christians protested in front of
Maspero and established a sit-in, demanding an immediate
investigation into the attack on the church and the violence
that broke out in Imbaba.

11

http://gate.ahram.org.eg/News/68967.aspx, Al Ahram, 9 May 2012,

Interview with Abeer Fakhry, the heroine of the Imbaba events tells her
story between Christianity and Islam (in Arabic)

55

8 May the Maspero sit-in and rejection of sectarian

strife
Christians and Christian revolutionary movements organized
an open sit-in during the first week of May protesting the
Imbaba events.
Copts chanted slogans against Field Marshal Hussein Tantawi
and demanded that he step down from his position as the army
did not protect the Copts and their churches and none of those
involved in the burning and demolishing of their churches
were punished for their acts.
The strike continued and they demanded that a number of
unjustly shut down churches to re-open. When they decided to
suspend the sit-in temporarily, they were surprised that the
Salafis were attacking the Virgin Church in Ain Shams. It was
a factory that the church had bought and it was refused
permission to open as a church. The Copts decided to continue
their open strike. Father Matthias Nasr, leader of the strike at
Maspero, confirmed that the sit in will continue until both
churches, the ones in Ain Shams and Omraniya, are opened.
He emphasized that the sit in is organized for specific
objectives and will be ended once these demands are met.
Amongst the demands was the release of 18 Copts who were
arrested during the first Maspero sit in, in addition to the
release of Copts who were arrested in the second Maspero sit
in. with regards to the second Maspero detainees, the
prosecution had released 26 persons and there were 8 still
being investigated. Father Matthias pointed out demands that
need time to be met, such as the disappeared girls and the
churches. He continued saying that the Minister of Interior had
put as a priority the issue of opening 16 Churches as a first
step and that supposedly the Virgin Mary and St Abraam
Churches in Ain Shams will be opened in a few hours. After
that they will suspend their sit in and return on 27 May to join
56

national forces in Tahrir square defending the civil state, he

added.
Father Matthias also said that the Copts have decided to end
their strike at 12 noon time on Thursday after the release of
those who have been arrested during the events of the Ain
Shams Church, and that would be after a press conference,
with representatives of the strike, the Revolution's Youth
Coalition, and some political personalities, to announce the
reasons for suspending it until 27 May.

30 September: Maspero and the Marinab Church

A church in Aswan was demolished simply because it was a
service building. As a result, thousands of Christians intended
to organize a sit in at Maspero to protest such attacks and to
demand that all those involved in the attack be arrested
immediately and that the church be rebuilt again. The demands
also included the dismissal of the Governor of Aswan for his
statements that were considered to be inciting sectarian
violence.
The protesters refused customary councils and they demanded
that the inciters to violence and the attackers of the Marinab
Church to be immediately prosecuted. In addition, they
demanded that the unified houses of worships law to be issued
without more ado.
It was said that the Governor of Aswan had stated that he
agreed on the Copts' demand to re-build the guest house.
Initially, the building was 9 m high, built with wood and reeds.
The Christians surpassed this height and built more. Muslims
were angry for this. Copts confessed that they have breached
the limit and promised that they will remove the extra height
themselves. However, they were late in removing the extra
height. This enraged a Sheikh who gathered youth after Friday
prayers to demolish the extra height themselves. He said,
57

"Rumours that the church was attacked while there were

Christians in it has no basis. The fire erupted in a room of a
contractor who was late in demolishing the extra height and
not the guest house. The fire was put out".
A fact finding committee was formed to investigate whether
the building was a church or a guest house. The committee
issued a statement at the end saying that the building was
actually a church and not a guest house and that the church
had issued the necessary licenses and permissions to build the
church. However, it become clear later that the priest of the
church had built higher than what is permitted by the
governorate. The Idfo misdemeanor court in Aswan sentenced
Priest Makarious Boulous, the church's priest In Marinab
Village, to 6 months imprisonment and a fine of 300 EGP.

9 October: The Maspero Massacre

On the evening of 4 October 2011, in front of the Maspero
building, large numbers of Christians protested. Thousands
announced they will sit in to protest the Marinab events and
demand the immediate prosecution of those responsible of the
attack. Protesters demanded the dismissal of the Governor of
Aswan and accused him of intransigence against them and
banning them from building a house of worship. Priest
Philopateer and Priest Matthias called for a strike. Military
police forcefully dispersed the protest and shot at them
injuring 6 people.
Footages on YouTube showed some soldiers beating one of
the protesters, Raef Faheem. Maspero Youth Coalition
announced a celebration to honor him at the Diocese of Shubra
El Kheima. Priest Philopateer Gameel, member of the
coalition and the priest of Virgin Mary Church called for this
ceremony to honor the youth who have participated in the

58

largest Christian march Egypt has seen (according to what he

said).
Days later, on Sunday 9 October, known as the Christian
Anger Day, thousands of Christians have protested in marches
in 6 governorates in Egypt. The most important one was the
march that went to Maspero.
Several thousand protesters, both Christian and Muslim,
participated in these protests denouncing the attacks and
demolishing of churches.
The march started from Shubra until they reached the tunnel
where attacks started from above the tunnel. The attackers
were people of Al-Sabtiya District. Opinions differ as to who
started the attack in Maspero. There are three different stories
to the day. The first confirms that a march of thousands of
Christians and Muslims reached the Television building from
Shubra. Military forces in front of the building responded to
the march with shot guns. The second story says that the
protesters started with throwing Molotov bottles at the military
and police forces. The third story states that the central
security soldiers started the attack on the protesters and so they
responded back. The situation got worse when a TV presenter
went on television inciting the public opinion against the
Christians participating in the marches and protests of the day.
She portrayed them as attacking the military and police with
firearms, attacking public and private properties and
destroying them, and attempting to break into the Maspero
building. At the same time as this sectarian incitement was
taking place the protest was attacked violently and brutally in
front of the building. Armored cars, armed soldiers, Boulaq
Abu Al Ella residents incited by the media all participated in
the attack on the protesters. The armored cars ran over a
number of protests. Others were shot at. The forensic medicine
report confirmed that 15 protesters had died as a result of the
violence. The preliminary report said that one of the killed was
59

hit strongly by a sharp object, most probably a knife. The

remaining injuries varied between shotguns and being run over
by a car. The report identified 9 people killed by shot guns to
their bodies. The remaining protesters were most probably run
over, and suffered brain injury as a result of stones being
thrown on them.
The Prime Minister, Essam Sharaf, came out at that time with
a TV statement confirming that what had happened was a
"conspiracy" and has asked the people to not fall into the trap
and stand against inciters of violence.
The Maspero event was being investigated by the Military
Prosecution. It was then transferred to the pubic prosecution.
This is what SCAF had announced in its statement number 82
that was published on Facebook.

The Church fasts and prays in protest:

The following day, Pope Shenouda met with the 70 members
of the Holy Synod. They issued a statement condemning the
events in Maspero and the use of violence and insinuating that
there is a possibility that there were infiltrators in the protest.

The statement:
The Holy Synod of the Coptic Orthodox Church,
headed by His Holiness Pope Shenouda III, and in the
presence of 70 of the Church pontiffs, on Monday
morning, 10th of October, 2011.
The Holy Synod had been appalled by what happened
yesterday in Maspero, where more than 24 of our
beloved sons were martyred, in addition to over 200
who were wounded during their peaceful
demonstration.

61

We hereby emphasize our Christian faith in the

absolute rejection of the use of violence. Also, we
should not forget that strangers might be able to
infiltrate the demonstrations and commit offenses that
would then be attributed to our sons.
There is currently a general feeling among the Copts
that they keep having the same troubles again and
again, without having the offenders held accountable
for their deeds, nor having law enforced on such
offenders, nor seeing radical solutions to such
problems being developed, as we noted here at StTakla.org more than once.
Therefore, the Holy Synod asks all Copts to pray and
fast for 3 consecutive days, starting tomorrow
Tuesday 11th of October 2011, asking God to give His
peace to our beloved country, Egypt.
The funeral, led by Pope Shenouda, was held at the Cathedral
in Abassiya, which is the largest church in Egypt and the
headquarters of the Pope. Military units were distributed
around the Cathedral to protect it. Four bodies only were in the
funeral. This was because most of the families refused to take
the bodies of their loved ones without a proper autopsy to
know the reasons of death. The bodies were carried in the
form of protest in which a number of non-Christian
revolutionaries participated. The slogans were chanted, such as
"By the Bible and Quran, Tyranny will fall"; "One Two where
is the blood of the martyrs"; and "the people wants the fall of
the field marshal".
Thousands of Copts accompanied the bodies from the Coptic
Hospital to the Cathedral. After the prayers a protest of several
thousands marched to Maspero denouncing the atrocities of
the day before. The protest was attacked by unidentified men
with stones and empty bottles in the Ghamra area while
61

marching from the Cathedral to Ramses Square. At the same

time a march in Alexandria took place and in Portsaid.
Gharbia governorate cancelled its national celebrations
following the events.
On the evening of 10 October, a funeral was held for another
17 bodies. Also the funeral was accompanied with a big march
from the hospital to the Cathedral.
Until now, no verdict has come out on the case which is before
the military court. However, the defense team of the victims
announced on 11 April their withdrawal from the court as they
see it as a mock trial since the beginning and that there is no
intention to achieve justice. Its main goal was to find innocent
the army officers and soldiers accused in this case. They
demanded an independent civil investigative body that enjoys
complete jurisdiction to be formed to look into this case. The
body should have the jurisdiction to interrogate members of
the armed forces on the circumstances of the inflammatory
sectarian propaganda in official media against Christians and
announce its results within 3 weeks. In addition, 21 human
rights groups issued a joint statement carrying the same
demands and rejecting a state appointed fact finding
committee and demanding an independent committee.12
It is worth mentioning that the Egyptian TV played a large role
in inciting against Copts at the time, calling citizens to protect
the army from the Copts. It is important here to mention the
name of the TV presenter Rasha Magdy who played a blatant
role in the incitement in her program. She claimed that Copts
killed three army soldiers by bullets and 30 others were

12

EIPR, Maspero: State Incitement of Sectarian Violence and Policy of

Extrajudicial Killings, 16 October 2011
http://eipr.org/en/pressrelease/2011/10/16/1268

62

injured13. In addition to her, many other channels and famous

Salafis, such as Khaled Al Guindy and others, have incited
against the Christians.
Al-Ahram newspaper in its issue on 10 October 2011
confirmed the death of soldiers from the army besides
protesters. However, it did not specify numbers of names of
the soldiers, accusing the protesters of rioting and burning the
cars of the army.
Al Watan Newspaper said in its 9 October 2014 issue with
regards to the consequences of the incident the following:
"A peaceful march was organized. It started from
Shubra heading towards Maspero to denounce what
has happened to Marinab Church in Aswan, which
parts of it was demolished by the village residents. No
one did anything, not to mention that the statements of
the Governor of Aswan "provoked" the Copts, when
he said that the church is not licensed. The clashes
between the protesters and the military forces around
the television building led to the killing of 23 martyrs.
They were killed by being run over by armored cars
and by gunshots. Arbitrary arrests of protesters and
politicians started to take place. Amongst those
arrested were Priest Philopateer Gameel, Priest
Matthias Nasr, Alaa Abdel Fattah, and a number of
Coptic activists. They were accused of inciting protest.
The military prosecution also accused 3 soldiers. It
described the incident as accidental murder. The
military court sentenced one of the soldiers to 3 years
and the two others to 2 years. The three soldiers
appealed the verdict. The court suspended the
13

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=E7m08JJdxao, the Egypt TV incites

against the Christians, 10 October 2011

63

sentence until the appeal verdict comes out. What

enraged the Copts is that those accused of killing 23 of
their sons did not face a fair trial. The Ministry of
Justice, from its side, delegated Judge Tharwat
Hammad to investigate the killing of 9 Copts by
gunshots. The decision at the end was to drop the case
for insufficient evidence. He said at the time: "the
bullets removed from the bodies are inconsistent with
the bullets of the arms carried by the military
soldiers". From his side, Atef Nazmy, member of the
defense team in the Maspero Case told Al Watan that
SCAF at the time did not put forward a real defendant
to be punished for the 23 Copts. On the contrary, it
accused the peaceful protesters several accusations of
stealing armored cars, damaging public property to be
scapegoats of this "massacre". He added, "After the
file of the case was closed, we have submitted 22
reports to the Public Prosecutor on behalf of the
families of the martyrs, with the exception of Mina
Daniel as the family had refused to submit a
complaint. With regards to them, the same judge who
closed the case listened to the statements of the
families of the martyrs". He continued, "We submitted
45 footages of the events that confirm that the armored
cars ran over the protesters. The reports stayed in
drawers until we asked the head of the Cairo Appeals
Court to transfer our complaints to another judge
because the case has been held back for over a year.
However, Hammad insisted to continue looking into
these reports"

64

Names of the Maspero martyrs and the forensic

report of each case
We publish the first report on the reasons of death that was
made clear by the forensic medicine in the death certificates of
17 martyrs who were killed during the Maspero events.
Reasons of death included shot guns for 7 cases and 10 as a
result of being run over by armored cars. This is as follows:
1. Mina Ibrahim Daniel, 19 years old, Address 35 Abu
Bakr Assediq/Matarriya
Cause of death: One shot gun in the upper right chest
area causing rupture of the right lung and liver and
intensive hemorrhage
2. Hadi Fouad Attia, 27 Years old, Address: 78 Shubra
St, Rod Al Farag
Cause of death: one gunshot, fractures in the 7th
cervical vertebra, compound fracture in his left low
jaw with lacerations in blood vessels, and intensive
hemorrhage.
3. Wael Mikhail Khalil, 37 years old, Address 1 Hussein
Othman Alley, Marg
Cause of death: Penetrating gunshot to the neck that
led to lacerations in blood vessels, fracture in the
upper jaw and its accompanied hemorrhage
4.

Mikhail Tawfik Gendy, 37 years old ,address 41 Al

Zahar Al Falaky St
Cause of death: contused wounds and what it caused
of fractures in the left thigh and bones and blood
vessels and internal organs lacerations and intensive
hemorrhage.

5. Ayman Nassif Wahba, 37 years old, Address Assiut

65

Cause of death: gunshot causing lacerations of internal

organs and main blood vessels
6. Gamal Fayek Wanis, 47 years old, Address: Mohamed
Ramadan Street, Shubra Al Awal
Cause of Death: sever fractures included the ribs and
the lacerations in the tissues of the lungs and the two
kidneys, severe internal hemorrhage in the chest and
abdomen leading to drop in the blood and respiratory
circulation.
7. Ayman Saber Beshay, 39 years old, Al Gharbawi, al
bakiya canal, Shubra
Cause of death: contused wounds in different areas in
the body, fractures in the ribs and pelvis, lacerations in
the lungs and liver, internal hemorrhage and shock.
8.

Gerguis Rawy Rady, 39 years old, Address, Al

Khosous, Qalubiya
Cause of Death: contused wounds, fractures in the
bones of the chest, lacerations in the lungs and liver
and internal hemorrhage in the chest and abdomen

9. Amin Fouad Amin, 28 years old, address: Kafr Taher

buildings, off Khatem Al Morsalin street
Cause of Death: penetrating gun shot in the chest that
caused lacerations in the heart the right lung and
hemorrhage
10. Osama Fathy Aziz, 26 years old, address: 10 Ahmed
Al Refai street, Manshiyet Abdel Moneim Riyad,
Shubra Awel
Cause of death: contused wounds in the head that
caused fracture in the skull and lacerations in the
tissues of the brain
66

11. Shehata Thabet, 45 years old, address: 6 Al Thawra

street, Ard Ayoub, Al Sahel
Cause of death: single gunshot in the abdomen that
cause lacerations in the internal organs and intensive
internal hemorrhage in the abdomen.
12. Fares Rezk Ayoub, 40 years old, Address 71 Abdel
Moneim Riyad Street, Faisal, Boulaq
Cause of death: several contused wounds in the body
that cause fractures in the ribs, pelvis, the right thigh,
and right leg, hemorrhage and shock
13. Nassif Ragy Nassif, 26 years old, 26 Abul Assir street,
Rod Al Farag
Cause of death: contused wounds in the body that
caused laceration in the blood vessels of the upper
thigh, internal organs in the pelvis and testicles,
fractures in the pelvis, and intensive hemorrhage
14. Michael Mosaad Gerguis, 25 years old, address: Ezbet
Al Nakhl, Al Sheikh Mansour
Cause of Death: contused wounds in the body that
caused lacerations in internal organs and severe
hemorrhage
15. Mosaad Mahny Mosaad, 45 years old, address: Khalaf
Moussa Alley, Rod Al Farag
Cause of death: compounded fractures in the chest
ribs, severe lacerations in the lungs, kidneys and
spleen, fracture in the pelvis, lacerations in the main
blood vessels causing severe hemorrhage and severe
drop in blood and respiratory circulation.
16. Sobhy Gamal Nazim, 20 years old, address: 72 street
number 2, Ezbet Nasser, Bahtim
67

Cause of death: penetrating gun shot in the right thigh

that caused lacerations in the main artery and
hemorrhage.
17. Shenouda Noshy Attia, 30 years old, Address:
Omraniya, Giza
Cause of death: severe contused wounds over the head
and chest causing lacerations in the tissues of the brain
and lungs that led to sever hemorrhage and a severe
drop in blood and respiratory circulation.14
Unfortunately, the NCHR at that time had prepared a report on
the incidents that acquitted the security services and the
military police from killing the protesters. The report said:
But at about 6:15pm, after the arrival of the front of
the peaceful demonstration to Krnsh al-Nl area
from the side of Ramses Hilton Hotel, to meet with
another peaceful protest that was waiting at Maspero
since 5pm, the military police moved to stop the
demonstration from moving toward the other protest at
Maspero. Some individuals threw stones and plastic
bottles at the military police forces that were heading
toward them; the military police dispersed the
protesters using shields and beat them with wooden
sticks. The military police used fake bullets to disperse
protesters which caused panic and they went back
away from Maspero to escape the attack of the
military police.
With congestion and the continued attacks from the
military police, a lot of protesters got injured and fell
above each other. After that a number of protesters
14

Masry-now.com, http://www.masry-now.com/features/hawadess/1287--------maspero-christians-coptic-massacre.html, 9 October 2011 (Arabic)

68

tried to follow the military police to the places they

are centered using sticks and rocks.
(B)Shooting protesters
unknown civilians:

and

military

police

by

During firing fake bullets in the air by the military

police to disperse protesters, others were firing live
ammunition but they were not identified. Seven
protesters died and a lot of people got injured. At the
same time military police personnel got injured and
one died. A lot of testimonies said that the live
ammunition was coming from the military police,
using machine-guns against protesters, but the military
police denied opening fire on citizens and a lot of
testimonies asserted that the military police indeed
used fake bullets and did not use live ammunition.
A number of eyewitnesses assured at the beginning
that the live bullets were shot by unidentified civilians
who infiltrated the protest with their motorcycles from
the opposite side of Maspero and they opened fire on
the protesters and the military police. Another witness
said they saw an armed sniper at the entrance of
October Bridge that is facing the building beside
Hilton Ramses Hotel. The sniper shot bullets at both
the protesters and the military police. The sniper had
other people around him to help him. The majority of
testimonies said that they were shot by live
ammunition twice during their march from Shubr to
Maspero, one time at Shubr tunnel and the other time
was at July 26 bridge.
According to a lot of eyewitnesses, the cause of
injuries and deaths were shots by live bullets but they
were not able to identify the doer. A number of stories
suggested that the first victim was Mn Dnyl, 2069

years-old and one of the 25 January Revolution youth.

However, another testimony said that the first death
was the one from the military police who was shot by
live bullets. These testimonies support the view that
unknown civilians are the ones who shot both the
protesters and the military police.
Other testimonies said that a civilian took over a
machine-gun with fake bullets and escaped. However,
according to the Ministry of the Interior Affairs, one
of the officers succeeded in getting back the machinegun and he held it in custody. Another machine-gun
and a dummy bullets chamber was handed to Blq
police station, which proves that the bullets used by
the military police were fake. In another statement, a
person asserted that he was shot by a rubber bullet
from the anti-riot police in an attempt to disperse
protesters who were under October Bridge, but these
statements were not supported by other testimonies.
In this way the curtain was brought down on the Maspero
events.
As usual, the real culprits enjoy impunity, especially those
giving the orders and making decisions. Inciters also enjoy
impunity from the crime of incitement to sectarian hatred,
despite the fact that it is punishable by law and not
permissable constitutionally. Also those who spread lies and
rumors that led to the disturbance of peace and security
escaped punishment. But this is not the first time and it will
not be the last. Let's remember the confession of Major
General El Roweiny live on air that he used to rumors to
provoke or calm down the crowd in Tahrir square. No one
asked how many fell dead and victims of these fake rumors?

71

The Selmi Document

After SCAF had specified a period of 6 months transition to
transfer power to a civilian government, the period passed and
SCAF remained in power. This raised concerns and
resentment amongst most of the political forces that had
witnessed clashes and oppression by the military. Instead of
assuring these forces or taking procedures towards transferring
power, the Deputy Prime Minister stirred controversy after
talk around that he is planning to submit a document of supraconstitutional principles that could be considered guiding and
binding principles for the constituent assembly that will draft
the new constitution. Faced by protest and disagreement of the
political forces, Al Selmi pitched a document entitled "The
Declaration of Fundamental Principles for the New Egyptian
State".
This document angered a lot of the forces for several reasons.
The Islamic political forces were upset because the first article
defined the state as follows:
1. Arab Republic of Egypt is a civil state based on
citizenship, democracy and the rule of law, respect for
pluralism, and ensuring freedom, justice, equality and
equal opportunities for all citizens without any
discrimination
or
distinction.
The Egyptian people are part of the Arab nation,
working for the realization of its comprehensive unity.
This is a definition in contradiction with Shari'a that states that
Islam is the religion of the state and this is what the Islamic
political forces have been holding onto., even though, this is
spelt out in the second article.
Also article 4:
The political system of the state a democratic
republican one, based on the balance of powers, the
71

peaceful transfer of power and multi-party system,

provided that the membership should not be on the
basis of religious or ethnic, sectarian, class, or any
other reference that would be in conflict with the
fundamental rights and freedoms set forth in this
declaration.
The document is composed of 21 principles, divided between
fundamental principles for the Egyptian state (9) and another
group regarding freedoms and rights (12).
Even though the document stated that the people of Egypt are
the source of all powers, the articles within the document
included immunity for the armed forces and its budget in the
name of national security. This created controversy and
objections between political parties. Article 9 of the document
stated: "The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces - without
any other - is in charge of handling all the affairs of the armed
forces and discussing its budget. Such budget should be set as
one item and one figure in the State budget. The Supreme
Council of the Armed Forces - without any other - is also
concerned with the approval of any legislation relating to the
armed forces before issuing it."
Also article 10 stated, " A council shall be called the "Council
of National Defense" is to be established, and the President of
the Republic shall chair it. This council is in charge with
handling the affairs relating to the ways of securing the
country and ensuring its safety. The law shall specify the terms
of reference and the other authorizations of this Council."
As for the criteria for forming the constituent assembly,
opposition to the document saw that it raised a lot of
controversy and questions on the intention of the armed forces
regarding the future of the country. As it gives the armed
forces command on the making of the future constitution.
According to the articles, the following criteria were included:
72

It will be formed by 80 members, who are not

members of the People's Assembly or the Shura
Council. The remaining members will be chosen from
among the representatives of parties and independents
according to the proportion represented by the
People's Assembly and the Shura Council, with a
maximum of 5 members and a minimum of one
member.

The second article came as follows:

If the draft constitution prepared by the Constituent
Assembly includes one or more provisions that are
contrary to the basic tenets of the state and of
Egyptian society, to the rights and public freedoms
which have been provided for in successive Egyptian
constitutions, including the constitutional declaration
issued on 30 March 2011 and the constitutional
declarations that were issued since, the Supreme
Council of the Armed Forces, given that it holds the
powers of President of the Republic during the
transitional phase, will require the Constituent
Assembly to reconsider such provisions within a
maximum period of fifteen days. If the Assembly does
not accept to do so, the Council will present the matter
to the Supreme Constitutional Court which will issue a
decision on the matter within seven days from the date
of submission thereto. The decision issued by the
Supreme Constitutional Court shall be binding on all
parties and on all state authorities.
On the constituent assembly, the document stated, " If the
Constituent Assembly does not complete the draft constitution
during the six months stipulated in the Constitutional
Declaration for whatever reason, the Supreme Council of the
Armed Forces given that it holds the powers of the President
73

of the Republic will form a new Constituent Assembly, in

accordance with the standards that have been agreed upon to
prepare a new draft constitution within three months of its
formation. It will present the draft to the people with a view to
carrying out a referendum within fifteen days from the date on
which this draft is completed".

The first Mohamed Mahmoud incident: Friday of

One Demand
The Selmi document caused some tension which accompanied
rumors that SCAF is planning to extend its rule for another
two years. At that time, Hazem Abu Ismail made a call on
facebook for the Friday of One Demand for people to
assemble in Tahrir Square and other main squares in Egypt
and demand the quick transfer of power from SCAF to an
elected civilian government by no longer than April 2012.
Many political forces and parties participated in this
demonstration which took place on Friday 18 November 2011.
No clashes took place on that day. Salah Abu Ismail called
upon the protesters to leave the same day so as not to delay the
People's Assembly's elections which was meant to take place
the following week. However, a few hundred decided to stay
in the square until the demands of the revolution are fulfilled.
Hazem Abu Ismail decided to leave the square leaving behind
the protesters but without announcing his withdrawal.
Protesters closed entrances to the square until the following
morning, Saturday 19 November 2011. At 10 AM police
forces stormed into the square and dispersed the sit in forcing
protesters to leave. Two people were injured and 4 arrested.
Forces took control of the square, surrounding the central
circle and the garden in front of the Mogamma to prevent
protesters from accessing them again. In addition tens of
security forces were distributed in the entrances and exits of
the square.
74

The central security forces had attacked Tahrir Square very

violently. They ripped and burnt the tents. News of the attack
on the protesters and burning their tents circulated. Large
numbers of angry supporters from all political forces and
trends went to the square in solidarity with them and to
express their rage at the security attack. Security forces
intensively used teargas. Protesters responded by throwing
rocks and so the violent clashes escalated intensively at noon.
The protesters damaged some central security vehicles and set
fire on one of them, responding to the violent attempt to
disperse the sit-in. Confrontations continued all day. Central
security forces used teargas bombs, rubber bullets, and pellet
bullets. Protesters on the other hand used stones. The square
became an area of war. Tahrir square and the surrounding side
streets witnessed attacks and retreats between both sides.
Police forces withdrew towards Mohamed Mahmoud Street
where clashes continued. Hundreds of protesters were
seriously injured. Clashes continued until very late at night in
side streets leading to Tahrir Square. The numbers of injuries
increased tremendously and they varied between asphyxiation,
loss of consciousness, and bruises as a result of the stampeding
running away from the teargas bombs that was showering on
them. The worst battle was in Mohamed Mahmoud Street. The
clashes were renewed at 7 AM. The central security's
ammunition ran out and after so many battles and clashes
throughout the night, the square was won by the
revolutionaries. After that, things became calm and the
revolutionaries took an 18 hour break.
After the calmness, the security forces started to organize their
lines again to launch a new battle. The police attacked the
protesters from Mohamed Mahmoud Street at the time when
the officers were negotiating with the protesters. This was
after they received new ammunition and support. Many
injuries occurred, mainly asphyxiation because of the intensity
of teargas bombed. Clashes in the streets leading to the square
75

continued. The police forces were trying to move forward

form Mohamed Mahmoud and Kasr Al-Aini Streets which
have witnessed street warfare between the protesters and the
police. Protesters used rocks and sometimes Molotov, whereas
the police used rubber bullets and pellet bullets and teargas.
Clashes continued until the afternoon of the following day
when fire broke out in one of the residential buildings in
Mohamed Mahmoud as a result of the intensive shooting of
teargas bombs. Civil defense cars were not able to reach the
burning building because of the security and the teargas
bombs. This was happening as thousands were arriving at the
square, while clashes were still happening and people are
falling injured.

The following day Sunday

On the evening of Sunday, the following day, joint forces
between the army and police started to storm into the square in
an attempt to evacuate it. Commandos and military police
entered from Kasr Al Aini and there was an attack on the
square from all the roads leading to it at the same time. These
forces chased protesters in the side roads shooting teargas and
pellet bullets. The square was evacuated for 10 minutes.
Central security burnt tents and the belongings of the
protesters and all the motorcycles present in the square. Then
the forces left the square after that.
Offending the martyrs throwing bodies in the garbage
The attack caused many injuries and at around 10 protesters
lost their lives. Video footages showed soldiers dragging
bodies of protesters that have fallen and throwing them on the
side road close to a stack of garbage. These images were met
with extreme anger and condemnation amongst the political
forces in Egypt. When the attack was taking place, the security
shot at the make-shift hospital teargas bombs. Some doctors
76

and patients suffered from asphyxiation. Three make shift

hospitals had received in less than 48 hours around 3500
injuries that varied from asphyxiation and pellet bullet shots.
At the time that the security forces were attacking the make
shift hospital with tear gas bombs, the Kasr Al Dobara
Church's make shift hospital was receiving the injured. The Al
Rahman Mosque and Omar Makram Mosque were
transformed into make shift hospitals as well.
Reality is something and talk is something good by Sharaf's
government
On the official and governmental levels during the second day
of the battle, the cabinet issued a statement on 20 November
confirming the rights of the citizens to peacefully protest and
express their opinions. However, the statement strongly
denounced that these protests be used to undermine the
country's security and stability.
The cabinet confirmed its full commitment to hold the
elections on the specified date, which was 28 November 2011.
It also emphasized its support to the Ministry of Interior when
facing violent acts. It also thanked the officers and soldiers for
having upmost restraint
(What a restraint?!!)
At the same time SCAF issued its statement number 81 on
facebook calling all political trends to unite and stand against
such incidents. SCAF also asked the cabinet to take immediate
action to stop what was going on.
Field Marshal Tantawi confirmed that SCAF does not want to
rule the country and that it is ready to hand over the power
immediately if the Egyptian people agreed through a
referendum. At that time, the protesters in Tahrir square met
these words with strong anger.

77

SCAF then issued statement number 82 on its facebook page

transferring the incidents of Maspero and Mohamed Mahmoud
to the public prosecutor to investigate. Field Marshal Hussein
Tantawi, head of the SCAF had appeared in a TV statement
commenting on the events. He confirmed that SCAF is not the
substitute to the legitimacy that the people want and that it is
keeping its promise to not shoot fire on the Egyptian people.
He continued that SCAF is committed to the results of the
referendum of 19 March 2011, holding the parliamentary
elections, then the constitution, and finally the presidential
elections.

SCAF announced the following:

1. Its acceptance of the resignation of Essam Sharaf's
government, while delegating it to run it until a new
government is selected
2. Its commitment to the announced schedule for the
parliamentary elections. Presidential elections will be
held no later than end of June 2012.
Field Marshal Tantawi confirmed that the armed forces "do
not want to rule" and that it is willing to hand over power if
the people agreed through a referendum.
Violent clashes were renewed between security forces and the
protesters in Tahrir square despite the SCAF statement and the
civil consensus protests. This happened when the central
security forces surprisingly attacked using teargas bombs and
rubber bullets on the protesters. Central security forces
advanced until it reached the American University in Cairo
and hailed the protesters with new teargas bombs from inside
the university. Clashes continued in Tahrir square for four
consecutive days. Heated clashes took place in Falaki square
that saw 33 martyrs fall dead.

78

The Field Marshal's statement and escalation of clashes

Clashes continued around Mohamed Mahmoud and side
streets. The police continued to shoot teargas and pellet bullets
especially after Tantawi finished his statement. Many people
fell injured. This all happened despite that leaders of political
forces who had attended a meeting with Lieutenant General
Sami Anan had informed them that he had ordered security
forces to stop attacking protesters. This was at the time that a
large protest headed to Tahrir square to join hands with
protesters in Falaki who were clashing with the security forces
in the side roads. At the same time, a march from Talaat Harb
square arrived to join the protesters in Tahrir square.

Tuesday: The one million protest "Civil Consensus"

On the political level, political parties and forces called for a
one million man protest on Tuesday 22 November named
"Civil Consensus" to demand the dismissal of the government
and the formation of a national salvation government with the
powers of the president. That was at the same time as the
issuing of the SCAF statement on the evening of that day
calling political forces for dialogue to find ways out of the
current crisis. The SCAF statement regretted the death and
injuries amongst the protesters, and asked citizens to be
careful and calm until the democratic transformation process is
peacefully completed.
SCAF ordered the Ministry of Justice to form a fact finding
committee to look into the reasons and circumstances that led
to the eruption of violence, injuries and deaths.
The fifth day: Demands for a civil presidential council
Thousands of protesters continued their strike in Tahrir Square
for the fifth consecutive day. Popular committees continued to
close the square. Protesters demanded SCAF to step down and
79

hand power to a civil presidential council and a national

salvation government. Clashes between revolutionaries and the
security continued in Falaki and Mohamed Mahmoud streets.
Security bombed teargas, which doctors have described as
internationally illegal and deadly. Security also shot pellet and
rubber bullets. Revolutionaries responded by throwing stones.
Smoke covered the skies of Mohamed Mahmoud and
neighboring areas after the police intensified the teargas
bombings. Tens of protesters lost their conscious as a result of
asphyxiation. A number of political forces called for a one
million man protest the following Friday demanding SCAF to
step down and the formation of a revolutionary government.

Report on the events:

SCAF issued its statement number 84 on its facebook page
sending its condolences to the families of the killed and
pledging to provide welfare for the families of the martyrs, and
medical care for the injured. A military makeshift hospital was
opened in Tahrir square. Mohamed Mahmoud clashes had
started 19 November and continued until Friday 25 November
2011.
379 persons were accused in the Mohamed Mahmoud events
of damaging public property and resisting authorities. Also,
Officer Mahmoud Sobhi Al Shenawi, known as the eye sniper,
was taken to the criminal court for attempting to kill 5
protesters. His detention was renewed 9 times. The factfinding committee's report prepared by the NCHR confirmed
that the civil police and military police excessively used force
against protesters in Tahrir Square on 19 November.

81

The Fact-finding committee:

NCHR formed a fact-finding committee to looking into the
events. Mohamed Fayeq, deputy head of the council, said that
the report found that civil and military police used excessive
force against the protesters in Tahrir Square on 19 November.
He said in a press conference held at the NHCR headquarters
that the results of the report:
"The fact-finding committee's report documented 64 deaths
and more than 4500 injuries during the last events. Twenty
people were killed by gun shots at a distance not more than
half a meter horizontally and the report mentioned that
there are documented cases of kidnapping of protesters off the
streets. They were denied communication with their families
and were forced to make confessions".
The report stated: protesters were unprecedentedly oppressed
in a manner that the country has not witnessed since the
January revolution. As a result more than 60 protesters were
killed and more than 4500 of them and the security forces
were injured. This is the largest number of victims during
clashes since the 2011 January revolution and after the
Maspero incidents. During these events, gross human rights
violations were committed, overshadowing the Egyptian
society with depression. 15

15

Report of the National Council for Human Rights, Alhoria Alyoum, 31

January 2012. The National Council accuses the army and the ministry of
interior of killing revolutionaries with live bullets
http://www.alhoria.net/article.php?id=97 (Arabic)

81

The elections
Elections 2011 2012
Under the administration of SCAF, a strong controversy took
place around the steps of handover of power. Should the
constitution come first or the presidential elections? When and
how? The controversy increased with SCAF elongating the
period of transition, which was 6 months. The weak liberal
forces were afraid of the Islamists' domination of the
parliament if the elections took place quickly. Each actor was
trying to force suitable conditions for themselves before
setting a date for the elections. SCAF was keen on protecting
its privileges and that its budget not to be monitored. It
maneuvered between all parties; sometimes with the Islamists,
sometimes with the liberals, and sometimes with the youth
coalitions. Islamists were fighting to protect the fact that Islam
is the reference of the constitution and that the state is not
secular, and that it has an official religion, Islam. They were
promoting for election campaigning purposes their support and
protection of Islam and that the state is not secular and that the
official religion is Islam and that others are seeking to destroy
religion, and that liberalism and secularism promote
debauchery, indecency and immorality. Liberals wanted to get
rid of the constitutional heritage of Nasser that didn't serve
their interests, such as public funds, or the 50% quota of
farmers and workers in the parliament. Businessmen were
looking for guarantees in laws that would preserve their
employment of their money without any harassments or
obstacles. Others were looking for the dream of public
liberties and for them to be guaranteed in the constitution.
Al Selmi's document was only a rehearsal for the conflict
between these forces around their conflicting goals. Under the
pressure of most of the political forces and trends that rejected
82

the continuation of military rule, SCAF finally set 28

November as the date for the parliamentary elections.
One of the most important advantages of the parliament that
was going to be elected was that it was going to specify the
fate of the constitution and the formation of the constituent
assembly.
Before the elections there was conflict on the declaration
issued by SCAF regarding the percentages of lists and
individual candidates in the formation of the People's
Assembly. Two thirds of the parliament was for partisan lists
and the third was for independent candidates. Political parties
found in this that they were being deprived of competition
over 30% of the seats. The situation was settled in an elections
law that specified that two thirds are for lists and a third are for
individual seats (independent or non-independent) and parties
can compete for these seats as well.
It was decided that elections will take place over three stages,
starting on 28 November and ending on 11 January 2012.
Voting was to take place over two days in each stage. The total
number of governorates in Egypt is 27, divided in each stage
so that 9 governorates were covered each stage of the
elections.
The electoral stages:
The first 28 29 November and the repeat was on 5 December
The second: 14 15 December and the repeat on 21 December
The third: 3 -4 January and the repeat on 10 January.
A decree was issued to give the right for Egyptians abroad to
vote for the first time. Poll stations were set up in the Egyptian
embassies abroad.
Competing coalitions:
1) The Egyptian Bloc (Left and liberals):
83

15 political parties and movements formed the Egyptian

coalition in August 2011, including the Free Egyptians
Party, the Tagammu Party, and the Egyptian Social
Democratic Party. The most important goal of this
coalition was to defend the civil state. The coalition
imploded when a number of former members of the NDP
and affiliates to the former regime were nominated in the
lists of the coalition. As a result many parties and groups
withdrew, including the Socialist Popular Coalition party,
the Egyptian Communist Party, and the Egyptian Socialist
Party. They were then followed by the Freedom Egypt
Party. In addition, the Democratic Front Party also
withdrew as it preferred to run the elections
independently.
Only three parties remained within the Coalition and they
formed their lists for the People's Assembly and the Shura
Council as follows: 50% Free Egyptians; 40% Egyptian
Social Democratic Party; and 10% the Tagammu.
2) The Islamist Bloc (Salafis)
The Islamic coalition was formed on 23 October 2011 and
included the political parties Al Nour, Al Asala, and the
Building and Development Party. These are known to be
Salafi in ideology.
3) The Revolution
democrats)

Continues

Alliance

(Left

and

This included parties that were formed after the

revolution, which were: The Socialist Popular Coalition,
Freedom Egypt Party, and The Revolution Youth
Coalition. They took the pyramid as an electoral symbol
and entered the elections in 30 districts over Egypt with
the slogan "Bread ... Freedom ... Social Justice".
4) The Muslim Brotherhood (Freedom and Justice)
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This was the first legitimate political party for the Muslim
Brotherhood. It was established in July 2011 to be the
political wing of the organization. It entered the election in
lists and for the independent seats. Their lists included
Nasserists from the Karama Party, such as Amir Iskandar
and Kamal Abu Eita.
The most important goal of the Salafi Bloc and the
Muslim Brotherhood was to fight against the civil or
secular state or the concept of separating religion from the
state, holding onto the Islamic Shari'a as a reference for
legislation and that the official religion of the state is
Islam, and the only legitimate religions are Islam,
Christianity and Judaism.
The Islamists besides there huge financial abilities
used mosques and religious slogans in their campaigns.
They raised concerns that the Islamic identity of Egypt
will be lost and that there is a conspiracy against Islam by
the Liberals and Seculars.
Final Results:
Number of voters: 50.4 million
Number of valid votes: 27.3 million (54.2%)
The Muslim Brotherhood (Freedom and Justice) won the
absolute majority in the lists and the relative majority in the
individual seats. They were followed by the Salafi Nour party,
then the Wafd Party.
Al Sharq Al Awsat Newspaper published a report with the
final results on 21 January 2012 entitled the 2011 Egyptian
Legislative Elections MB win 235 seats in the People's
Assembly. The report said: The "Freedom and Justice Party"
of the Muslim brotherhood won 127 seats of the People's
Assembly and thus the total seats become 235 seats which is
47.18%, according to the announced made by Abdel Moez
85

Ibrahim, the head of the High Elections Committee, on

Saturday.
The Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafis won more than two
the first elected parliament in Egypt after the ousting of
Mubarak. They won 356 seats out of a total of 498 seats.
The head of the HEC announced in a press conference, that the
Freedom and Justice party, of the MB, had won 127 seats of
the parliament from the lists quota which includes two thirds
of the seats of the parliament. This way, the total seats for the
party has become 235 seats, which means 47.18%. Prior to this
announcement, another one was made announcing the total
individual seats won. The Muslim Brotherhood had won 108
individual seats.
The Salafi Nour Party won 24.29% of the seats, coming
second after the Freedom and justice Party. This way they won
96 seats from the lists and 25 individual seats, which make a
total of 121 seats.
According to the head of HEC, Wafd Party came third, then
the Egyptian Bloc. The Wafd party had won nearly 9% of the
seats and the Egyptian Bloc around 7%. Some parties failed to
enter the parliament. 16
In this way, 2011 opened its doors to protest that quickly
transformed into a popular uprising, then into one of the
strongest revolutions in modern history. The year concluded
with elections that was supervised by the same state, in
particular the army. The elections were won by the most
conservative forces and the closest to the regime, not to
mention it being the largest enemy of societal change.
16

Al Ahram Newspaper, HEC announces the final results for the

parliamentary elections, 21 January 2012,
http://gate.ahram.org.eg/News/162896.aspx

86

2011 represents a time of the most intense popular presence. It

was full of hopes and aspirations that nearly reached the sky. It
gave martyrs and heroes. It witnessed maneuvers and
conspiracies. It courageously opened its door to the future but
did not move from its place. It is the year of extracted liberties,
blood spilling, the fall of parts of the regime, and the
reestablishment of the same regime. It is the boat that
overcame the most severe waves to end in the same beach that
it sailed from.
We depart 2011 as we stand at the doors of the parliament that
appeared as if it was the conclusion of a nation's struggle, but
then disappeared completely in a court ruling without anyone
shedding a tear over it.

87

88

Chapter 2: 2012
Bloody beginning and end

89

91

Chapter 2: 2012
Bloody beginning and end
Introduction
It seems that Egypt's date with revolution usually is in
January. This has been the case since the famous uprising
against Sadat's economic decisions in January 1977. To this,
the poet Ahmed Negm sang, "Good news always comes in
January". This uprising forced Sadat to retract from his
decision. The people made it again 34 years later. This January
was different. The people were not ready to accept any
compromises, only the ousting of the regime, Mubarak's
regime, as a whole. This is why they stayed forcefully in the
squares of the country despite all the oppression they have
faced until Mubarak was ousted and his party dissolved.
However, people's aspirations went beyond that. They really
wanted justice and freedom. Their aspirations clashed with
massive obstacles, military rule, infinite maneuvering, and
blood spilling. They were not ready to withdraw despite all
these obstacles. So they sought to oust the military rule in
search for a civilian rule that can provide freedom and justice.
The struggle was culminated with forcing the army to open the
door for parliamentary elections, paving the way for
presidential elections and the transfer of power to a civilian
authority. However, what seemed to be hope transformed into
a nightmare. The good news of civilian rule was embodied in
conservative groups.

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January, the second revolution: 2012

Christmas overshadowed by the revolution
The revolutionary forces decided to celebrate New Year in Tahrir
Square. This represented a challenge to sectarian violence and
discourse that usually escalated in the holidays, especially Coptic
holidays. At the square, Christians sang Coptic hymns by Priest
Sameh Mourise. The Sufi singer, Ahmed Al Touny, also sang
along side Aly Al Haggar and Azza Balba'. Participants chanted
against the military rule and for the rights of the martyrs and for
prosecution of the murderers. A number of participants decided to
enter a strike to exert pressure to achieve these demands. And this
is how 2012 began.
On the second day, in reaction to pressures and threats to
restrict civil and human rights organizations, threatening to
shut some of them down, a number of activists and human
rights NGOs organized a protest in front of the Public
Prosecutor's office protesting the confiscation of freedoms and
the closure of NGOs.

The martyr's dream

On Friday 20 January, revolutionaries mobilized for what they
called the "Martyr's Dream Friday", protesting the delay in
fulfilling justice and prosecution of the martyr's murderers.
They were also protesting the non fulfillment of the revolution's
goals that the martyrs dreamt of. They denounced the army's
actions against revolutionaries whether in Maspero or the April
strike or the Cabinet. The numbers were large. Families of the
martyr's and those who have been injured participated. The
Askar Kazeboon (the military are liars) campaign had been
launched. During these days it presented documentaries on the
crimes of the army. They considered the days that followed that
Friday until 25 January a "week of sorrows". This was to
confront the calls by the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafis to
92

celebrate; especially that Field Marshal Tantawi announced on

12 January that 25 January will be an official holiday to
celebrate the revolution. On that day protests came out in
several governorates for the same goals.
Ironically, on that day, a number of protesters (they named
themselves, the independent flag carriers movement) raised
the Egyptian flag of the monarch times, the green flag with a
crescent and 3 stars. This flag was raised on the main stage of
the square. This was rejected by the protesters who forced
them to bring down that flag and to get off the stage.

The Revolution's Parliament First Session

The second round of the Parliamentary elections was finished,
and the Muslim Brotherhood won the majority, followed by
the Salafis. In the first session of the Parliament, 23 January
2012, it became clear that there is a gap between the Muslim
Brotherhood and the Salafis, and between them together on
one side and the minority of pro-democracy forces that won
only a few seats on the other side. They differed over the
formulation of the MP's constitutional oath. Some Islamists
went ahead and added the phrase "In a manner that does not
conflict with God's Shari'a", and some of the pro-democracy
forces said "to continue being committed to the Revolution's
goals and the martyrs' rights". One can conclude an important
indication. This parliament does not satisfy the goals of most
of its members, and that no one practically speaking respects
its oath, whether because the revolution is not yet complete or
because some aim to implement a religious rule. Some nonIslamists MPs wore yellow ribbons with "No to Military
Trials" written on them. 17 This was the first battle and it was
symbolic.
17

YouTube film showing the constitutional oath of parliamentarians on 23

January 2012 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SmpFZ6P0liA

93

The second battle was not symbolic...

23 January: the gap between the Muslim Brotherhood
and the Revolution
On this day, the first session of the parliament was held. This
session fell between the Friday of the Martyr's Dream, and the
anniversary of the revolution. Mobilization and protests were
still happening in Tahrir square in preparation of the Friday. A
protest marched from Tahrir Square to the People's Assembly
to demand the parliament to rule the country directly, either by
forming a civil government from amongst its members, or by
electing a temporary civilian president to administer the
transition.
Opinion makers, artists, and writers participated in this protest.
The protesters could not get close to the parliament as Muslim
Brotherhood youth had forced a human shield to prevent the
protesters form approaching. This made some protesters chant
anti-Muslim Brotherhood and anti Parliament slogans. Clashes
took place between the two sides leading to the injury of 130
protesters. That day is known as the Battle of the Muslim
Brotherhood's Cordon.

Wednesday 25 January: the gap widens

Revolutionaries went to the square in the sense that the
revolution events are still continuing. They are still demanding
retribution and the end of military rule, in addition to other
demands. The Muslim Brotherhood set up a stage in Tahrir
square in the sense that the revolution has been completed and
all its goals have been met as culminated in their election and
the convening of the parliament. For them, 25 January became
a celebratory event and not a protest event. The Muslim
Brotherhood brought large speakers to overshadow the sounds
94

of the protest and other stages. They put on Quran and national
songs. This enraged the protesters who surrounded the Muslim
Brotherhood stage and forced them to switch off their large
speakers. They chanted against them and demanded them to be
evacuated from the square. Anti-Muslim Brotherhood slogans
were chanted highly for the first time. Such chants included:
"Badie sell sell sell the revolution", "Badie oh Badie, Egypt's
revolution is not for sale", and "No freedom and no justice, oh
men dress in black". Limited clashes took place. Because the
number of enraged protesters was large in comparison to the
Muslim Brotherhood, they accepted to switch the speakers off
and avoid any conflict. Similar incidents occurred on the same
day in other governorates, such as in the Sa'aa square in
Damietta, Arbein Square in Suez, and Luxor.
Following this, Islamists started accusing the opposition of
having thugs and infiltrators amongst them. They added that
those people are hired to destroy the transition process, or that
they are anti-Islam and want to implement secularism. Some
of their symbols announced their intent to implement Shari'a
and religious rule in Egypt.
On the same day, Field Marshal Tantawi announced that the
end of the state of emergency and limited its use only on cases
of thuggery. This partial cancellation has resulted in discontent
and reservations, especially that the thuggery is a vague word
that can be used against protesters.
Muslim Brotherhood attempts to give that day a celebratory
feel failed. Common sense, which is that this day is a day of
protest and that the demands of the revolution have still to be
fulfilled, won. The revolutionaries called for a million man
protest on 28 January in the name of "The Friday of Rage" in a
clear reference to the First Friday of Rage during the 18 days
of the revolution that ousted Mubarak.

95

Friday of Rage 2012:

Revolutionaries organized long human chains in Cairo, Giza,
Alexandria, Fayoum and other governorates carrying pictures
of the martyrs. They called them the Martyrs' human chains.
This was done to mobilize and prepare for the second Friday
of Rage that forces in opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood
and SCAF should join.
The events of Friday of Rage were launched and there were no
clashes but there was tension in the air against SCAF and the
slow trial of Mubarak and his men. There was resentment
towards the Muslim Brotherhood who is in coalition with
SCAF. Pictures of the martyrs were raised and the Prayer of
the absent was held over their souls.

February: The Portsaid Stadium Massacre

In a match between the Portsaid football team and the Al Ahly
a massacre took place. Despite the victory of the Portsaid team
and straight after the match ended, hundreds of people armed
with white weapons, batons, and firearms, attacked the Ahly
fans who were surprised to be attacked even though they had
lost. The attack was brutal and with an intention to kill or
cause serious injuries. Al Ahly fans tried to escape but they
found the gates shut tight and they were not able to open them.
They fell in the hands of the attackers without any intervention
from security or protection of any sort. In less than half an
hour, more than 70 people were killed and 350 injured. Their
injuries varied from cuts to fractures. The attackers withdrew
and left without anyone stopping them.
The remaining Ahly fans left Portsaid, some in military
armored cars, and others in the train with security. The
football players and their teams were transferred in military

96

planes. This was after military forces intervened but after the
massacre occurred and the attackers have withdrawn.

Reactions and consequences

This incident was terrifying. It was unprecedented in the
history of Egyptian football. Its gravity and horror cannot be
justified at all. The football match and the behavior of the fans
of both teams did not insinuate or lead to this happening.
Therefore, there was a need to find an explanation and identify
who is responsible for this massacre.
Most of the main actors could have had an interest in this
massacre. It is estimated that there are tens of thousands of
Ahly Ultras. They played an influential role in the Revolution.
Therefore, anyone who wanted to cut the wings of the
revolutionary forces and weaken them had an interest in
punishing and terrorizing the Ultras especially that the Ultras
had organized groups and most of its membership is from
youth who had earned experiences in battling against the
police services. They produced cynical songs against the
police which have completely undermined their prestige. They
were the leading defense team in the first 18 days of the
revolution and in many of the battles.
Fingers are pointed, with strong evidence, to the police that
has allowed the entrance of this large number of weapons into
the stadium, even though the police was responsible for
securing the gates. The police also failed to confront the attack
and defend the Ahly fans, and stood and watched a massacre
being committed before their eyes without even blinking.
Other evidence points at services within the Ministry of
Interior might have concocted this massacre. The former head
of security of Portsaid, Major General Sami Al Rouby, was
transferred to serve in the ministry's headquarters in Cairo. He

97

was known to be a man of integrity and determined to confront

thuggery.
It was known that Major General Al Rouby's for the previous
match to the massacre, which was between the El Ittihad
Alexandria and the Portsaid's Al Masry's team, insisted that
fans to be searched and the busses. Any weapons were
confiscated. This is a reason to have excluded him from his
post.
In a theatrical act to ward off suspicion, the Minister of
Interior, transferred the head of security in Portsaid, just a
transfer from Portsaid, and also the head of investigations was
suspended without any investigation being opened or
punishments ordered. Also, Al-Ganzoory, the prime minister,
accepted the resignation of the Governor of Portsaid.
On the other hand, SCAF announced a state of mourning for 3
days. Field Marshal Tantawi announced in an interview on Al
Ahly Sports TV Channel, owned by the club, the following:
"these incidents could happen anywhere in the world. We will
not leave those who were behind these actions. If there is
anyone planning for the instability of Egypt, he will not
succeed and everyone will receive their punishment".
He added that compensations will be paid to the families of the
victims after studying their situations. Tantawi also said "will
will overcome this period, Egypt will find stability, we are
implementing the road map to transfer power to an elected
civilian body"18
Thousands of citizens and ultras Ahly gathered in front of al
Gezeera Club, carrying banners with "Mourning until
18

Two killed by live bullets, 212 injured in clashes at the Suez Security
Directorate, AlMasry Al Youm, 3 February 2012,
http://www.almasryalyoum.com/news/details/148932 (Source in Arabic)

98

vengeance for the martyrs" written on them. They held SCAF

and the Ministry of Interior the responsibility for this
massacre.
A march went out starting from Maspero, headed with flags
of Egypt, al Ahly club, black flags. The march was heading to
Tahrir square and demanding the prosecution of those
responsible for the massacre.
In solidarity, Zamalek Ultras, when to Al Ahly Club and
chanted "Ultras Ahly, Ultras Zamalek, one hand", and "we
will get their rights or die like them".
The Public Prosecutor decided to open investigations into the
events. The People's Assembly decided to form a fact finding
committee, which hasnt identified anything in its report.
However, the parliament did find the Minister of Interior
responsible but did not put forward any formal accusations.
Protests went out in a number of governorates denouncing the
massacre and the security services and SCAF's rule.
From their side, Ahly Ultras found the Minister of Interior and
SCAF responsible, threatening them that they will not be silent
until those responsible are prosecuted. Even though, an official
investigation had started, Portsaid has become an isolated city,
paying the price of a crime committed by criminals as part of a
conspiracy that the city did not participate in.

In Suez
In Suez, angry protests erupted the following day to the
massacre. The protests headed to the building of the security
directorate. Security met the protest with cartouche and smoke
bombs, killing nearly 3 protesters with gunshots and injuring
more than 200 protesters.
In Cairo the following day, protesters headed to Tahrir square.
Groups of revolutionary trends, ultras, and their supporters,
99

started to grow in numbers. They were all protesting the

massacre. Some of them went to protest in front of the
Ministry of Interior. Central security forces shot at them
smoke bombs. They used also cartouche to confront the
protesters who responded by throwing stones. Some thugs
from Abdin district joined the security forces. The protests and
battles continued until late at night. The confrontations started
from the end of Mohamed Mahmoud Street near the
ministry's building, Mansour street, and Tahrir Square. Many
injuries occurred (more than 1400 cases), according to the
ministry of health. Injuries varied between asphyxiation, and
pellet gunshots. Two were killed.
Clashes continued until the third day. The number of wounded
people kept increasing. The police intensified its attack.
On the fourth day (5 February), a women's protest went out
denouncing SCAF, the attack on protesters, and the stadium's
massacre. With the escalation of clashes, elements from some
political parties and youth coalitions intervened in an attempt
for calmness and end the clashes. They reached an agreement
with the minister of interior. However, the security forces
continued to attack the protesters using smoke bombs,
cartouche and armored cars. Furthermore, a number of the
mediators were arrested. Also, a number of doctors in the
make shift hospital in Falaki street were arrested. The supplies
for medics were burnt by being bombed with teargas bombs. A
number of protesters, including women were injured. Power
was cut off Mohamed Mahmoud Street during the night.19

19

Health Ministry: the number of wounded in the arena of the Ministry of

Interior increases to 1482, Shorouk Newspaper, 3 February 2012
http://www.shorouknews.com/news/view.aspx?cdate=03022012&id=59f814
3b-f1d0-4094-9296-a1a366eb97d6

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Clashes continued until the next day (6 February), with more

injuries and deaths. On the seventh day, the People's Assembly
issued the statement of the fact-finding committee that found 7
cases of death, mostly by shotguns, and injuries. The statement
concluded my holding the Minister of Interior responsible for
the clashes taking place around the ministry. The parliament
recommended that the Ministry be transferred and that it
should quickly be purified from any corrupt elements. It also
recommended the protesters to retreat to Tahrir square. The
statement also recommended that a law to organize protest and
strike should quickly be issued.
In an attempt to absorb the tension, it was announced that the
door to apply for running for the presidential elections will e
open on 10 March 2012. This was a blunt retreat from SCAF's
holding onto power by finalizing the constitution before the
Presidential elections.

The Implications in Portsaid:

Security services quickly arrested a large number of citizens
and submitted investigation reports that say that they have
taken part in the massacre. They also charged some leaders
within the security services. The court verdicts were very
harsh, as the court sentenced a large number of people to death
around 21 death penalties and other life sentences. After the
court of cassation, only 11 were finally sentenced to death.
Violence and protest erupted after these court sentences. The
people of Portsaid saw this as the politicization of the case.
People tried to liberate the defendants. Clashes occurred and a
number of the people of Portsaid fell.

111

March 2012, running for presidential elections:

The door to apply for candidacy actually opened on 10 March.
A number of candidates applied. Contrary to the statements
made by the Muslim Brotherhood that they have no intention
to run for presidency, they actually admitted a candidate,
Khairat Al Shater, the Deputy of the Supreme Guide. HEC
decided to exclude ten candidates. The most important ones
were Omar Suleiman, Khairat AL Shater, Hazem Abu Ismail,
and Ayman Nour, all for different reasons. Al Shater and
Nour were excluded for having previous criminal convictions
that were not reconsidered. Abu Ismail was excluded because
his mother carries a foreign nationality. Omar Suleiman was
not accepted for not completing the quorum for his
nomination. Ahmed Shafik was also excluded but he appealed
the decision and he was allowed to enter the presidential
elections race. The Muslim Brotherhood quickly submitted
Mohamed Morsi as a candidate before the door was closed to
apply for candidacy. He was accepted.
At the end of May, the result was a runoff between Morsi and
Shafik. Towards the end of June, it was officially announced
that Mohamed Morsi is the President of Egypt.

Hazemoon the First Abassiya:

In April, after news that the US embassy had responded with
regards to the nationality of Hazem Abu Ismail's mother,
confirming that she carries the American nationality, Hazem
reacted angrily. He denied his mother's nationality and accused
HEC and the Americans of forgery, and that there is an
American conspiracy to exclude him. He was supported by
hundreds of his followers and they were named "Hazemoon".
They held protests and decided to strike in Abassiya Square on
28 April. They started their protest from in front of the
Ministry of Defense on 2 May demanding the quick transfer of
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power to civilians and the cancellation of the constitutional

article that makes the HEC decisions immune. The protesters
were violently attacked over two days by thugs and people
who are against the sit-in. They were also attacked by the
central security and armed forces. The following Friday, 4
May, different groups joined the strike in solidarity and to
defend the sit-in. the security forces and armored cars
prevented them from reaching the square and shot at them
teargas and pellets. They were also chased with the help of
thugs. Some people were arrested.
Rumors spread that there are armed men in Al Nour Mosque.
Two people from the residents of Abassiya were killed. The
people said that they were killed by snipers inside the mosque.
They accused the protesters of disrupting their business and of
attacking them with fire arms.20 What was common in the
many statements given was that a car with bearded men shot
randomly at the people of Abassiya. Suspiciously, Field
Marshal Tantawi paid a visit to the injured soldiers in the
Kobri Al Qobba Hospital, and pictures of these soldiers
showed them bearded, which was strange as it is not a military

20

Exclusive: A video of a man from Abassiya injured, Al Wafd, 8 May

2012,
http://alwafd.org/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B4%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%B
9%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%B3%D9%8A/2077
47-%D8%B5%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%A3%D9%87%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%8A%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%A8%D8%A7%D8%B3%D9%8A%D8
%A9-%D8%A5%D8%AD%D9%86%D8%A7%D8%A3%D8%A8%D8%B7%D8%A7%D9%84-%D9%85%D8%B4%D8%A8%D9%84%D8%B7%D8%AC%D9%8A%D8%A9 (in Arabic)

113

norm.21 The military police raided the mosque and arrested

nearly 40 men, including Sheikh Hafez Salama, who was
released a few hours later. The army did not only attack the
protesters, but also attacked the doctors in the make shift
hospitals who were providing first aid to the wounded. Around
300 people were arrested from around the Ministry of Defense
and they were all transferred to the military prosecutor, which
ordered their detention for 15 days. Sixteen women and some
journalists were released. This is in addition to the arrest of 10
individuals who had gone in solidarity with the arrested in
front of the Military Prosecutor.
The Ministry of Health announced that the number of
wounded had reached 128 cases.22 There were also deaths in
these events. Nearly 11 people were killed. After the sit-in was
dispersed, the army celebrated by singing and dancing. We
refer to a large number of live witnesses and documentaries
regarding these events and which are documented here
http://mella5er.blogspot.com.eg/2012/05/4-2012.html.
In June, Mohamed Morsi took office. After his oath in an
official ceremony, he headed to Tahrir square and he repeated
the theatrical show of giving oath before large numbers of
masses from different political forces. When the runoff ended
between him and Shafik, most political forces decided to
support him against Shafik who was a symbol of the Mubarak
regime.
Most political forces welcomed Morsi's victory, but quickly
the situation will change to become a new wave of struggle.
21

Field Marshal Tantawi visits the wounded from Abassiya in Kobri Al

Qobba Hospital, Al Sharkia Today, 5 May, 2012,
http://www.sharkiatoday.com/tantawy-4/
22

Health Ministry, the number of wounded increase to 128, Hms Al

Masryeen website, 5-5-2012, http://www.hmsmsry.com/vb/t12542/

114

The People's Assembly Dissolved

The validity of the People's Assembly had been challenged
constitutionally saying that the way it's been formed violates
the principle of equal opportunities between the candidates of
closed party lists and those of individual seats. On Thursday
14 June 2012, the Supreme Constitutional Court found the
parliamentary elections invalid.
Field Marshal Tantawi announced on Saturday 16 June the
official dissolution of the Parliament. The MPs were banned
from holding meetings.
In this manner, the Muslim Brotherhood was stripped from the
legislative power. At the end of June, Morsi took over the
executive power. Only one week after he assumed office,
Morsi challenged the judicial authority and the decision of the
constitutional court, by issuing a presidential decree to cancel
the SCAF decision to dissolve the parliament and for the
parliament to continue to convene until he calls for new
elections within 60 days after the referendum on the new
constitution.23
Following this decision, SCAF convened. The following day
the general assembly of the constitutional court convene to
look at the dimensions of the decision and its impact.
This decision raised a huge controversy amongst legal and
political circles. Some considered it to be revolutionary and
other took it as a violation to the oath to respect the
constitution and the law.

23

Morsi cancels the decision to dissolve the parliament and calls it to

convent, Al Arabiya.net, 8 July 2012,
http://www.alarabiya.net/articles/2012/07/08/225231.html (in Arabic).

115

In July, Mohamed Morsi delegated Hisham Qandil, the

Minister of Water Resources and Irrigation in Ganzoory's
government, to form a government.
In 8 August, the Rafah events occurred, in which 15 soldiers
of the Egyptian border guards were killed. As a result, the
President dismissed the head of intelligence and the governor
of Sinai.

Constitutional Declaration August

Morsi continued his attacks on the constitution. On Sunday 12
August 2012 he issued a Constitutional Declaration that
annulled the complimentary constitutional declaration issued
by SCAF on 17 June 2012. He returned the full powers of the
President which was assumed by SCAF which was delegated
by Mubarak when he stepped down. It also authorized the
President to form a new constituent assembly if the current
assembly fails to do its work. On the same day, he ordered the
retirement and honor of Field Marshal Tantawi and Lieutenant
General Sami Anan and some members of SCAF. He
appointed General Abdel Fattah Al Sisi minister of defense in
place of Field Marshal Tantawi. These decisions were
accepted by most of the revolutionary forces. It was seen as if
its the end of military rule in Egypt.
On Wednesday 10 October 2012, the Cairo Criminals Court
found all those accused in the Battle of the Camel innocent.
The verdict was shocking for the revolution's forces and most
political trends.
On 19 November, protests commemorating the anniversary of
Mohamed Mahmoud and its martyrs were held. The protestors
demanded revolutionary courts and retribution. They also
demanded the dismissal of Hisham Qandeel's government
which witnessed train accidents reflecting serious negligence,
and because the government did not take any steps towards
116

purification and re-structuring the system. In addition, they

were concerned because Muslim Brotherhood members were
appointed in offices through direct orders which raised
concerns that there was an attempt to invade the state with
Muslim Brotherhood. With this government, crisis
accumulated rather than resolved. Thugs attacked the protest
with Molotov bombs and limited confrontations between
protesters and the security took place. Tens were injured and
no one was killed.
Opposition was starting to increase gradually against Morsi's
rule. Gas, power, and garbage crisis were becoming out of
control. In addition, prices were souring. To confront this,
Morsi took an exceptional step, and this was the beginning of
the huge battles against him and divisions amongst his
supporters. Most political forces' fears were increased. This
step was announcing the complimentary constitutional
declaration.

A Complimentary Constitutional Declaration: A

Declaration of a President in Control
On 22 February, citizens were shocked that Mohamed Morsi
issued a complimentary constitutional declaration that
included clauses that put immunity to his decision from
monitoring or any form of judicial intervention. The
declaration also made immune the coming constituent
assembly and Shura Councils from being dissolved even if by
a court order. It also gave him exceptional powers.
Morsi started his declaration with the re-trial of the murderers
of revolutionaries. In addition he issued other presidential
decrees that day that guaranteed pensions for the injured. Both
were demands of the revolutionary forces. However, this did
not subdue fears from him expanding and fortifying his
powers and decisions to the extent that he cancels the judicial
117

powers completely. Furthermore, he dismissed the Public

Prosecutor and appointed a new one which angered most of
the judges because the President is intervening in the works of
the judiciary making them decide to not cooperate with him in
any form.

The Friday of Shari'a and Legitimacy

Islamist forces supporting the president mobilized - in what
seemed like a show of strength in huge protests on the first
of December to support the president and his declaration.
Muslim Brotherhood, Salafis and Al-Gama'a Al-Islamiya
participated. Islamists gathered in Nahda square away from
Tahrir square, which was full of protesters against the
declaration.

The Siege of the Constitutional Court

On 2 December, nearly 5 thousand persons demonstrated in
front of the Supreme Constitutional Court, while the court is
supposedly looking into claims of the unconstitutionality of
the Shura Council Law and the standards for electing the
members of the Constituent Assembly. The Judges were not
able to enter the court as a result of pro-Morsi protesters
surrounding the premises. The court had to postpone the
session.

The First Itahidiya

Opposition forces called for protest against the declaration on
4 December. Protests came out in the direction of the Itahidiya
Palace and continued until the evening. Some protesters
decided to stay in front of the palace until the demands are
met. On the morning of 5 December, huge crowds of Muslim
Brotherhood headed from Rab'a Mosque toward the Palace in
118

what seemed like a military act. They were chanting and

screaming in a manner similar to military training. Their
chants were Jihadi in nature. They were carrying sticks and
batons. They attacked the small number of tents around the
palace and destroyed their property.
When news that the Muslim Brotherhood was attacking,
opposition groups started flowing to the Palace to support and
protect their fellow protesters and to express their opposition
to the attack.
Islamist crowds had settled around the palace and ready to
attack anyone trying to get close.
Clashes broke out. Revolutionaries threw stones, and Islamists
used stones in addition to batons, white weapons, cartouche,
and firearms.
The Islamists arbitrarily captured a large number of people
around the palace and they were dragged and assaulted. They
were detained in the palace and in Rab'a Mosque. Most of
them were interrogated and tortured. After they detained them,
they handed them the following day to the prosecution with
different accusations, after they have fabricated that they had
weapons in their possession. During the interrogations and
before they were over, Morsi came out and announced that the
investigations have proven that the accused are convicted. This
provoked the prosecution which was still conducting its
investigations. Amongst those arrested was an Egyptian
Ambassador who was tortured by the Muslim Brotherhood.
Also a Pharmacist who was providing first aid and treatment
to the wounded was captured. The prosecution released all the
defendants for lack of evidence. Large numbers were injured
in this event. Eight people were killed, including the
journalists Al Husseini Abu Deif.
On 9 December, and under the growing pressure by the
opposition, Mohamed Morsi had to issue a new
119

(complimentary) constitutional declaration. Its first article

stated "The constitutional declaration issued on 22 November
2012 is void starting from today [9 December 2012] and all its
consequences remain in effect." The aim was to absorb the
anger of the opposition, and relieve the consequences of the
Itahidiya. But it was just like the saying, a lot of water under
the bridge. The ousting of Morsi became the first goal of the
opposition.
This is how the year 2012 ended. It ended with a lot of blood
just as it started with a lot of blood. The fall of the regime
became much more complex than just bringing down the
military rule or Mubarak. Also, the murderers who have killed
the martyrs they too have become much more complex than
before.

111

Chapter 3: 2013
The flood of the revolution and
its contradictions

111

112

Chapter 3: 2013
The flood of the revolution and its
contradictions
We enter the year 2013. The revolution awakens from the
dream of liberation from the heritage of military rule and the
remains of the Mubarak regime to enjoy what it erupted for:
"Freedom, Bread, Dignity". It finds itself entering a new twist
that is not less dangerous than what ignited it before: hordes of
bearded men who announced their rejection to democracy and
their adherence to religious rule, not caring for the concepts of
citizenship or the question of justice. The president is seeking
to impose the domination of his brotherhood and consolidation
of the tyrannical presidential system that has powers superior
to the constitution and to legislation. The freedom that was
snatched with a hefty price of blood is once again being beaten
with batons and shot by guns. This time, it is at the hands of
supporters of the president. The MB and their supporters have
become an obvious obstacle to the path of the revolution. They
were in the way of fulfilling the dream. Thus, the people
decided to struggle against this obstacle, in order to continue
their path to fulfill the dream of freedom and justice. The year
2013 is the year of contradictions and struggles. It is also a
year of conspiracies. The Revolution's flood flows but doesnt
know where it will end.

January
This month starts with the memory of three bearded men from
an authority that called its self "the Promotion of Virtue and
Prevention of Vice" stopping a student in the Faculty of
Engineering, Ahmed Hussein Eid who was his fianc in July
2012. When he opposed their intervention, they killed him.
113

Others have cut the tongue of a young man for "insulting

religion"24 this is in addition to separate harassment and
attacks of this sort to young men and women.
In January 2013, the Salafi preacher, Hisham Al Ashry,
submitted a request to the Ministry of Interior to form a body
of Police assistants known as the Promotion of Virtue and
Prevention of Vice that would work under the supervision of
the Azhar. He announced that there is a Salafi body working
under this name, threatening that they will shut down cinemas
and theatres and will impose the Islamic clothes, religious
morals, and implement the rules of Shari'a.25
Before the anniversary of 25 January, the Black Block group
appeared in the heart of Tahrir square and other areas.
The Constitution was being drafted by a constituent assembly
dominated by Islamists. It was put to vote. The supervising
committee announced that it has been approved by 90% votes,
which the majority of the Islamic forces opposed.
On 20 January, there were angry protests in Alexandria,
because the court stepped down from looking into the case of
the killing of protesters in Alexandria during the 25 January
revolution in 2011. The protesters, after security withdrew,
stormed into the court compound and set fire on its main gates.
They took out some documents from the court and burnt it.
The protesters chanted "the people want to purify the
24

The promotion of virtue orders the hand of an Egyptian to be cut and his
brother's tongue cut: 30 bearded men attack them for being disrespectful to
one them, they tied him and beat him, Al Arabiya.net, 31 October 2012,
http://www.alarabiya.net/articles/2012/10/31/246901.html (In Arabic)
25

Founder of the Promotion of Virtue and prevention of Vice to Al Watan:

will fight for Egypt to be ruled by Islamic Shari'a, Al Watan Newspaper, 1
January 2013, http://www.elwatannews.com/news/details/106740 (in Arabic)

114

judiciary", and "down down with the supreme guide's rule".

Television footage showed a solider hit a family member of a
victim and lawyers in the court using batons just before
clashes erupted in the streets.26
On 23 January, the Ahly Ultras in a show of strength appeared
in three places; they surrounded the Bourse, stopped the metro,
and cut off October Bridge. They were expressing their
determination for quick retribution of the perpetrators of the
Portsaid massacre.27
Also, in the same context, they held protests in Alexandria and
Minya chanting slogans of anger and threats. On 24 January,
protesters clashed with security in Tahrir square and gas
bombs were shot.
The anniversary of the revolution started with a background of
tension and battles with the ministry of interior and Muslim
Brotherhood elements. Protesters were accused of destruction,
thuggery and being outlaws. This tone of threats by the
ministry of interior and the Muslim Brotherhood was
escalating.

Egypt: clashes between police and protesters in Alexandria, BBC Arabic, 26

15 January 2013,
http://www.bbc.com/arabic/middleeast/2013/01/130120_egypt_alexandria_c
lashes.shtml
27

Ultras cut of the Metro line from Saad Zaghloul, Watan News, 23 January
2013, http://www.elwatannews.com/news/details/118229

115

The Friday of Rage, 25 January

An anniversary or the beginnings of a new revolution?
The domination of the Islamists over the constituent assembly
was concerning for the "civil" political forces. It warned of a
situation of further dominance of the Muslim Brotherhood and
the marginalization of the rest of the forces. Also, it warned of
the constitutionalization of oppressive laws. In addition, there
was an economic crisis and problems on the borders when
armed groups began terrorism operations.
The mobilization for the January anniversary was a bet for the
future. The Muslim Brotherhood expected that their opposition
did not have the ability to mobilize large numbers against
them. However, masses of people gathered in Tahrir against
the Muslim Brotherhood. The square was packed with political
forces and people from across the spectrum all together to
reject the Muslim Brotherhood rule.
The demonstrations of anger were not limited to Cairo alone.
Protests erupted in many governorates, such as Alexandria,
Damietta, Ismailia, Suez, Beheira, and some governorates in
Upper Egypt. The Black Bloc appeared in the protests of
Cairo, Alexandria and Ismailia. They were masked and
dressed in black, raising pictures of martyrs of the 25 January
Revolution. Baradie and Hamdeen Sabahi, symbols of the
opposition, went down together in one march in the noon of
that day.
In Cairo, protests were in Tahrir Square, Maspero, Itahidiya
Palace, and Mustafa Mahmoud
-

In Cairo, protests tried to remove the cement wall in

Kasr Al Aini Street. Security responded with a hail of
smoke bombs. Clashes took place in Mohamed
Mahmoud Street, Kasr Al Aini, Itahidiya, and
116

Maspero. The march in Shubra was attacked by some

individuals, after it was attacked from in front the
office of the Ikhwan Online Website.
-

In Alexandria, a group of protesters were able to take

over the residence of central security in Kom Al
Dekka. Police shot teargas bombs to disperse the
protesters who have thrown stones at the temporary
headquarters of the governorate.

Clashes also took place in Al Qaed Ibrahim Mosque

area and the Courts Compound area.

In Suez, protesters tried to raid the governorate's

building. Security responded with teargas bombs.
Intermittent clashes took place. Six people were killed.

In Ismailia, protesters burnt the headquarters of the

Freedom and Justice party. Clashes took place. One
person was killed and several wounded, according to
the Ministry of Health.

In Beheira, protesters tried to storm into the

governorate's building

In Damanhur, hundreds of protesters stormed into the

headquarters of the Muslim Brotherhood and they
threw everything outside. They were able to set fire to
it and break the metal entrance door.

In the city of Mahalla, protesters cut the railway and

surrounded two police stations.

In Kafr Al Sheikh, protesters destroyed police

armored vehicles and stormed into the governorate's
building. Protesters in Damietta also stormed into the
building of the governorate and clashes took place
with security forces.

117

Protesters chanted against the Supreme Guide's rule,

against the Muslim Brotherhood, and the President.
They called for the fall of their rule, considering
Morsi's policies a continuation of Mubarak's approach.

Demands of the day varied, starting with retribution of the

martyrs, re-trials of those accused of killing protesters,
purification o the Ministry of Interior, the dismissal of the
Hisham Qandil government, dismissal f the Public Prosecutor
Talaat Abdullah, amending the controversial articles in the
constitution, re-drafting the constitution, putting a minimum
and maximum wages, until the fall of Mohamed Morsi and the
Muslim Brotherhood.
According to the Ministry of Health, clashes resulted in the
killing of ten people in Suez and Ismailia and 548 cases of
injuries.
On the other hand, protesters from Islamist forces and parties
gathered at the Media Production City in support of the
President. The "Islamic" protest included the Muslim
Brotherhood and 15 political parties and movements
supporting them. They were demanding the purification of
media and the judiciary.

26 January: intermission and the Canal cities continue

Second Portsaid:
The Portsaid Criminals court sentenced 21 defendants to death
in the Portsaid Stadium case, which many confirm that the
arrests were arbitrary and the trial was politicized to appease
the Ultras Ahlawy. The ruling did not include any police
officers accused in the case. Most of those sentences were
AlMasry Portsaid Fans Club, from the people of Portsaid.

118

The ruling was harsh for the people who gathered and tried to
break into the prison were the sentenced were detained in
order to liberate them. Security confronted the people using all
forms of weapons, starting with teargas and ending with live
bullets. These clashes ended with a large number of killed and
injured people. Near four of five were killed and more than
900 injured from the people of Portsaid throughout three days
of clashes. The enraged people destroyed the front of the
railway station and surrounded the Sharq Police Station. They
forced the police men to escape and used the station as a base
for the protesters. They tried to destroy the prison gates, but
the security was strong enough in their response. The army
brought down armored vehicles and soldiers to secure the port
and important facilities. On the day of the funeral of those who
were killed on the first day, clashes were renewed and more
victims fell. A curfew was announced starting the evening and
general emergency in all of the cities of the Canal for 30 days.
The people broke the curfew and protested and held
celebrations and festivals in the streets, clearly challenging the
curfew.
Noticeably, all police officers accused in the Portsaid events
were found innocent. A large number of people from Portsaid
were injured, most from gunshots. The wounded and families
of victims formed a coalition to demand that they be
considered revolution victims, in order to be covered
medically and supported, especially that many of them were
randomly shot by the security.

Morsi called for dialogue with his opposition. The

Salvation Front, formed against him, refused his
invitation. On 29 January, he reiterated his invitation.

Baradie said on his twitter account, "We urgently need

a meeting between the President, the Ministers of
Defense and Interior, the Ruling Party, the Salafis, and

119

the Salvation Front to take immediate steps to end

violence and start a serious dialogue".
Opposition had demanded the formation of a national unity
government, but the president refused this demand postponing
the formation of any government until after the election of the
new parliament. In this manner, possibilities for middle
ground solutions with the Salvation Front and the Nour Party
(which had joined the lines of the opposition to a certain
extent) have been blocked.
In a symbolic step, the Azhar adopted in the end of January a
meeting for the powers and the opposition to sign an
agreement to renounce violence. Leaders of the Salvation
Front, Mohamed Baradie, Hamdeen Sabahi and Amr Moussa,
attended along with Saad Katatni, head of the Freedom and
Justice Party. Also at the meeting were the head of the Strong
Egypt Party, Abdel Moneim Abul Fottouh, the head of the
Wasat Party, Abul Ela Mady, representatives of Salafi Parties,
and the Salafi Mohamed Hassan. Also the activist Wael
Ghoneim, and Bishops Armia and Morcos and leaders of
Egyptian churches attended.
This was an insignificant meeting as violence between the
actors had dug the path deeply in the heart of the political
scene.
This is how January passed, leaving deep wounds. In that
month blood was spilt. It seemed that the revolution was
flopping. The Muslim Brotherhood was surrounded by their
policies and isolation. The fall of Morsi's regime became a
matter of time and nothing else.

First February The Friday of Salvation

Opposition forces called for huge protests in all governorates
on that day. For the first time, speakers of the MB party
121

announce that their youth will be holding their Friday Prayers

near the Itahidiya Palace and that they are ready to "protect
legitimacy".28 Rains on that day did not stop the protests that
focused its demands on a national salvation government, a
committee to amend the controversial clauses in the
constitution, the removal of the effects of the 22 November
Constitutional declaration, dismissal of the public prosecutor,
formation of a judicial committee to investigate recent
violence, holding those responsible accountable, for the MB to
respect the law, and to cancel the state of emergency in the
Canal cities.29 Protests came out in Cairo, Canal cities, Kafr Al
Sheikh, and other governorates. Security violently confronted
these protests, especially at the Itahidiya palace. One person
was killed by a gunshot. His name was Mohamed Hussein
Qorani. He was 23 years old. He was shot in the chest and
forehead. Sixty two others were wounded. Others also were
wounded in Tahrir, Portsaid and Kafr Al Sheikh.
The Ministry of Health announced a statement of injuries and
deaths, which totaled, on death and more than 90 wounded.

28

Egypt: Marches craw to the Presidential Palace after Friday Prayers,

Akhbar, 1 February 2013,
http://akhbaar24.argaam.com/article/detail/125513/%D9%85%D8%B5%D8
%B1-%D9%85%D8%B3%D9%8A%D8%B1%D8%A7%D8%AA%D8%AA%D8%B2%D8%AD%D9%81-%D9%86%D8%AD%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D8%B5%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B1%D8%A6%D8%A7%D8%B3%D9%8A%D8%A8%D8%B9%D8%AF-%D8%B5%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%A9%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AC%D9%85%D8%B9%D8%A9
29

Ibid

121

Presidential threat Inciting the Salafis to kill the

opposition30
On 4 February Morsi met with the leaders of the Ministry of
Interior and asked the m to be hard on the subversives.
On the same day, Wagdi Ghoneim spoke in a video on
YouTube to the president asking him to kill the symbols of
opposition and the Black Bloc that was considered officially a
terrorist group. Ghoneim said, "Your Excellency, we have had
enough. What is happening is impossible. Be angry. Use your
powers. Hit with an iron hand relentlessly. Their fair
punishment is to be killed and crucified. Their hands and legs
should be cut in opposite sides or to be exiled from the land if
the police fails, we are your men"
At the same time, another Salafi preacher incited, on Al Hafez
Channel, to kill contesters to Morsi. This preacher is
Mahmoud Shaaban, a professor at the Faculty of Islamic
Studies in Al Azhar University.
Shaaban said, "What many dont know that the Salvation
Front and its leaders are seeking to take power and clearly
their punishment in God's Shari'a is death".
He added, "The punishment of the National Salvation that
wants to rule and burn Egypt, the punishment of its leadership
that is burning Egypt for power, their punishment is death
..."31

30

Wagdy Ghoneim calls Morsi to kill those who "burn the country" and to
attack the Black Bloc, CNN Arabic, 4 February 2013,
http://archive.arabic.cnn.com/2013/middle_east/1/30/wajdi.balckblock/
31

MB, Nour, and Opposition Deplores... Presidency considers it

"Terrorism". Egypt: A preacher calls for the killing of the leaders of the

122

These calls raised fears amongst the opposition leaders

especially that they coincided with the assassination of the
Tunisian leftist leader, Choukri Beleid, by the hands of
Islamists. This made the Ministry of Interior arrange for
special guards for Baradie and Sabahi.
On Friday 8 February, protests went out. It was called the
Friday of Departure. One of the protests headed to Itahidiya.
The following Friday, 15 February, was named "Checkmate".
News circulated that as a result of previous protests, Morsi
was forced to move his work to Kasr Al Qobba. On that day,
pro-Morsi Islamists and the MB organized huge
demonstrations in solidarity with Morsi. They raised religious
slogans, such as "Islam is coming, the Quran is Ruling".
Masses of Islamists gathered in front of Cairo University.
Opposition assembled in Tahrir Square.

Leave the streets and let's vote:

This is how the president who wanted to absorb the anger
thought. He dragged opposition to a calm electoral battle,
leaving behind the streets and the squares. He announced that
parliamentary elections will be held in April within a highly
politically polarized situation and an environment of street
warfare. The unconstitutional electoral law was given to the
Shura Council to amend. Coptic authorities refused the
election dates as they coincided with Christian holidays and
also to win some ground. The President agreed and the dates
were amended.
Opposition and the Salvation Front called for a boycott for
elections because the time was tight or because the

"Salvation Front", 8 February 2013, Aliwaa,

http://www.aliwaa.com/Article.aspx?ArticleId=153660

123

amendments were tailored to fit only the MB and has serious

constitutional problems threatening the whole process.32
The president ignored the crisis and called for a "national
dialogue".
Lawyers appealed the decision of the President. The appeal
was accepted because the amendments to the law were not
reviewed by the Constitutional Court. This closed the door in
the face of the President's efforts.

March: Mokkattam and the MB headquarters

Angry opposition groups attacked MB headquarters. Tens of
protesters gathered in protests in front of the main headquarter,
the Guidance Office, in Mokattam during the second week of
March. MB elements attacked them violently. This angered
the opposition. A decision to gather for large protests was
made for it to take place on 22 March in the name of "Friday
of Dignity". Thousands of protesters headed to the guidance
office. The previous day, one of the MB leaders threatened
anyone approaching the headquarters.
32

- Egyptian Opposition heads towards boycotting and appealing the law,

Akhbar 24, 24 February 2013,
http://akhbaar24.argaam.com/article/detail/128197/%D8%A7%D9%84%D9
%85%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%B6%D8%A9%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A9%D8%AA%D8%AA%D8%AC%D9%87%D9%84%D9%84%D9%85%D9%82%D8%A7%D8%B7%D8%B9%D8%
A9-%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B7%D8%B9%D9%88%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%88%D9%86%D9%
8A%D8%A9-%D8%A8%D8%B9%D8%AF%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D8%B9%D9%88%D8%A9%D9%84%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%AA%D8%AE%D8%A7%D8
%A8%D8%A7%D8%AA

124

The Friday of Dignity was large and widespread around the

headquarters of the ruling party and the MB. Large clashes
took place at the Mokattam offices. The MB mobilized a large
number of its members and supporters from different
governorates to confront the protests. Violent clashes took
place. Both sides threw stones at each other. Protesters were
able to set fire on 4 vehicles carrying MB from governorates.
The MB ran away from the protesters. Security forces
intervened and hailed on them smoke bombs. This was around
the headquarters which was guarded by the security forces.
Many injuries occurred during the clashes.33
Mokattam was not the only stage for the events. The attacks
took place in several governorates, such as Mahalla,
Alexandria, Zakazik, and Mansoura. Headquarters also in
Cairo were attacked. Some were raided by protesters, who
destroyed their fronts and signs.34
The gap grew wider. Calls for dialogue between the MB and
the Salvation Front are no longer useful. No one actually had
control over the enraged people. The slogan "the people want
the fall of the regime" has been substituted by "the people
want the fall of the MB", "the fall of the Guidance Rule",
"Morsi Mubarak", "Civil Civil". These have become the
slogans and goals of a large bloc of the opposition.

The battle of the Public Prosecutor:

After Morsi appointed a pro MB Public Prosecutor, Talaat
Abdullah, following his November Constitutional Declaration,
most judges opposed Morsi's intervention in their affairs. They
33

MB preparations in front of the Guidance Office: "we will teach them

respect", YouTube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LGZNLSDZhfU
34

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KbRxbcAbXdM

125

refused to cooperate with the MB Prosecutor. Moreover, some

judges and prosecutors appealed the decision to appoint Talaat
Abdullah in this position. They considered Abdel Maguid the
legitimate Public Prosecutor, according to the law. On 27
March, the Cairo Appeals Court verdict was to cancel the
President's decision to dismiss the former Public Prosecutor,
Abdel Maguid Mahmoud, and found the appointment of Talaat
Abdullah instead invalid.
This was only a symbolic victory and nothing more. Abdel
Maguid insisted to withdraw from this battle as he was
threatened by the MB and its supporters. But, it was an
important victory. It meant a deep division between state
institutions and the Morsi's authority.
March ended leaving behind, according to Wiki Thawra, 25
deaths, 1932 wounded and 738 detainees.35

April: The crisis exacerbates

April starts with a provoking sectarian statement by the
president during his meeting with the Salafi "Legitimate
Authority for Rights and Reform". He confirmed his keenness
to "confront any attempt to spread shi'ism in Egypt". He
confirmed that he will stand his position and refuse any
attempt to promote the Shi'ite doctrine in Egypt. This is
according to a statement issued by the authority on Thursday 4
April.

35

Annual Report: 49,447 victims of the consecutive regimes during 2013,

Wiki Thawra, 31 December 2013,
https://wikithawra.wordpress.com/2013/12/31/report2013/

126

7 April: the Cathedral Events (the Papal Headquarters)

On 6 April in Khosos, Qalubiya, a fight happened between a
Muslim and a Christian. The Muslim was killed and two
others were injured by gunshots. This led to the eruption of a
sectarian attack on Christians and on the Mary Girguis
Church, which was attacked and damaged. The attack led to
the death of 6 Copts by shooting. One died burnt after fire was
set on him. Another was stabbed. These victims were just
passing by and had no connection to the rage that had erupted.
In addition, other Copts were wounded by gunshots.
On 7 April, prayers were held over the bodies in the Cathedral
in Abassiya amidst a state of anger and sadness of thousands
of Copts present at the prayers. During the prayer, calls to
bring down Morsi were chanted. The present held him and his
regime the responsibility for the attacks. After the prayer, a
procession headed with the bodies. As soon as the gates were
opened, they were surprised with an attack using cartouche,
stones, and Molotov. The procession withdrew inside. The
doors were shut. The attackers went up the walls surrounding
the building and continued attacking with Molotov and
Cartouche. Morsi went out in the Media stating that the attack
on the Cathedral is a personal attack on him. However, this did
not change. The attack continued until midnight. Security
appeared after a few years. It shot bombs on the fences and
inside the Cathedral, which made the situation worse. Security
did not attack the attackers and was just satisfied with shooting
bombs that targeted the Cathedral's building and garden.36 The
36

A video after two year: who is responsible for the attack on the
Cathedral?, Dot Masr, 8 April 2015,
http://www.dotmsr.com/details/%D8%B9%D8%A7%D9%85%D8%A7%D9
%86-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D8%B9%D8%AA%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8
%A1-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89-

127

attackers were not able to enter the Cathedral because the

number of Christians in it was large and they defended the
building. They were able to get some Cartouche to confront
the attack. According to statements by the Ministry of Health
and Population, the number of victims of the Cathedral attack
reached on death and 89 wounded.37
Sectarian clashes continued in Khosos and around Margirguis
Church. More victims fell. The leftist Popular Coalition Party
considered the events, in a statement in issued, "part of a plan
to explode sectarian tension and to drag the society to a
sectarian war that will disintegrate the unit of the people
against oppression, tyranny and abuse. These events are to
distract the people from their crises under the MB rule and to
deviate the revolution from its path". The Copts considered all
their churches under threat. Nearly 30 people were arrested. In
addition Cartouche guns and Molotov were found with them.
The Prosecution released 10 of them.

Tamarud
In April, a group of youth, originially from the "Kefaya"
movement, were holding a meeting. They were inspired by the
word "Tamarud" (insurgency) that was written from a Syrian
opposition magazine. The aim of the meeting was to start a
campaign, independent of "Kefaya" that rejected their idea,
against Morsi's rule. Their goals:

%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D9%82%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A8%D8%A7%D8%A8%D9%88%D9%8A%D9%84%D8%A3%D9%82%D8%AF%D9%85%D9%83%D9%86%D9%8A%D8%B3%D8%A9-%D9%81%D9%8A%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B4%D8%B1%D9%82
37

Ibid

128

1. The ousting of Mohamed Morsi and handing his office

to the head of the Supreme Constitutional Court which
will represent the country abroad only.
2. Select a political personality known for his efficiency
to head the government that will run the affairs of the
country during the transition
3. Form a government of technocrats to fix the
deteriorating situation in the country.
They decided to gather signatures from the streets to withdraw
confidence from the President. People would sign a form
drafted by the movement. The signed forms will go the
Constitutional Court to request it to withdraw his legitimacy as
President and announce early presidential elections. They
decided to continue collecting signatures until 30 June. They
gathered signatures from Tahrir on 1 May, where there were
masses celebrating Labour Day. They worked in governorates.
They chose Portsaid as the first governorate to work in. The
campaign gathered around 200 thousand signatures in the first
week. Opposition political parties and figure gave the
movement attention and started donating money and opening
offices for them. Volunteers from all opposing political forces
joined. The support of political forces came after the second
press conference of the campaign, 10 days after it was
launched. The press conference was titled "10 days of
Tamarud (rebellion)"38
The movement was smeared and accused by the Islamic
forces. When it was clear that it was widespread and
influential, the MB tried to respond with a similar campaign.
They printed a form to confirm confidence in the President.
38

Moheb Doss, Tamarud Cofounder, in a heated interview: I froze my

membership in the campaign after 3 July after discovering that the state had
recruited its members, Yanair, July 2015, http://yanair.net/?p=2282

129

The name of the campaign was "Tagarrud" (impartiality). But

this came in a political and social climate that is rejecting the
continuation of the MB in power.
Tamarud spread and continued to collect signatures until the
specified date "30 June". They arrived that if they get a
number of signatures larger than the number of votes for
Morsi, then protests will come out to demand him to leave.
The distribution of the form was tolerated, and it was repeated
that the movement was supported by security and military
services, which allowed it to work without any harassment.
The distribution and signature of the form played a
mobilization role that escalated as 30 June approached.
Before 30 June, and after the enormity of signatures appeared
as it surpassed the number of Morsi votes, actors started to
prepare for 30 June. Opposition and individuals from Tamarud
decided that they will start a sit-in in Tahrir on 28 June.
In return, the MB announced that they and their supporters
will strike starting 28 June at the Itahidiya Palace to protect it
and prevent protesters from reaching it. Each side posted their
tents starting 29 June. The Salafi Nour Party announced its
support and participation with the MB. Dr Bassam Zarka,
former advisor of the president and deputy head of the Nour
Party, announced that the party is supporting everything that
came through ballot boxes and that change should be through
elections and not by violence in the streets, confirming that if
we allow the fall of the current regime, everything else
afterward will be taken by arms and not through peace and
dialogue.
Barriers to secure the sit in at Itahidiya were set under the
supervision of the MB. Cement barriers were put around the
Palace and its gates. In Tahrir, tents were raised and barriers
were set. Each party started their strike.

131

30 June: the event and its implications

On 2 June the Constitutional court ruled to dissolve the Shura
Council and said that the Constituent Assembly that drafted
the constitution was invalid. In this way, Morsi lost legislative
and constitutional support.
On 28 June, protests in support of the President went out in
Mansoura and other areas. The Mansoura protest was attacked
by the people and those called "honest citizens". Some were
killed and a large number injured. In Sharqiya, the MB
headquarter was attacked, leading to death and injuries. On the
same day, the "National Alliance Supporting Legitimacy" was
launched in a press conference in the Itahidiya area. Dr Gamal
Abdel Sattar, member of the alliance and deputy minister of
endowment, said in his word in the conference, "we are in a
real battle for the sake of Islam, and who calls other than that
is sinning". There were armed MB protecting their
headquarters. A climate of violence was overshadowing the
advent of 30 June.

30 June: military planes hovered over Tahrir in a manner

understood as solidarity to the sit-in and its goals:
Large protests went out in June 30, estimated to be in millions,
chanting against the rule of the MB and demanding the ousting
of the President. Some headed to Mokattam were violent
clashes took place with the heavily armed MB present at the
headquarters. A number of protesters fell dead. The battle
ended with the MB escaping and the protesters breaking into
the office, damaging its contents, and setting fire to part of it.
On the following day, Omar Amer, the Presidential
Spokesperson, announced that the president knows he had

131

committed mistakes and he is seeking to correct them, calling

for a dialogue with the opposition.39
As a result of the enormity of mobilization against MB and the
President, Abdel Fattah Al Sisi, the Minister of Defense, went
out on the following day, on behalf of SCAAF, to announce
that he had giving a deadline of 48 hours to all parties to reach
a settlement or else the army will intervene:
"The armed forces repeat their call to respond to the
people's demands and gives everyone a 48-hour
deadline to carry the burden of these historic
circumstances that the nation is going through. It will
not forgive or tolerate any shortcomings in bearing
their responsibilities.
The armed forces warns everyone that if the demands
of the people are not met during this set time period, it
will be obliged, due to its national and historic duties,
out of respect for the demands of the great Egyptian
people, to announce a roadmap and measures for the
future, which it would oversee in collaboration with
all the loyal national factions and movements,
including the youth who were and remain the spark of
the glorious revolution. No one would be ignored."

39

Presidential Spokesperson: Morsi is working on amending his mistakes,

Akhbar 24, 1 July 2013,
http://akhbaar24.argaam.com/article/detail/141069/%D9%85%D8%AA%D8
%AD%D8%AF%D8%AB-%D8%A8%D8%A7%D8%B3%D9%85%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B1%D8%A6%D8%A7%D8%B3%D8%A9%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%A9%D9%85%D8%B1%D8%B3%D9%8A%D9%8A%D8%B9%D9%85%D9%84-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89%D8%AA%D8%B5%D8%AD%D9%8A%D8%AD%D8%A7%D8%AE%D8%B7%D8%A7%D8%A6%D9%87 (In Arabic)

132

The presidential office issued a statement o 2 July expressing

reservations of the army's statement saying that it has not been
reviewed by the president and that it carries unacceptable
signals. Morsi met with Sisi. The meeting did not result in any
changes in either the position of the army or Morsi. MB
protests went out in solidarity with the President. Huge clashes
took place in the area of Cairo University between the people
and the MB. Twenty two people were killed from amongst the
MB. A large number of people were wounded from both sides.
Morsi delivered a statement in the evening of that day. He
repeated that there is no alternative to legitimacy. He did not
present anything that meets the demands of the opposition or
the enraged masses. The Ministry of Interior delivered an
official statement confirming that it will not abandon the
people and that it will protect the protesters from any violence
and will stand by the armed forces.

3 July:
On the third day, the military held a meeting with the Azhar,
the church, opposition forces, and the Salafi Nour Party to
study the coming "roadmap" that will be announced and
implemented. There was an invitation for the Freedom and
Justice Party to participate in the meeting but it refused. The
army delivered its second statement ousting the President
without actually mentioning it. But it announced the
following:
1- Suspending the constitution.
2-Holding early presidential elections. The High
Constitutional Court head will be in charge of the country until
then.
3-Forming a national coalition government.

133

4-Forming a committee to look into amendments of the

constitution.
He also announced that no one will be excluded.
This is how Morsi was ousted, while the door was open for the
MB to participate in the process. There as an attempt to have a
national reconciliation. But the MB held onto Morsi's rule
(legitimacy). The Supreme Guide of the Muslim Brotherhood
called for Jihad to defend the "legitimate power". This was a
call for war in all governorates, considering what had
happened a military coup on their rule.
On the same day, the army took preventive measures. Salafi
and pro MB channels, including Al Jazeera, were suspended.
On the following day, 4 July, Adly Mansour was sworn in as
the temporary president of the country.
Morsi was detained in an unannounced place of detention.
Decisions were made to ban MB leaders and leaders of the
pro-legitimacy alliance from travel. An arrest campaign
started, arrested MB leaders and elements. The Public
Prosecution announced on 14 July that it is about to charge
Morsi, the Supreme Guide, and others with espionage.
The investigation was opened officially on 26 July into
accusations of espionage and prison break in. Morsi was kept
in detention pending the investigation.
The MB continued to strike (since 28 June) in Rab'a Al
Adawiya. They announced that they will not leave until Morsi
is back as president. The main stage was a place where threats
were announced and Jihadi songs were chanted. Another sit-in
was held in Nahda square in Giza for the same goals.
This period witnessed huge battles in districts and
governorates between the MB protesters and the people who
are rejecting them. Tens of people from both sides were killed.
Security services would always intervene but late. If it
134

intervened, it would leave the people to confront the MB who

in most cases are armed with cartouche and guns.

The National Guard 8 July

In the dawn of 8 July, military forces armed with armored
vehicles attacked a MB near the National Guard close to
Rab'a. The military attack was violent. It shot fire intensively
on MB gatherings. There are two stories to the incident. The
official story is that the MB found out that Mohamed Morsi
was detained there and thus prepared an attack to liberate him.
In the dawn of that day they went up the fences. As a result,
the armed forces had to deal with them.40 The MB story was
that they were attacked while praying.
Clashes broke out between the two sides. The MB used
cartouche, stones and Molotov. Sixty one people died and
more than 435 people injure, according to the forensic
medicine bureau. Also, 640 people were arrested, 200 of them
detained and the rest released.
According to the ministry of interior, clashes broke out at the
National Guard Club in the dawn after 4 protesters went up the
fences and blocked Salah Salem Street. They shot cartouche
and he security forces decided to disperse the sit in. they gave
the protesters a 15 minute ultimatum and at 4.45 am, the

40

Recording of Sisi: Morsi was inside the National Guards during the
events, 26 October 2013, Moheet,
http://www.moheet.com/2013/10/26/1837403/%D8%AA%D8%B3%D8%A
C%D9%8A%D9%84-%D9%85%D9%86%D8%B3%D9%88%D8%A8%D9%84%D9%84%D8%B3%D9%8A%D8%B3%D9%8A%D9%85%D8%B1%D8%B3%D9%8A-%D9%83%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%AE%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AD.html#.VjEC3XwrJxA (In Arabic)

135

protest was dispersed using teargas bombs only. 41 There are

other videos documenting the incident from different angles.42
Civil organizations and political forces considered what
happened a massacre and accused the army of excessively
using force without any reason.
Freedom and Justice Party called upon the Egyptians to up rise
against those who what to steal their revolution with tanks.
Adly Mansour decided to open an investigation into the events
confirming that he stands against the use of violence.

Azbakiya Police Station Ramses 1:

Mid July
MB was further enraged. In less than a week, on 16 July, the
MB organized an attack on Azbakiya Police Station. They
used firearms, cartouche and Molotov. They shot at the station
and some soldiers shot back. A number of the people joined in
to protect the police. Molotov bombs were thrown at the
building. The police requested urgent support as they could
not cope with the attackers. After hours of the attack, the
armored vehicles arrived with additional forces that
surrounded the station to confront the attackers.
The attackers were chased and 70 were arrested, 62 of them
were transferred to a criminal court with several charges,
41

http://gate.ahram.org.eg/News/370262.aspx

42

https://wikithawra.wordpress.com/2013/07/15/%D8%AA%D9%88%D8%A
B%D9%8A%D9%82-%D9%85%D8%B0%D8%A8%D8%AD%D8%A9%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AD%D8%B1%D8%B3%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AC%D9%85%D9%87%D9%88%D8%B1%D9
%89-8-%D9%8A%D9%88%D9%84%D9%8A%D9%88-2013/

136

including intent to murder and possession of weapons, etc. all

were found innocent for lack of evidence.
Many people were injured on that day from both sides. It is
estimated that around 70 people were wounded.

Minister of Defense requests delegation

In his speech on 24 July 2013 in front of the students of the
military academy, Abdel Fattah Al Sisi, the Minister of
Defense, and not the President, requested the people to give
him mandate to combat terrorism. He asked the people to go
out in demonstrations to delegate him. Many syndicates,
associations, and political parties announced that they have
delegated Sisi. On Friday 27 July large popular demonstrations
chanting "Sisi hit them, Sisi grind them" went out. On that
day, Hisham Abbass sang the famous song "Teslam Al
Ayady" (god blesses these hands" that has become a national
anthem for Sisi supporters.
On the other hand, many political forces and symbols
considered this delegation as a mandate to kill and have
refused it on principle, considered what the law has stipulated
to combat terrorism was sufficient.

The platform battle:

After the celebrations of that Friday were over, the strikers in
Rab'a brought building material and stones to Nasr street, near
the "unknown soldier platform" and built stone barriers and in
front of them MB supporters were stationed to protect their sit
in. as a result, military armored vehicles and forces headed
there and shot smoke bombs on the MB gathering who stood
facing the forces that have arrived to remove the barriers.43
The battles continued until the morning of the following day.
43

Rab'a strikers built pavement stone barriers, YouTube, Watan

Newspapers, 27 July 2013,

137

Alexandria, the consequences of the delegation

On the same day, 26 July, the MB and their supporters
gathered and protested at the Qaed Ibrahim Mosque in
Alexandria, naming their protest the Friday "refusing the
delegation to kill". The march moved passing by Raml Station
until Qaed Ibrahim. Pro-Sisi demonstrators who were
gathering to delegate him to combat terrorism on the same day
clashed with the Pro-Morsi supporters. A few hours later,
armored vehicles and security forces, accompanied by a large
number of civilians, arrived at the Mosque.44 Smoke bombs
were shot at the MB who in turn responded throwing stones,
while some used firearms and cartouche.45 Security forces
used smoke bombs, firearms and cartouche. It was noticed that
there are pro-Sisi "honest people" who used firearms in the
presence of the army and police.46 The MB and its supporters
stayed at the Mosque until they were dispersed by the security
forces. There are videos showing the MB detaining and
torturing citizens in the Mosque.47

https://wikithawra.wordpress.com/2013/08/09/%D9%85%D8%B0%D8%A8
%D8%AD%D8%A9%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D9%86%D8%B5%D8%A9-27%D9%8A%D9%88%D9%84%D9%8A%D9%88-2013/
44

Footage of clashes in Alexandria, 26 July 2013, YouTube

https://youtu.be/ru_3KRLmbTM
45

Qaed Ibrahim Mosque that was transformed into a torture area, 26 July
2013, YouTube, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RQNpsORGErg
46

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vvrJMnS_qoA

47

https://wikithawra.wordpress.com/2013/11/12/sisicasualities/

138

The clashes ended with 13 killed from amongst the MB with a

large number of wounded (officially 85 injured). A large
number of people were arrested and 79 were convicted before
a criminal court.
The day of delegation was a bloody day by all means. MB
protests went out with no consideration to the situation and the
extent of animosity that the people had against them or the
extent of the willingness of the army to kill. It was an act of
suicide or desperation. Their protests were not peaceful as they
claim. There were weapons, even if few used. In return, they
were hailed by bullets and pellets and bombs that killed
hundreds of them. It is estimated that on that day at least 109
people were killed.

Rab'a, between the MB and the Army red is the

colour of August
On 28 June, the MB tried to win grounds and hold on it. It was
clear that the power they were holding onto was slipping out
of their hands. They thus held onto the Rab'a sit-in. next it was
a sit-in of their supporters and of Islamist groups. This was the
Nahda Square strike in Giza in front of Cairo University. MB
leaders were in Rab'a. The Nahda strike was left for Islamists
and middle level cadres out of the control of the MB even if
they were their supporters. They demonstrated military acts
and marches holding batons and wires that look like whips and
other fighting equipment and they were chanting Jihadi
slogans.48The Nahda strike proved the people living nearby in
Bein Al Sarayat, Dokki, Manial and other areas in Giza. A
number of battles took place in an attempt to disperse the sitin. Despite the presence of the other strike in Rab'a, it was less
provoking, even though middle class residents were annoyed
48

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZCG1yMOhQok

139

by it. There were rumors that the Nahda protest had weapons
and that torture was committed there. Firearms were used
during clashes between the people of the area and the
protesters. 49 MB marches also took place into nearby areas,
such as Manial or the Giza square. Clashes erupted there and
MB used firearms against the people. A number of people
were killed. 50
Also elements attacked Tahrir. It was said that they are coming
from the Nahda protest.51
We have to remember very well that we are looking at the
dispersal of Rab'a and Nahda and trying to understand why
many people welcomed the bloody dispersals. It was because
the period prior to the dispersal witnessed MB rampage
against the security and military services but also against
citizens who did not welcome them. Also, in Sidi Gaber,
Alexandria a horrendous crime was committed as MB
supporters went up on the roof of a building where young boys
were standing. They brutally attacked them and threw them off
the building in front of everyone .this is a scene that was aired
and increased hatred and animosity against the MB.
Undoubtedly, the official media consolidated hatred of Rab'a
saying that bodies are being hidden underneath the stage and
that it had rockets ready to be fired on military establishments.
They also said that the sit-in had a large amount of weapons
and that women are being brought for sexual jihad. Also, that
49

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2_yDOoYkQ1c&feature=youtu.be

50

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yJulpQHgIxs&feature=youtu.be&oref=
https%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fwatch%3Fv%3DyJulpQHgIxs%2
6feature%3Dyoutu.be&has_verified=1
51

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KuUihcOqpyU

141

the protesters are being paid 500 LE a day. All of these

exaggerations were intended to mobilize hatred and desire to
end the strike.
The exaggerations dont mean that there is no truth to them.
There were images of MB carrying weapons and lines of
military show or the "prevention squads" as they called them.
The Jihadi songs and the street wars in districts and
governorates all were true. There was also a threatening tone
in their speeches. Al Nahda strike was violent against the
people of the surrounding areas and Tahrir square.52
Also, a well known university professor and her son, both
opposition activists, have announced that the Nahda sit-in was
armed and attacking the people living in the district and thus
needs to be dispersed.53 All of these are facts that one cannot
deny that probably helped make the people believe the
exaggerations uttered in the media and representatives of the
regime. One cannot deny that the sit-in had attracted non-MB
protesters. It included families and their children. Also, the sitin could have been dispersed in a better way than that and that
the official violence used in the dispersal of the two sit-ins
were unjustifiable and unacceptable. The authorities could
have embargoed the sit-ins and prevented anyone from
entering them a few days after they have started. They could
have dispersed them using smoke bombs and water cannons
mainly instead of firearms. Firearms could have been used
only when necessary and to face armed people. They could
have sufficiently opened safe passages due to the large number
in the sit-in, especially that the security forces attacking were
shielded with armored vehicles that could not by stones or
bullets. They could have stopped a bit after showing their
52

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z7jhRv6DGiU

53

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9MleNgLdXGk

141

strength to open safe passages and give one last warning. It is

noted in all the documented pictures and footages that the
armed forces quickly used gas then cartouche and live bullets
without resorting to water cannons.

The dispersal of the Rab'a Sit-in

Murderous dispersal
On the morning of 14 August, after 47 days have passed since
the Nahda and Rab'a sit-ins commenced military and police
forces equipped with armored vehicles and bulldozers headed
towards the two sit-ins. At around 6 AM, the forces had already
blocked all the roads and passages to them, except one road that
was announced as a safe passage for those who want to leave
the sit-ins. Technically speaking, the forces abided to the first
step of calling onto the strikers to disperse. Note that the
distance between the barriers and the heart of the sit-in is large
and so it is difficult for those at the heart of the sit-in to actually
hear the warning. Note also, that to each road to the sit in there
are several barriers, some for searching and some for defending
the sit-in in case of an attack. The previous day, planes were
hovering over the sit-in and dropped flyers calling on them to
disperse. News were circulating that the dispersal will take
place today and actually some protesters left on 13 August.

The Nahda dispersal

At the Nahda sit in, warnings were given through
loudspeakers. After that, the bulldozers headed to the front
barriers to remove them. Clashes started with the advance of
the bulldozers. Protesters responded by throwing stones, and
the forces responded by shooting smoke bombs that forced the
protesters to withdraw to the center of the sit-in. After that
unequal clashes took place where some of the strikers used
142

stones and firearms, while the security forces were shooting

fire at them. A stampede took place and people fell dead. The
forces, bulldozers and armored vehicles advanced and
destroyed the stage, ripped the tents and set fire on them.
Arrests and shootings took place. Some of the protesters
entered the building of the faculty of engineering where they
were attacked intensively with teargas until they were allowed
safe exit at around 8 PM. One of the protesters said that at the
faculty of engineering there were protesters on the roof with
guns that they were shooting at the security forces.54
A large number of people were arrested while resorting to the
safe exit that the forces had specified. Clashes continued until
the end of the day when the security forces took over the sit-in
area and the faculty of engineering. This was after 120 people
killed from amongst the protesters and a huge number of
people wounded. A large number of people were arrested,
including the injured. Most of the remaining protesters were
allowed to leave safely.

Rab'a:
At around 6 AM, security forces advanced to disperse the sitin with armored vehicles and trucks and bulldozers. They
surrounded all the roads leading to the sit-in blocking them
despite that they have announced to safe passages for those
who want to exit safely. They called out warnings in
loudspeakers near the first entrance to the sit-in despite the
strike having 5 entrances. It is impossible for the alls to
actually reach the heart of the sit-in. clashes started to erupt.
The security forces attack was from all directions, which in
54

All According to Plan: The Rab'a Massacre and the Mass Killings of
Protesters in Egypt, https://www.hrw.org/report/2014/08/12/all-accordingplan/raba-massacre-and-mass-killings-protesters-egypt

143

reality blocked all exits and entrances to the sit-in and thus not
giving any free passage for those who want to leave safely.
The sit-in guards starting signaling warnings to the rest of the
demonstration and would not allow the bulldozers to remove
the barriers. The security forces shot smoke bombs first at the
barriers to force open the gates. A plane was hovering all over
the place. Instead of withdrawing, the protesters started
chanting and throwing stones.55 From here, the attack with
bulldozers was covered with pellet and live bullets attacking
the sit-in guards from five directions at the same time. A
number of snipers were stationed on top of military buildings
surrounding the sit-in. they hunted protesters while security
squads
advanced
in
armored
vehicles
shooting
indiscriminately. Every now and then, the forces would
announce in loudspeakers that they will disperse while the
gunshots are clashes are continuing. At beginning the forces
advanced slowly until 10 AM. In the middle of the day, there
was relative calmness. After that security forces decide to
disperse at whatever cost. It attacked hailing bullets, pellets,
and smoke bombs on the protesters. A large number of people
were killed during this part of the day. At around 530 PM,
security had completely taken over the area and its
surroundings. The MB used cartouche and Molotov and some
firearms, but the number of arms was very modest compared
to the attacking forces. The strikers burnt some bulldozers and
police cars by throwing Molotov. A large number of the
"prevention squad" took a building under establishment as a
base for a sit-in. the building was strategic as it looks over
three directions. During clashes, they used this building to
55

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=APuNuyFf_0c, Carnage in Cairo:

death toll rising as Egyptian security forces clear pro-Morsi protest camps,
14 August 2013.

144

throw Molotov and shoot pellets at the attacking forces.

Security forces with the help of a helicopter had to deal with
this building which they attacked.56 Helicopters were used in
several ways: to take footage of the events, shoot smoke
bombs, pellets and bullets, assist the ground forces in dealing
with critical positions, such as the building.
Snipers targeted a passage to a make-shift hospital that was
used for the wounded. The strikers called this passage the
Snipers' passage after a number of them were shot when they
tried to pass through it to reach the hospital. Tents and the
make-shift hospital were burnt; some footage and images
show burnt bodies that are allegedly linked to the burnt
hospital.
The dispersal ended after the security took over the whole
area. They allowed the remaining protesters to exit after they
have arrested some of them. MB groups and their supporters
tired to organize marches in different areas, such as Ain Shams
and Abassiya toward Rab'a to support their fellow protesters.
However, security stopped them and prevented them from
reaching Rab'a. In these clashes also people were killed and
injured.
Estimates of the number of killed, wounded and arrested vary.
Most of the estimates say that there have been around 800
deaths. The official number from the forensic medicines
bureau is 627. The National Council for Human Rights says
683 deaths. In addition around 800 protesters were arrested.
The Minister of Interior stated that they had found firearms
amongst the protesters. They found only 15 weapons.
Definitely, there was excessive use of force when shooting at
protesters. Definitely also the sit-in was not peaceful.
56

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gzP3WdANipU#t=75

145

However, the large difference between the necessary use of

force and the amount of force actually used cause the death of
nearly one thousand persons and the injury of hundreds of
people.

The implications of the dispersal

The Rab'a sit-in was of particular importance to the MB and
its leaders.57 It had the largest promotional stage they have
known in their history, especially that they were deprived of
their religious channels, including Al Jazeera in Cairo. It was
also a center to win back empathy and solidarity, especially
that when they were in power they had lost a lot of support. It
was the official base after all their headquarters were burnt. It
was the last fort for holding onto their dream to rule that has
been nagging on them for 80 years. It was the most important
tool to hold the strings of the organization that has been
suffering from internal resentment of the leadership.
Accordingly, it wasnt easy to accept the dispersal and retreat,
57

On the anniversary of the dispersal, the story of the forgotten square

http://almesryoon.com/%D8%AF%D9%81%D8%AA%D8%B1%D8%A3%D8%AD%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%88%D8%B7%D9%86/794649%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B7%D9%81%D9%89%D9%85%D8%AD%D9%85%D9%88%D8%AF%D9%82%D8%B5%D8%A9%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D9%8A%D8%AF%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D9%86%D8%B3%D9%89%D9%81%D9%89-%D8%B0%D9%83%D8%B1%D9%89%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%81%D8%B6 (in Arabic) and also
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cieuCddT0Nk

146

which if they had done they would have avoided huge losses.
To them it was all or nothing. If new martyrs fall, then no
problem, we can profit from that too.

14 August 2013: the search for new grounds

When Rab'a and Nahda were dispersed violently, they tried to
hold onto new grounds. They tried to strike in Mustafa
Mahmoud on the day of the dispersal. After it has become
clear that the sit-ins will be dispersed a few hundreds of MB
and their supporters headed to Mustafa Mahmoud square to
strike setting foot on alternative grounds they can be based in.
however, the security was not prepared, after Rab'a and its
dispersal, to leave another sit-in to develop. Security forces
immediately headed to the square and violently attacked the
protesters shooting intensively smoke bombs, cartouche, and
live bullets. Some people from the area cooperated with the
security. People were killed and injured. Dr Mohamed Abdel
Fattah, head of the make-shift hospital in Mustafa Mahmoud,
stated that the number of death reached 50 and that there were
around 150 injured people.
In Alexandria, hundreds of MB supporters blocked the
Corniche and set fire to tires to prevent any passage. They
tried to set up another sit-in around Qaed Ibrahim Mosque and
they put barriers and blocks around it.

Kerdasa
Kerdasa is a small town with a large number of MB and
supporters. It saw battles with the interior ministry prior to the
dispersal. Residents were participating in the sit-in. when they
saw the news of the dispersal, they were enraged and so they
gathered in a protest in front of the police station. The police
shot at them with pellet and live bullets. The people responded
and they had firearms on them. Suddenly a large number of
147

microbuses with masked and armed men arrived. They broke

into the police station, killing the sheriff and a number of
police officers and soldiers.58 The content of the station was
destroyed and firearms were stolen. Vehicles were burnt. Later
security forces supported by the army moved to arrest the
accused. This led to the killing of the deputy director of
security in Giza and the injury of others from the arresting
force. 59
The Kerdasa police station is not the only one that got
attacked. A number of other police stations were attacked in
several governorates whether on the day of the dispersal or the
following days.
Also, the building of the Finance Ministry was attacked that
day, 14 August, when a MB march passed by destroying the
front of the buildings. It raided into it and stole its belongings.
The protesters also set fire on the garage of the building which
led to the burning of several cars present.60
The most prominent attack on police stations was that of the
Azbakiya police station downtown Cairo.

Taking revenge from Christians

Police stations were not the only thing targeted in the acts of
vengeance following the dispersal of Rab'a. Because the
58

The Kerdasa massacre, 16 August 2013,

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lWYx9UwNdoQ
59

The moment a bomb was thrown at the Giza deputy security director
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ODpz3lrsHl4
60

The army and the police arrive at the ministry of finance after it was
broken into by supporters of the ousted president, 14 august 2013, Al Ahram
newspaper http://gate.ahram.org.eg/News/383160.aspx (in Arabic)

148

Egyptian charge participated in the agreements of 1 July that

included the ousting of Morsi, the MB and their supporters
considered Christians as enemies and traitors. On the day of
dispersal, they brutally attacked churches, schools, homes and
shops owned by Christians in several areas. A number of
shops were burnt. Some Christians were killed and their
property stolen. The number of churches attacked by the MB
and their supporters reached around 40 churches in 17
governorates61. Minya had the largest share of attacks. The
attacks that took place there were documented as follows:

The losses incurred on the Copts in Governorate as an

example:
Churches and Coptic properties attacked:
1. A services building belonging to the Church of Saint
Mina, damaging the front of a linked dispensary;
2. Setting on fire the Evangelical Church in Gad al
Sayed;
3. Setting on fire Al Amir Tadros in Sidnawy Square;
4. Setting on fire the salvation of souls church;
5.

Burning the school and monastery of the Sisters of St.

Joseph
61

https://wikithawra.wordpress.com/2013/08/25/%D8%AA%D9%88%D8%A
B%D9%8A%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D8%B9%D8%AA%D8%AF%D8%A7%D8
%A1%D8%A7%D8%AA-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89%D8%AF%D9%88%D8%B1-%D8%B9%D8%A8%D8%A7%D8%AF

149

6. Burning Anba Moussa Church in Abu Hilal;

7. Burning St. John Church in Al Souk Street;
8. Attacking the Church of the Virgin and breaking and
burning crosses
9. Burning of the Jesuit and Frres Association;
10. Burning of the Coptic Boys High School;
11. Burning a Coptic orphanage;
12. Burning the Evangelical Church in Beni Mazar;
13. Setting on fire the Baptist Church in Bani Mazar;
14. Burning St. George Catholic Church in Dalga village
in Deir Mawas;
15. Setting on fire the Reform Church in Dalga in Deir
Mawas;
16. Burning Virgin Mary Church the village of Dalga in
Deir Mawas. This church had 3 churches within it;
17. Setting on fire the house of Pastor Angelous, the
priest of the Virgin Marcy Church;
18. Burning around 20 home a in the village and shops in
the village and the death of Iskandar Rizkalla;
19. Breaking and looting several shops and pharmacies
including Oroba Pharmacy and the boat of the
Evangelical Church
Similar attacks took place in Assiut, Sohag, Luxor, Fayoum,
Giza, Suez, North Sinai, and Alexandria. In addition, the
Catholic Nun's School in Beni Suef was burnt. 62
62

http://mella5er.blogspot.com.eg/2013/08/14-2013.html, a documentation
of the attacks on churches and Coptic properties on 14 August (in Arabic)

151

Al Fath Sit-in Ramses 2 (16 August)

An attempt to win new grounds:
After a month since the first Ramses events, and with the
continuation of MB protests and clashes between them and the
people in most of these protests, the MB and the National
Alliance Supporting Legitimacy decided to try to launch a
mobilized protest on the following Friday, 16 August called
the Friday of Anger, in a blatant use of the names of the
revolution. They had hope that this Friday will bring hope to
set up another sit-in in one of the important squares to be a
pressure point for the MB. At the time the MB chose Ramses
square as there is a large mosque that can absorb along with its
surrounding large numbers of people, hoping that the
authorities will hesitate in attacking protesters inside a
mosque. On this Friday, the MB set forward from several
places heading towards Ramses square. Protests came from
Ain Shams, Helwan, Giza, Madinet Nasr and other areas. In
most of these places clashes occurred in which many victims
fell dead or wounded. The advance of MB marches to Ramses
square provoked shop owners, artisans and the residents. Their
advance will put their lives and business on hold indefinitely.
In addition the images of the first Ramses events are still fresh
in their minds. Furthermore, there was already a state of hatred
towards the MB and further increased by the media.
When the MB arrived in Ramses they did not pass unnoticed
they had decided previously that they will stay at Al Fath
Mosque, and this is something the people of the area would
never allow. After Friday Prayers, the MB raised Jihadi flags
and started chanting. There were clashes with the people. The
MB headed to the Azbakiya Police Station to attack it63. A car
63

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qPvrGf0Q1bk, footage of the MB

trying to raid the Azbakiya police station and randomly shooting at citizens

151

carrying the Qaeda Flag distributed firearms to some people

heading to the police station.64 They injured a police officer in
the station.65 The MB stayed around the Mosque and inside of
it. Large numbers of them arrived. Clashes continued until the
security forces arrived and they were joined with the residence
of the area. Clashes continued until the next morning. There
was exchange of fire with individuals who went on top of the
Minaret and shot at the security.66 The army took over the
square at night and surrounded the mosque until the morning.
Numbers of MB started leaving guarded by the security forces
fearing that they will be attacked by the residents of the area.
The security forces had called them to exit promising
protection and that they won't be arrested.67 The blockade
continued until the forces with the people decided to raid into
the mosque. Whoever was left in the mosque surrendered. The
clashes caused the killing of 173 persons, according to the
Ministry of Health. There were also a large number of injuries.

64

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ba9TOQtEvFE

65

Video showing a police officer being shot at on that day

http://www.alarabiya.net/ar/arab-andworld/egypt/2013/08/17/%D9%81%D9%8A%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%88%D9%8A%D8%B8%D9%87%D8%B1-%D9%82%D9%86%D8%B5%D8%B6%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%B7%D8%B4%D8%B1%D8%B7%D8%A9%D8%A3%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89-%D9%82%D8%B3%D9%85%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D8%B2%D8%A8%D9%83%D9%8A%D8
%A9%D8%A8%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%87%D8%B1%D8
%A9.html
66

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kT_NMOPc4b4

67

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=R4k4gqp6VTY

152

State of Emergency and partial withdrawal

On the day of dispersal of the Rab'a and Nahda and in
preparation for the confrontations that would take place after
them, the President Adly Mansour announced a state of
emergency for one month (14 August 14 September) in a
very short statement:
As the security and order of the nation face danger due
to deliberate sabotage, and attacks on public and
private buildings and the loss of life by extremist
groups, the President of the Republic, after the
agreement of the Prime Minister, declared a state of
emergency starting today at 4 PM and for one month.
He has tasked the armed forces, in cooperation with
the police, to take all necessary measures to maintain
security and order and to protect public and private
property and the lives of citizens.
As a result, Hazem Beblawy, the prime minister declared a
curfew in 14 governorates: Cairo, Alexandria, Beheira, Giza,
Beni Suef, Ismailia, Fayoum, Suez, Assiut, Qena, Sohag,
North and South Sinai, and Minya. The curfew starts at 7PM
and ends at 6 AM.
Military and police forces were spread in squares and main
roads in the cities following the announcements.
This curfew restricted the space that the MB and its followers
are working on. They decided to stay away from squares and
main streets and withdraw to popular districts where there are
less serious security confrontations and the implementation of
the state of emergency and curfew in these areas are more lax.
In these areas they have supporters. In this way, the MB
retreated temporarily from the squares and violent
confrontations.

153

At the end of the state of emergency, 14 September, a large

MB protest went out on a Friday they called the Friday of
Loyalty to the Martyrs.
On 23 September, a court order was issued to dissolve the MB
(restrict its activities in the country and the activities of all
affiliated organizations, groups, association, or institution in
any way or form.

The bombing of Dakahliya Security Directorate

On 25 December the government decided to consider the MB
as a terrorist group. This came two days after a car bomb that
exploded targeting the Dakahliya Security Directorate killing
16 people and injuring 140 persons.

154

Chapter 4 : 2014
Blood, trials and protests

155

156

Chapter 4 : 2014
Blood, trials and protests
Egypt enters year 2014 in a different environment. The
revolution that was aiming to change the regime has been
divided. A large sector of the society is now supportive of the
regime against terrorism. The revolutionary forces have been
weakened to a large extent compared to 2011 and 2012. The
space for freedoms that the people had snatched is now
restricted. Terrorism, explosions and fears generated from
them is now dominating the thoughts of the people. A large
part of the opposition has taken the side of the regime fearing
the collapse of the state. Protests are easily described as MB.
Most democrats and Leftist decided to not participate in any
activity the MB is part of. The MB in their turn was fighting
their battle against what they described as the "Coup power".
Their battle was widespread and deep in the form of protests
and clashes on nearly a daily basis. They considered anyone
supporting them enemies. The noise of protests and the smoke
of explosions were everywhere. These were the most
important characteristics and reasons that pushed the people to
support the regime further.
This year will not be like the ones before. This is a year of the
battle between the strongest poles the army and the MB. It is
the battle of two presidents, one was ousted and the other
stayed in his place. In other words the military oppression took
the place of the civil/religious oppression.

January 2014: to whom belongs the kingdom today?

During January, the new power was preparing to issue a new
constitution after the MB constitution was suspended. On the
other hand, the MB was continuing its protests. The MB had
157

pushed their students who organized themselves as "students

against the coup" in Egyptian universities. Since the beginning
of January, MB student protests erupted all over Egyptian
universities, in Cairo or regional universities.
The map of universities witnessed protests and clashes
between the anti-coup students and the security forces in Al
Azhar, Cairo, Alexandria, Mansoura, Assiut, Helwan and
Zakazeek Universities.

The Universities:
On 8 January, a student was shot by security in clashes
between MB students and the security in Al Azhar University
in Assiut. Around 75 students were arrested.
On 12 January, another student was killed in Ain Shams
University during clashes.
The committee that was selected with the participation of the
Salvation Front had finished drafting the new constitution.
This draft that had some of its clauses amended by the army in
the absence of those who wrote it as was admitted by some of
the drafter, such as Dr Abul Ghar. On 14 and 15 January, the
constitution was put in a referendum to the people. This was
the consolidation of a new power headed by the interim
president who is only a front to SCAF's power.

The referendum and blood:

Even the referendum days did not pass without being marked
with blood. On the day before 3 people were killed. During the
referendum days, 18 people were killed and 65 wounded and

158

677 people arrested during clashes in a number of

governorates.68
After the two days of referendum, on 16 January violent
clashes took place in the university between MB students and
the security with some of the residents of Ben Al Sarayat.69 In
these clashes, 3 students were killed and tens were injured.
More than 40 students were arrested.70

January 2014
One day did not pass in this month without clashes, without
victims. As we approach 25 January that year, more blood has
been spilt. The MB has been widening their movement and
action. Concurrently to their action also there has been a lot of
explosion. The day before the anniversary of the revolution,
while SCAF and the government are preparing for the
celebrations in Tahrir Square, a bomb exploded close to one of
the important security services in the heart of the city (Cairo
Security Directorate). A Car bomb driven by a suicidal was
able to be parked near the building for a few minutes then it
exploded.71 This occurred despite the checkpoints and
protections. The explosion killed 4 and injured 76 individuals.
Interestingly, a similar explosion took place on the same day a
month ago, 24 December 2013 in the Dakahliya Security
Directorate using the same tools, a car bomb. In that attack, 14
68

https://wikithawra.wordpress.com/2014/02/05/reportjan2014/

69

https://wikithawra.wordpress.com/2014/02/08/jan2014casualitieshttps://ww
w.youtube.com/watch?v=r4SmimRhgEc
70

/https://wikithawra.wordpress.com/2014/02/08/jan2014casualities

71

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=b1-ivnomcpk

159

people were killed and more than a hundred were injured. The
two bombs were acclaimed by Ansar Beit Al Makdes.

The third anniversary:

The third anniversary came in a totally different context. 25
January has transformed into a day of bloody battles between
the MB and their supporters on one side and the new power
that is to a large extent has popular support on the other side.
In some instances, the people would take the initiative to
confront the MB protests even before the security forces
arrive. The Alliance Supporting Legitimacy had called for an
escalation that would continue 18 days similar to what had
happened in the days of Mubarak. Hundreds went out in
protests in Tahrir square protesting the new power. They were
not demanding the return of Morsi. In this protest, Israa Al
Taweel (a prisoner that had appeared after being kidnapped on
1 June 2015 and was forcefully disappeared for a while) was
injured by a bullet to her back that paralyzed her. The clashes
of the third anniversary were widespread in cities,
governorates, and popular districts.
- In Cairo: the MB had launched protests from a large
number of places and districts, such as Alf Maskan, Al
Matariya, Helwan, Abdin, Old Cairo, Mohandessin, Giza,
Al Warraq, October and other districts
- The most important areas of intense clashes were in Al
Matariya, Alf Maskan, Ain Shams. In Matariya 29 people
were killed. In the clashes of Ain Shams nearly 34 people
were killed.72 In these clashes firearms, Molotov, stones,
72

Wiki thawra document with numbers of victims of the events of the third
anniversary,,
https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/1zkvmOmi1rkGFJbgYAzkDPF53ZI
kyFDKY0YNZt2clS1w/edit#gid=1

161

and tires on fire were used.73 True the security excessively

used force by excessive shooting of live and pellet bullets,
but the MB also were carrying firearms and using it
against the security forces and civilians cooperating with
them.74
- In Tahrir, large numbers of pro regime gathered to
celebrate the anniversary and some of them demanded Sisi
to run for presidency
- The call for Sisi to nominate himself was escalating and
supported by businessmen, media, artists, and political
forces
Some reports point out that a number of journalists have
been arrested or assaulted by the security forces or
unidentified people while they were covering the events.
In addition their cameras were damaged or broken.75
More than one thousand people have been arrested on that day
from areas of the clashes. They were charged with different
73

Street war in Matariya with weapons and Molotov

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kmAwtPmejNc
74

People celebrating the arrival of the army and the police to disperse the
MB protest in Matariya https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gfG9sQByeXw
75

AFTE: the violations of yesterday did not occur since 25 January 2011, Al
Badil Newspaper, 26 January 2014,
http://elbadil.com/2014/01/26/%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%81%D9%83%D8%
B1%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%B9%D8%A8%D9%8A%D8
%B1%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%AA%D9%87%D8%A7%D9%83%D8%A7%D8
%AA-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D9%85%D8%B3%D9%84%D9%85-%D8%AA%D8%AD%D8%AF%D8%AB

161

accusations. That day also left behind many injuries by gun

shots, cartouche and other sources. Nine human rights
organizations issued a joint statement condemning the abuses
committed by the security in dealing with the protests,
accusing the police of using unjustified excessive force.

Introductions to the rise of Sisi

The following day, 26 January, Adly Mansour announced a
change in the roadmap, stating that the presidential elections
will be the first step before the parliamentary elections.
On 27 January, Mansour handed Sisi the highest military rank,
Field Marshal, which is given for heroic military acts. In
addition it is a unique rank that not many army men carry at
the same time.
We leave January with a high number of victims. In January
alone, 265 people were killed, 1385 people were injured and
more than 5 thousand people arrested.76 We leave January
2014 with Sisi being prepared to rule the country, even though
he had announced that he had no intention to nominate
himself. We leave the month with changes to the Roadmap to
hasten the inauguration or a president. We leave it while
explosions are still threatening citizens and the popularity of
the Minister of Defense rising more than that of the Interim
President.

76

monthly report
https://wikithawra.wordpress.com/2014/02/05/reportjan2014/

162

February Comedy, presidential campaigning ahead

of time, social protests:
The most important marks of that month are the signs and
large banners that were put in squares demanding the Minister
of Defense, Sisi, to run for presidency. There was a joint
slogan; Sisi is my president, ignoring completely the actual
president in office. Allies of the Mubarak regime, businessmen
and others participated in this campaign. Posters, T-shirts,
flags had Sisi's picture printed on them.
On the other hand, explosions and assassination of soldiers in
border areas increased.
Interestingly also that February witnessed an escalation in the
protests of low ranking police officers started to protest and
go on strike in a large number of governorates. They organized
demonstrations. They had collective demands around
improving their professional status and raising their salaries
and benefits to be treated like police officers and to be treated
well by higher ranking police officers.
On the other hand, social protests started to escalate. In
Gharbia, thousands of workers in the Mahala Textile Company
went in an opens strike starting Monday. They stopped the
machines in all the sectors and factories in protest against the
Beblawy's government negligence to give them their two
months benefits and in implementing the minimum wage.
The workers of the directorate closed the doors with chains
and announced that they will start an open strike.
In Kafr Al Sheikh, on the same day, Doctors went on partial
strike in all public hospitals in the governorate. They were
protesting the lack of response of the government and the
Ministry of Health to their demands, which were an increase in
their monthly salary and benefits in addition to increasing the
budget for public health.
163

In South Sinai, workers of the Trade Chamber went on strike

protesting not receiving their benefits which was supposed to
increase by 150%.
In Beheira tens of workers in the irrigation administration in
the city of Mahmoudia organized a protest in the offices
demanding better living standards and making temporary
contracts permanent.
In Suez, tens of taxi drivers blocked the Geish Street to protest
the spread of new limousine cars (white taxis) which is a
competitor.77
This was a signal that nothing had changed but the
personalities in power. The demands of the people continued
to be unfulfilled, whether by the MB or by the Beblawy and
Mansour governments. The situation will continue as such
with Mehleb's government and the Sisi's presidency.

Torture again
On 12 February, 16 human rights NGO claimed that there was
brutal torture and sexual assaults in prisons and police stations.
Those who have been arrested in the third anniversary of the
revolution have been victims of such torture. The NGOs
claimed that this torture has been continuous since the ousting
of Morsi. This was based on complaints and statements made
by several victims, not to mention those who out of fear did
not make any complaints. They added that the prosecutions
have been ignoring marks of torture on their bodies. They
demanded that an immediate investigation be opened,
especially that NGOs are not allowed to visit prisons or places

77

http://www.vetogate.com/856795

164

of detention that is not supervised by the judiciary, such as the

central security camps78

The attack on slums

That month also witnessed attacks on people living in informal
settlements (slums). The tents and sheds in Ezbet Al Nakhl
were demolished and teargas bombs shot at the residents who
were dealt with violently. This was on 18 February, and the
Matariya district was responsible for the eviction. More than
500 families were forcefully evicted. Some of them were rehoused in 430 housing units that belong to the governorate on
land in Marg. In these units more than one family were put
together. They were deprived of security if tenure. The
governorate also refused to re-house tens of families claiming
that they have no right as they were not documented in the
census that the governorate conducted in 2012.
Also the people of Tawfikia were forcefully evicted on the
same day. It is estimated that they were around 1000 families.
Some of them dont have their names in the census and thus
are deprived from alternative housing.
The forced evictions were repeated in several areas in more
than one governorate.
February also did not deprive us of the smoke of bombs and
political changes (not deep changes). The Beblawy
government resigned on 24 February to be substituted by
78

Egyptian Rights' Organizations Demand Independent investigation into

torture allegations - Victims speak of atrocious crimes committed by state
bodies, EIPR, 12 February 2014,
http://www.eipr.org/en/pressrelease/2014/02/12/1952

165

Mehleb on 1 March. Between this and that there were protests

but less intense.

March harassment, resignation, hundreds on death

row, nomination
On 13 March an unfortunate incident took place in Cairo
University. A group of students collectively sexually harassed
a colleague and chased her down the campus. The young
woman was able to run away from them. As a result, Gaber
Nassar, the president of the university and member of the 50
member committee to amend the constitution, announced that
the female student is the cause of this because she was dressed
improperly.
On 15 March at 5 AM, a terrorist group raided a military
police checkpoint just outside Cairo in Shubra Al Kheima and
killed the 6 soldiers present. Before withdrawing the terrorists
planted a bomb hoping that it would explode into forces
coming to inspect the scene.79
On 24 March, the criminal court in Minya sentenced 529
accused to death, including Mohamed Badie, the Supreme
Guide. This was because of the violence that the Matay city in
Minya witnessed after the dispersal of the Rab'a and Nahda
sit-ins. This was a week after the trial had started, in the
second session and in the absence of the defendants.
The first session lasted only half an hour as the lawyers had
requested recusal of the court. Witnesses were not heard or the
evidence studied. Despite the harshness of the verdict, this
was the first time in the history of the Egyptian judiciary, or
79

Egypt: 6 soldiers killed in an armed attack on a military checkpoint, CNN

Arabic, 15 March 2014,
http://arabic.cnn.com/middleeast/2014/03/15/egyptunrestattack

166

anywhere in the world, that such mass death sentences are

passed with regard to more than 500 defendants in one case,
without any guarantees for a fair trial.
Eighteen human rights organizations issued a joint statement
denouncing the verdict and the lack of guarantees for a fair
and just trial in addition to violating the rights of the
defendants in having a defense.
Surprisingly, the same court despite widespread criticism
amongst human rights activists and politicians passed another
sentence on 28 April 2014, only a month after, sentencing 683
defendants to death. The total of people that this court
sentenced to death has become 1275, at an average rate of 37.5
death sentences a day, including holidays and weekends.
When we know that each criminal court has one week of work
a month, we realize that this court worked only 14 days, and
thus this court has been passes death sentences at a rate of 106
a day. What quick and swift justice it is?!!
Could we dare and compare this with the procedures and
processes for the trial of Mubarak and Adly.
On 25 March, Sisi announced the formation of Special Forces
for quick intervention. This squad will be doing similar
missions as that of the anti-terrorism squad of the ministry of
interior. This means that there is an expansion in the role of
the army to conduct police like work.
On 26 March, Sisi resigned from his post as minister of
defense and announced that he will run for presidency in
response to the people's demands.
This is how supposed speculations became reality. All
indicators were signaling this happening. Moreover, Sisi was
the real political front and not Adly Mansour, the interim
president.

167

In four days only, HEC announced elections to be

held on 26 and 27 May for the first round of elections
Official channels and most private TV channels started talking
about the advantages of the coming president with a military
background. Ironically, when another military man announced
his intent to nominate himself, Sami Anan, intellectuals,
journalists, and media started attacking him and accusing him
of co-opting with the MB. Anan quickly withdrew as a result
of this campaign. Most candidates also withdrew. There had to
be another candidate in the elections to give it legitimacy and
seriousness. At that time it was only speculations that
Hamdeen will also withdraw from the elections. He was
attacked and he responded continuing his elections battle even
though everyone knew it was settled for Sisi. Even Hamdeen
supporters were supporting his competitor, claiming that Sisi
was the man of this stage and the most suitable person now
and that Egypt needs him more than any other person.
The MB protests deescalated, but the bombs did not stop even
though its intensity was reduced. This was the most important
event that was pre-ordained, the Elections. In other words, it is
the electing of a president the man of this stage - to finish
what they called the second entitlement of the roadmap and
more precisely the third entitlement after he was presented to
be the second entitlement.

Elections and protests April

Protest continued throughout April but with fewer victims.
However, journalists were attacked while covering clashes
between security forces and students protesting in Cairo
University on Monday 14 April. A number of civil forces
(most prominently the Road of the Revolution Front, 6 April,
Dostour Party, Popular Current, and Hamdeen Sabahi
campaign) organized demonstrations against the protest law of
168

2013.80 In one week, the Alliance for Supporting Legitimacy

called for protests that they dubbed "Protecting it is the thief".
Protests went out in varying degrees in some governorates
with fewer clashes than before. In addition, some student
protests broke out in Cairo University. Also, some labour
strikes took place in the governorates of Portsaid, Ismailia,
Cairo, Alexandria, and Sohag.81
Concurrently, a representative of Abdel Fattah Al Sisi in civil
clothes submitted to the Presidential Elections Commission his
nomination papers. That was on 14 April 2014.
After five days, one competitor submitted his documents. This
man was Hamdeen Sabahi.
In the 2012 presidential elections, 13 candidates nominated
themselves. They represented most of the political trends that
existed at the time. The commission excluded 10 candidates
for not completing their nomination documents and meeting
the requirements. Amongst those excluded were Hazem Abu
Ismail, Ayman Nour, Khairat AL Shater, and Omar Suleiman.
The first round had 13 candidates competing against each
other. Four of them had a fierce battle. These were Shafik,
Sabahi, Khaled Ali, and Mohamed Morsi.
The difference between these two elections, 2012 and 2014
shows how Egypt has approached the idea of a totalitarian
regime rather than a plural democratic regime. The man of the
stage is going to be the man of the state and the man of
wisdom, the man of media, the man of legislation, and the man
of executive powers. Hamdeen was necessary to give a
democratic touch to a path that is quickly diverting from
80

The democratic path in Egypt, April 2014, ANHRI,

http://anhri.net/?p=106662&lang=en
81

Ibid

169

democracy itself. As soon as he did that his role started to fade

quickly and after him all the men of the National Salvation
Front faded gradually while the lights focused on one man
only on the stage on the seat that was prepared carefully to
receive the man of the stage.
On 3 June, the presidential elections commission announced
the victory of Abdel Fattah Sisi with a huge number of votes
in comparison to Sabahi. Sisi won 96.1% of the votes while
Hamdeen only got 3.9% of votes according to the results that
were officially announced by the overseeing commission.
It is said that in this environment of polarization around Sisi
(Sisi my president campaign) Hamdeen failed to finish the
necessary delegations to complete the requirements for
nomination. This meant that Sisi would have won without
having elections. Pro-Sisi activists then rushed to help
Hamdeen gather the delegations in the last moments which
enabled him to run.
On 8 June, Sisi was sworn into office. He made his oath in
front of the general assembly of the Supreme Constitutional
Court.
After that, a huge celebration was held in his honor for taking
office from the interim president Adly Mansour.

The shadows of May

On the first of May, a number of pro-MB protests went out
from several places. Also a night protest came out in several
places in districts.
The low ranking police officers have also protested that day
for the arrest of one of them. Security teams called for a
demonstration at the airport. The Wadi Gadid officers
organized a protest in solidarity and they renewed their
demands to improve their situation.
171

Pensions on 8 May
Al Badry Farghaly (union of pensioners) called for a protest
in Talaat Harb Square on 8 May to protest the delay in issuing
the pensions and the continuation of the state controlling the
pensions and not the pensioners. The pensions are estimated to
be around 640 billion pounds. They demanded legislative
amendments, saying that we will make it a black day in the
face of corruption. In response, Farouk Al Ashry - head of the
Pensioners' syndication said that the syndicate will not
protest against the government of Mehleb. On 8 May a few
hundred people gathered in Talaat Harb Square in response to
Farghaly's call. They carried banners and were chanting.
On Friday, 9 May, the pro-legitimacy alliance launched a
series of protests after Friday prayers in several districts and
governorates. The protests were titled "the invalid should not
rule". In Giza marches went out in Faisal, Haram,
Mohandessin, Nahya, and Saf. In Cairo they went out in
Helwan, Ain Shams, and Matariya. Security confronted these
marches with teargas and cartouche. Clashes erupted and tens
were arrested. Security forces stormed into the hostel of Al
Azhar University in Madinet Nasr after students demonstrated
after Friday prayers, and arrested a number of them.82
Moreover, some explosions took place. One of them targeted a
military checkpoint in Sinai; the other was in front of the court
in Masr Al Gadida. In addition terrorist attacks took place
against military position or soldiers in Sinai. 83
82

Teargas to disperse the Friday Protests "The invalid should not rule" in
Egypt, 9 May, BBC Arabic,
http://www.bbc.com/arabic/middleeast/2014/05/140509_egypt_demonstratio
n (in Arabic)
83

Egypt 4 killed in simultaneous explosions in Cairo and Sinai,

Arabiya.net,
2
May
2014,
http://www.alarabiya.net/ar/arab-and-

171

May was not the month of calm elections, despite the calmness
of elections itself. Protests and demonstrations erupted on the
margins, particularly in Universities and in governorates. Most
of them were for the pro-legitimacy and MB supporters. In
addition, the smoke of bombs did not stop.

The Nasserists' dilemma

A large sector of Nasserists supported Sisi as an extension to
Gamal Abdel Nasser, dreaming of the return of the national
reformist army of the 1960s but with a new committed leader
even if he is tyrannical. At the same time the rise of Sisi
fondled with the liberals as the constitution was put
collectively with the participation of (actually listening to)
representatives of all sects, syndicates, and symbols of the 25
January revolution, and their higher symbol, Baradie, one of
the main players in the scene that led to the rise of Sisi and
who took office in an important position in his regime.
The left saw him as a democrat in comparison to the radicals
and that he would be a man would give space for freedoms
and reform that will surpass the fundamentalist discourse in
politics, education and law.
As for media the talk is endless. The problem crystallized
when the man said that he has no plan of action but promised
world/egypt/2014/05/02/%D9%85%D9%82%D8%AA%D9%84%D8%B4%D8%B1%D8%B7%D9%8A-%D9%81%D9%8A%D9%87%D8%AC%D9%88%D9%85-%D9%82%D8%B1%D8%A8%D9%85%D8%B1%D9%83%D8%B2%D8%B9%D8%B3%D9%83%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%AC%D9%86%D9%88%D8%A8%D8%B3%D9%8A%D9%86%D8%A7%D8%A1.html

172

that Egypt will be as big as the world without specifying how.

In addition, he was behaving as a man who people in distress
resorted to and not as a candidate or responsible officer that is
held accountable. Media repeated that "the people did not find
anyone to be kind to them".
Quickly, he revealed his tendencies. No one will get a service
without paying its price completely. This meant the
cancellation of subsidies of public services. As for social
demands, he repeated saying "there is nothing, where shall I
get you from" and asked to reduce the public spending and for
people to donate to the country.
In this way, the Nasserists were disappointed from the military
"reformist" savior.
Liberals were disappointed when they saw the restrictions on
liberties became general on everyone and not limited only on
Islamists. He restricted freedom of expression. With regards to
the economy, the military institution started swallowing big
sections of the market and public projects which restricted
opportunities for free economy. Contractors started to work
from the as subcontractors for military projects.
Disappointment reached the left when they noticed that the
regime is not concerned about implementing the constitution
and that his power was restricting anyone with an enlightening
discourse and that his democracy has led to youth from the
revolution front, 25 January, and 30 June, to prison.
With time, there seemed to be a direction to reconcile with the
MB as well. On top of that, the decision has become in the
hands of one man unilaterally.

June
On 3 June, Sisi announced president of the country. He was
inaugurated on 8 June in a large ceremony. Tahrir saw huge
173

presence and celebrations. Sexual assaults and harassments

took place against a woman participating in the celebrations.
Sisi went to visit her in hospital.
Days after he was inaugurated, a number of human rights
organizations and political activists organized a conference on
12 June in solidarity with Alaa Abdel Fattah and the detainees
of the "Shura Council" protest. They were sentenced in
absentia to 15 years. After the conference a protest was
organized. Security used thugs to provoke the protesters and
verbally assault them.
In the same context, on 21 June, a protest was forcefully
dispersed. This march was organized by non-MB forces and
was heading to Itahidiya. Twenty two protesters were arrested
and accused of violating the protest law.84

Mass death sentences

On the same day, the criminal court in Minya sentenced the
Supreme Guide, Mohamed Badie and 182 Morsi supporters to
death as it convicted them of burning a police station in Adwa
during protests for the dispersal of the Rab'a and Nahda sit-ins.
In the same context, the Giza criminal court sentenced the
Supreme Guide, Mohamed Beltagy, Safwat Hegazy and others
to death for the case of the Istiqama Mosque.
Human rights organizations were harassed. An issue of the
ANHRI newsletter was confiscated. It seemed that they are
heading towards legislative amendments that will further
restrict NGOs and their freedom to move.

84

The democratic path in Egypt for June 2014, ANHRI,

http://qadaya.net/?p=5982 (in Arabic)

174

Marches in support of legitimacy continued but the rate and

intensity was continuously reducing. Protests were organized
in which they raised the Rab'a mark that they used to raise in
their protests as a sign of holding onto the return of Morsi.

July
The attack on freedoms and attempt to restrict them continued
in July 2014. The Ministry of Social Solidarity warned human
rights organizations to adjust their registrations, which means
that they fall under more restrictions. Also the arrest and
accusation of journalists continued.
The month of July also witnessed a relative increase in social
protests, this included labour strikes. The most important one
was that of the Egyptian Maritime Company in Suez, and the
workers of the localities in Khosos in Qalubiya, and the
Egyptian Warehouse Company of the Land and Sea Transport
Sector in the Alexandria Port, The Alexandria Oils Company.
They all protested for delays in receiving their salaries to
improve working conditions. The decision of Mehleb to
increase petrol and solar prices led to tensions and protests
amongst drivers and citizens. Eighteen protests took place.
The textile industry saw 10 protests. In addition there were
strikes and protest by the workers in Greenland Company,
Sugar Factories, and the Nasr Company for Pipes.85
In the second half of the month, armed groups attacked the
border guards' station in Farafra in Wadi Al Gadeed killing 21
and injuring 4.

85

Mahrousa documents the July protests, Donia Al Watan Newspaper, 7

October 2014
http://www.alwatanvoice.com/arabic/news/2014/10/07/600652.html

175

As a signal that the roadmap will continue, Sisi decided to

form the HEC that was supposed to supervise the coming
elections without setting a date to initiate the process.

August large state projects building international

politics
The president does not have a program but who has gifted
Egypt with a vision that tomorrow Egypt will see. He
shockingly hit the poor while smiling (by lifting the subsidies
from public services). He needed to present anything that
would show any development of some sort. Large projects for
example instead of subsidized holiday biscuits and oil, rice
and soap. The first project came in the form of an amazing
scientific discovery. This was the equipment of Major General
Abdel At the military institution adopted and promoted. It
fondled with the imagination of millions of ill people. This
equipment will cure cancer, AIDS, diabetes and Hepatitis C,
etc. He announced that the equipment has been tested after
years of research. It has shown incredible results. The machine
can completely cure sick people in a record time. It transforms
tumors to meatballs that the patient can feed onto. It will be
able to bring billions into Egypt when used and implemented.
In addition it wills save billions spent on medication and
treatment. The state did not kill at that time statements made
by patients, doctors, and strategic experts who praised the
equipment and Abdel Aty the patriot who has refused to sell
this machine to a foreign country for amounts of money
beyond our imagination.
Suddenly it was decided that the use of this machine will be
postponed for 6 months to do more tests despite that tests have
been successful as originally announced. And then this tool
evaporated with its miracles.

176

We know that the miraculous machine resulted in nothing. It

was just a lie that has gone with the wind leaving behind a
storm of cynicism.
The other big project was the building of a new canal for
maritime in Suez. As with the Abdel Aty machine, the experts,
media persons, and economic experts started talking about the
project as it was a miracle, saying how it will bring in huge
amounts of money and hopes that Egypt as a result of this
canal becomes the number one country economically and
industrial wise in the whole world. It will attract huge
investments and will cover its costs in no time (weeks or
months).
The propaganda machine did not give attention to different
studies and analysis of the idea and its effectiveness,
especially that in light of the low rates of ships passing in
international trade. The gift of the president to the people that
he decided to open the door for public offering for the project
that twill cost 60 million pounds. Contributors will get huge
interests from this project that could reach 12% of the value of
the offering. In a symbolic performance, media persons,
politicians, artists and citizens made their offerings on TV
screens. The president decided that financing this canal will
be national and that he won't allow anyone that is not Egyptian
from contributing to it. The propaganda machine considered
this to be economic independence and an expression of
nationalism and patriotism.
The beginning of the project was announced on 5 August. On
15 September, the Governor of the Central bank announced
the closure of the offering because the shares that actually
bought to raise the needed 60 billion have been completed and
it actually reached the value of 64 billion.
On 9 august, a final court verdict passed to dissolve the party
Freedom and Justice, which was the political party of the MB.
177

The court ruling said "to devolve its property and its liquid
money and have it transferred to the State". In this way, the
MB was stripped off its legitimate cover after they have been
considered a terrorist group and have been banned. Just
joining them now is considered crime of "joining a banned
group".

Rab'a 2014
On the same day as the ruling to dissolve the Freedom and
Justice party (9 August), the MB and its supporters started a
mobilization campaign on social networks (twitter and
facebook and others) calling for a large commemoration of the
dispersal of Rab'a on 14 August. The name of the day will be
called "Rab'a the Revolution and Revenge". This is more of a
Jihadi threatening slogan. On 13 August, the Alliance
Supporting Legitimacy re-iterated its invitation but with a
threatening tone describing that day to be the "uprising for
retribution" and that reaching Rab'a is left to the evaluation of
the field leadership.86
In the same context, the pro-MB movements "Invalid" (Batel)
and the "Critical Days" (Al Ayam Al Hasema) called for
mobilization with a similar discourse, saying "the time has
come for youths' enthusiasm to transform into volcanoes of
rage that will uproot justice. Revolutionaries from all

86

Pro MB calls for protest commemorating the anniversary of the Rab'a

dispersal: The revolution and revenge and the uprising of retribution, Al
Mogaz, 13 August 2014,
http://almogaz.com/news/politics/2014/08/13/1605596 (in Arabic)

178

governorates should gather in the squares of the revolution to

form a flood that will purify the lad from corruption"87
On this note all MB formations played threatening and
mobilizing and preparing for battle. On this loud note, they all
called for revenge, retribution, and uprooting.
This discourse should be understood in light of the Rab'a
dispersal that was transformed into a "Muslim Brotherhood
symphony" that they finally found and will sing for long
periods. They will bring it up in all events. The Rab'a dispersal
anniversary in this sense is an opportunity for mobilization in
a suitable moral environment and to bring together the lines of
the organization that has been dissolving in one way or the
other. Most o fetch membership and supporters have lost a
friend or a colleague during the dispersal. Therefore there is a
moral sense of having to commit to the participation in their
anniversary. That is why the mobilization for Rab'a was
unusually large compared to previous months.
Clashes related to the anniversary continued through 14, 15,
and 16 August. It included a large number of governorates.
Reports refer to the following numbers:
"138 MB protests took place during the days 14, 15, and 16 to
commemorate the first anniversary of the Rab'a and Nahda sitins dispersals. Most of the governorates witnessed MB action.
On the top was Alexandria, which saw 15 protests, then 14 in
Sharqiya, 13 in Giza, 13 in Qalubiya, 10 in Cairo, 10 in
Dakahliya, 9 in Kafr Al Sheikh, 8 in Damietta, 8 in Minya, 7
in Assiut, 6 in Monoufia, 6 in Beni Suef, 5 in Beheira, 4 in

87

MB: the Rab'a dispersal anniversary will be volcanoes of anger and we

will enter Tahrir, Al Watan, 10 August 2014
http://www.elwatannews.com/news/details/535562

179

Fayoum, 2 in Aswan, 2 in Sohag, 2 in Luxor, 2 in Gharbia,

and one in each of Ismailia and Qena"88
Armed clashes took place in most of the protests in which
"some" MB elements carried firearms and Molotov. Security
forces used firearms, smoke bombs, and Cartouche. Public
vehicles were damaged. MB protesters were injured. The
clashes led to the 14 deaths by gunshots in Matariya, Agouza,
Ard Lewa, and 6 October, in accordance to the statement of an
official in the forensic medicine bureau.89 More than 230 MB
were arrested during the days of clashes.

88

Democracy indicator: MB organized 138 protests in the Rab'a dispersal

anniversary and exploded 5 power towers, burnt governmental
establishments and public buses. It confirms: security arrested more than 200
MB members and dismantled 30 explosives, Youm 7, 18 August 2014,
http://www.youm7.com/story/2014/8/18/%D9%85%D8%A4%D8%B4%D8
%B1%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%85%D9%82%D8%B1%D8
%A7%D8%B7%D9%8A%D8%A9-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A5%D8%AE%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%86%D9%86%D8%B8%D9%85%D9%88%D8%A7-138%D8%A7%D8%AD%D8%AA%D8%AC%D8%A7%D8%AC%D8%A7%D9%81%D9%89-%D8%B0%D9%83%D8%B1%D9%89%D9%81%D8%B6%D8%B1%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%B9%D8%A9/1825019#.VkSc3nwrJxA
(in Arabic)
89

Forensic Medicine: 14 dead during the Rab'a dispersal anniversary, Youm

7, 17 August 2014,
http://www.youm7.com/story/2014/8/17/%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B7%D8
%A8_%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B4%D8%B1%D8%B9%D9%89__14_%D
9%82%D8%AA%D9%8A%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%8B_%D8%AE%D9%
84%D8%A7%D9%84_%D8%B0%D9%83%D8%B1%D9%89_%D9%81%
D8%B6_%D8%A7%D8%B9%D8%AA%D8%B5%D8%A7%D9%85_%D8
%B1%D8%A7%D8%A8%D8%B9%D8%A9/1823472#.U_C4vcWSySM

181

This was the largest mobilization for the MB and their

supporters since the dispersals of Rab'a and Nahda especially
that the tone and strength of their mobilization was starting to
noticeable wane. This temporary awakening was followed by a
severe drop. As a result of it, the alliance was dismantled. The
"Salafi Front" withdrew. It said that it sees the that "work must
be done in more welcoming political horizons that is based on
building bridges and consensus and not on exclusion, rather it
should put into consideration the rights of all in their nation
and their society.90 Al Wasat party as well withdrew. It said
that it is working on establishing a national umbrella that
brings together all national political forces without excluding
any party. Some observers see that the withdrawal was in
preparation for a mediation role for an expected reconciliation
between the MB and the state. Later, the Gama'a Islamiya also
announced its withdrawal from the Alliance. After that, the
ability of the MB to mobilize fell dramatically and the rates of
their protests weakened.91
The anniversary of Rab'a is the peak of the ability of the MB
to mobilize and is the beginning point for the severe fall in this
ability.

September journalism targeted lawyers prosecuted

The camera mobilizes everyone against it. This is what the
literature of media says. The camera reveals the side of the
story that everyone, whether the state, security or protesters,
90

Al Watan publishes the Salafi Front's letter of withdrawal from the proMB Alliance, Al Watan, 5 December 2013,
http://www.elwatannews.com/news/details/612396
91

Wasat Party announces its official withdrawal from the "Alliance

Supporting Legitimacy", Al Masry Al Youm, 28 August 2014,
http://www.almasryalyoum.com/news/details/511059

181

wants to hide. It raises suspicion from everyone. The carrier of

the camera is usually a directed or independent journalist, or a
security man, or a normal citizen. The camera seeks to take
pictures of the sides of the scene, and thus it is exposing
allegations. It presents tangible truth far from allegations. The
image could bring down a mountain of allegations and claims.
It is more credible than words. In the context of the current
struggles, the MB claims that their protests are always
"peaceful" and that the security forces attack them. Security
services claim that they abide to the highest levels of self
control and follow the law and never use bullets or cartouche
in dispersing protests. For this, everyone hates the camera that
they dont carry to provide the side of the story they want to
highlight.
The photographer is targeted. This could mean being killed, or
arrested or physically assaulted. Their cameras will always be
taken and broken or have the pictures taken deleted.
In most cases, their blood is lost in vain if the attacker is
unknown. Even though that photography usually takes place in
the events such as protests, strikes, sit-ins, clashes, they dont
need a special permission to photograph. All what he has is a
camera or a mobile to take images with. Security services are
always obstinate with photojournalists, not registered with the
syndicate, a blogger or a citizen, who are arrested, as they
dont have a permission to photograph. This is how the camera
is confiscated and the photojournalist detained and charged
with any accusations the security services wants to charge
them with. Rarely does the press syndicate provide any
support or protection to non-registered photo-journalists.
Foreign journalists and correspondents also face similar
harassments. During the days of the revolution they have been
violated and attacked. There were cases of arrests and
detention.

182

Many journalists have fallen victim throughout the years of the

revolution. Those with interest to kill them are many. Fingers
point here at two authorities that usually carry and use guns.
These are the MB and the security forces. Eleven journalists
have been killed since 28 January until mid 2014.92
In addition, tens of journalists have been arrested and several
channels have been closed. There are a number of journalists
who have been put on trial.

October universities
The beginnings of October coincided with the end of
festivities and the beginning of the school year. The state had
resorted to a private security company (Falcon) to secure
universities, after the university guards were cancelled. This
security squad was provoking for students who have gotten rid
from the nightmare of the university guard. In addition a large
number of students were in prison for one reason or the other.
Some sentenced and others detained pending trial while others
have disappeared.
The beginning of the second day of education, student protests
started and kept expanding to include the universities of Cairo,
Al Azhar, British University, Ain Shams, Helwan, Minya,
Alexandria, and Mansoura.
Armored vehicles entered Al Azhar University to confront the
students. Security shot smoke bombs inside the campus of the
universities of Al Azhar and Cairo and others. In the Faculty
of Engineering in Alexandra, security forces were excessively
violent. They used cartouche. Students were injured. Students
damaged the gates to the Falcon Security Company which was
92

The Martyrs of Journalism in Egypt since the 25th of Jan Revolution &
Impunity, September 2014, ANHRI, http://anhri.net/?p=136806&lang=en

183

being used in Al Azhar and Cairo Universities. The guards had

to withdraw giving way to armored vehicles and central
security. The goals of the protests varied between release of
detainees and students, to cancelling the protest law, to
liberating student activities. The attacks on the campuses of
the universities led to violent clashes. A sector of the students
participated to confront the security and in defense of their
universities.

Reactions of the presidents of the universities

The reaction of faculty deans and presidents of universities
were pathetic. Instead of condemning the attack on the campus
and standing up for the rights of students inside their
universities, they adopted an oppressive authoritarian
discourse.
In the British University, a number of students were expelled.
In Mansoura University, the president said "I dont have
freedom of opinion and will call the ministry of interior if 5
gathered to protest"93
In the University of Alexandria, the president confirmed in the
ceremony of the first year students of the faculty of economic
studies, that "the university is not a place for partisan
activities, but it is a place for education and research"94

93

Video of the President of Mansoura University: I dont have

freedom of opinion and I will call the ministry of interior to confront
any protest, Shorouk News, 13 October 2014,
http://www.shorouknews.com/news/view.aspx?cdate=13102014&id=2fe49c
d2-77b3-432c-b1ca-f7244a4057f87 (Arabic)
94

The return of MB protests in universities... Security confronts

them and arrests 18 trouble makers in Al Azhar and Mansoura, Al

184

Even the Minister of Higher Education threatened to "take

procedures he described as critical against students and faculty
members participating in protests that could reach
suspension.95

Violence escalates:
On the level of explosions, several bombs have exploded,
including one in Nahda square in front of Cairo University on
22 October injuring 11 persons including 6 police officers and
5 citizens. Ajnad Masr claimed responsibility for the attack. 96
Ahram, 13 October 2014, http://www.ahram.org.eg/NewsQ/330889.aspx
(in Arabic)
95

Protests erupt in universities and the "Higher Education"

threatens to suspend violators, Al Borsa News, 13 October
2014,
http://www.alborsanews.com/2014/10/13/%D8%A7%D8%B4%D8%AA%
D8%B9%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%B8%D8%A7%D9%87%D8%B1%D8
%A7%D8%AA%D8%A8%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AC%D8%A7%D9%85%D8%B9%D8
%A7%D8%AA%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%8A
96

Ajnad Masr adopts the explosion in Nahda Square in front

of Cairo University, Youm 7, 22 October 2014,
http://www.youm7.com/story/2014/10/22/%D8%A3%D8%AC%D9%86%D
8%A7%D8%AF-%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B1%D9%8A%D8%AA%D8%A8%D9%86%D9%89%D8%AA%D9%81%D8%AC%D9%8A%D8%B1%D9%85%D9%8A%D8%AF%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%86%D9%87%D8%B6%D8%A9%D8%A3%D9%85%D8%A7%D9%85-

185

At the borders in Sinai (Karam al Kawadis) two attacks took

place that killed 29 soldiers of the security forces and injuring
29.97
Similar to the Israeli separation wall, Egypt started to build an
isolated area on 29 October by building a wall 14 km long on
the borders with Gaza. This was to evacuate the homes of tens
of families in Rafah, North Sinai. It was said that it was an
attempt to prevent the smuggling of weapons, and the
infiltration of Jihadis and terrorists after the attack in Karam
Al Kawadis.98 This will lead to more suffering of Palestinians
in Gaza in addition to the harm caused to the people of Rafah
themselves.

%D8%AC%D8%A7%D9%85%D8%B9%D8%A9%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%87%D8%B1%D8%A9/19180
84#.VkasSnwrJxA
97

29 Egyptian soldiers killed in two attacks, one suicidal, in Sinai,

BBC Arabic, 24 October 2014,
http://www.bbc.com/arabic/middleeast/2014/10/141024_egypt_sinai_blast

(in Arabic)
98

Egypt starts to establish an isolation area with Gaza, Al Arabiya,

26 October 2014, http://www.alarabiya.net/ar/arab-andworld/egypt/2014/10/26/%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B1%D8%AA%D8%A8%D8%AF%D8%A3-%D9%81%D9%8A%D8%A5%D9%82%D8%A7%D9%85%D8%A9%D9%85%D9%86%D8%B7%D9%82%D8%A9%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%B2%D9%84%D8%A9-%D9%85%D8%B9%D8%BA%D8%B2%D8%A9-.html

186

The path of arbitrariness

The other event of this month was shocking as on 26 October
the Misdemeanor Court of Masr Al Gadida held in the Police
Academy sentenced 23 defendants accused of protesting
without permission to 3 years in prison in addition to 3 years
of surveillance and a fine of 10 thousand pounds. This is for
the march known as the Itahidiya march. The prosecution had
added the charge of damaging properties and demonstrating
strength. The protest that took place in June was forcefully
dispersed without any warning by thugs affiliated to the
security.
The court did not give attention to the defense and their
requests and the fact that the protest law is before the
constitutional court.
The verdict signaled a move towards more arbitrariness and
restrictions on freedoms.
Also, a military court sentenced 7 to death in the case known
as Arab Sharkas.

November: Acquittal of Murderers

If we put aside the student protests that have increased in
November, this month was marked with two main events:
- 19 November the anniversary of Mohamed Mahmoud
when tens of revolutionary youth were killed in
clashes with the security that excessively used bullets
and pellets. This year, the revolutionary forces were
divided between those who are with the regime and
those who are against it. Even opposition was divided.
That's why calls to commemorate the third anniversary
failed to mobilize large numbers. On the other hand,
armored vehicles and armed squads occupied Tahrir
187

Square and Talaat Harb Square and the surrounding

streets in case a protest goes out that day.99
Despite this security presence, hundreds of protesters gathered
in areas near Mohamed Mahmoud Street and tried to reach
Tahrir or the surroundings of Mohamed Mahmoud.100 The
armored vehicles and soldiers confronted the march and
prevented them from reaching their desired destination. They
chased them and arrested a number of the protesters.
- The second shock was for everyone who has participated
in the 2011 revolution. This was the court sentence
with regards to Mubarak and his aide in the case
regarding the killing of protesters. The court verdict
was from the Court of Cassation.
In June 2012 the first degree court handed Mubarak a life
sentence for killing protesters during the 2011 revolution. He
appealed the ruling and it was being looked at by a second
degree court.
On 29 November 2014, the Cairo Criminal Court (second
degree) that was re-trying Mubarak, dropped the charges
against him and thus acquitted him. But the prosecution
appealed the sentence in the Court of Cassation which had
accepted the ruling and annulled the November ruling.
According to this decision, the Court of Cassation will look at
the case itself without having to transfer it to an appeals court,
99

Security take over downtown on the third anniversary of the

Mohamed Mahmoud events, YouTube, 19 November,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YaznYf1T93E
100

A march goes out to commemorate the anniversary of

Mohamed Mahmoud, YouTube, 19 November 2014,
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TD90bKCZ7XM

188

which means that its decision will be final and will bring down
the curtains on what has been known as the Century's Trial.
The court sentence saw that it is inadmissible to look into the
appeals of the plaintiffs' civil rights (families of the martyrs)
into the verdicts of acquittal from criminal courts. In addition,
it is inadmissible to look into the public prosecution's appeal in
the acquittal verdict of Hussein Salem.
In this way, Mubarak was finally found innocent of the blood
of martyrs. This was a stab in the heart of all the
revolutionaries and of each family of a martyr and each
wounded person. It was unimaginable that such a sentence
would pass during SCAF's rule, not even during Morsi's rule.
But the new reality post 30 June in which the revolution's
forces are isolated, weak and dismantled, gives way to such a
stab into the demands of retribution for all those who
sacrificed for the revolution. Ironically, this came at the same
time as the Month of Mohamed Mahmoud's anniversary and
after 10 days of its third anniversary.
Tens of angry youths headed to Tahrir square after the ruling.
Security was already surrounding the square with armored
vehicles. At first, youth chanted angry slogans without
clashing with the security.
In the evening, large numbers started arriving at Abdel
Moneim Riyad Square. Families of the martyrs also joined to
protest this acquittal. Large numbers of revolutionary youth
and others. The Security decided to disperse the protests that
kept growing stronger even though it hadnt reached Tahrir
square. Security forces attacked the protesters with military
vehicles and used a variety of weapons. Two were killed and
tens injured. The protesters under attack dispersed in side
roads but the security chased them and arrested around 100
protesters. A presidential spokesperson announced that Sisi
had ordered the Prime Minister, Ibrahim Mehleb, to take all
189

the necessary steps to revise the situation with regards to

compensation and care of the families of martyrs and those
who have been injured during the 25 January 2011 revolution.
He confirmed that the rights of martyrs will be taken care of
in the sense of financial compensation while newspapers
question who the killers are with conspiracy theories pointing
at Hamas and the MB.
The fuse of anger was ablaze. The acquittal of Mubarak
ushered the failure of a revolutionary stage. Even though
blood spilling did not stop during the last four years, holding
onto the hope that the killers will be punished was the last bet
for many who have participated in the revolution and thus
have been resisting failing hope as much as possible.

Angry December
The following day angry protests erupted in universities.101
Sixteen universities across the country witnessed angry
protests simultaneously. This ruling gave an opportunity for
the activities of MB and their supporters in Universities and
governorates. However, the circle of anger from this verdict
extended to most political forces and a large section of the
society. Even Hamdeen Sabahi's campaign that is supportive
of the new regime called for protests which enraged the
remaining members of the pro-Sisi 30 June Front. Mustafa
Bakri attacked Sabahi and accused him of falling in the eyes of
the street and transforming to becoming an anarchist and that
his call for protest falls into the MB camp and serves their
101

"Tuesday of anger" in universities against the "acquittal of

Mubarak", Al Masry Al Youm, 2 December 2014,
http://www.almasryalyoum.com/news/details/591146

191

interests. He added that Sabahi is not a responsible man and

his statements are considered an insult to the Egyptian
judiciary. 102 Protests extended to outside of Cairo. Security
dispersed most of them by force. The evening protests that the
MB were holding increased. Two days after the court verdict,
the state tried to take steps to absorb the anger of the people.
The public prosecutor, Hisham Barakat, issued a statement
saying that the prosecution will appeal this sentence in front of
the court of cassation.103 However this did not absorb the anger
completely. Angry protests continued until the last week of
December, especially in universities. Several MB protests
came out in governorates, including Cairo on 19 December.
They gave these protests the title "Together to save Egypt"104
Also, there was an increase in social and labour protests that
included a number of large companies. According to the
Democracy Indicator report, in December 98 labour protests
102

Serious anger at Sabahi's call to protest the acquittal of

Mubarak... Political forces: its a sin, an invitation for chaos, and
abuse of Egyptians, Al Ahram, 3 December 2014,
http://www.ahram.org.eg/NewsQ/344199.aspx (In Arabic)
103

Public Prosecutor appeals the acquittal of Mubarak, Alarabiya, 2

December 2014, http://www.alarabiya.net/ar/arab-andworld/egypt/2014/12/02/%D9%85%D8%B5%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%86%D8%A7%D8%A6%D8%A8%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B9%D8%A7%D9%85%D9%8A%D8%B7%D8%B9%D9%86-%D8%B9%D9%84%D9%89%D8%A8%D8%B1%D8%A7%D8%A1%D8%A9%D9%85%D8%A8%D8%A7%D8%B1%D9%83.html
104

On 19 December limited MB protests and an attempt to bomb a

court, Dot Masr, 19 December 2014,
http://old.dotmsr.com/ar/502/1/160519

191

took place, which included the medical, education, agricultural,

journalism, judiciary, and justice sectors. Also drivers protested.
The protests included large companies such as the "Egyptian
Iron and Steel Company", "Besco Masr" and "Samanoud
Textile Company". Most of these protests had the normal
demands related to delayed salaries and benefits of workers.
Some were protesting privatization or the selling of a company
or factory. Many of those who participated in these protests
were prosecuted. East Alexandria Prosecution transferred 18
workers of the Alexandria Library to trial. Also 60 teachers in
Qena Educational Administration were administratively
investigated.105
The month did not pass without any explosions. We said
farewell to 2014 with terrorist attacks in several places.

105

Democracy Indicator: 98 labour protests last December

and Cairo is on top, Youm 7, 3 January 2015,
http://www.youm7.com/story/2015/1/3/%D9%85%D8%A4%D8%B4%D8
%B1%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D9%85%D9%82%D8%B1%D8
%A7%D8%B7%D9%8A%D8%A9--98%D8%A7%D8%AD%D8%AA%D8%AC%D8%A7%D8%AC%D8%A7%D8%B9%D9%85%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%8A%D8%A7%D8%AE%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AF%D9%8A%D8%B3%D9%85%D8%A8%D8%B1%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%A7%D8%B6%D9%89%D9%88%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%82%D8%A7/2012807#.VksCj3wrJxB

192

On 4 December a bomb was dismantled that was planted

under the car of a police officer in Shubra Al Kheima First
Police Station.106
On 12 December, two people were arrested. They said they
were affiliated to the MB. They were arrested while planting a
bomb below a power adapter in front of an industrial technical
school in Senbelawin.107
On 25 December, a military "hummer" was exploded in Sinai
in South Arish on the road to the airport. A bomb exploded as
the vehicle passed by. Soldiers were in it. An officer and a
soldier were killed. Another was injured.108

Four years of revolution

This is how four years of the revolution, the greatest historical
drama in Egypt since July 1952, have passed without ridding
itself from the heavy heritage created by the July authority
(military rule) and the domination of the military on all aspects
of the state. The scope of the dream was large for all social
sectors. However the awakening after the dream was shocking
for most of them. The latest authority (Sisi) dared to hasten
policies of privatization of services and lifting subsidies in a
manner Sadat, the man of liberal economy, and Mubarak the
man known for selling and privatization, wouldnt dare.
106

An attempt to bomb Shubra AL Kheima First Police Station was

halted, AL Watan, 4 December 2014,
http://www.elwatannews.com/news/details/366300
107

Video: Aborting an attempt to bomb the main power adaptor in

Senbelawin, Al Dostour, 13 December 2014
http://www.dostor.org/733153
108

The full detail of the bombing of a military vehicle in North

Sinai... a bomb killed an officer and a solider and injured another in
Arish... Security sources: Ansar Beit AL Maqdes are involved in the
terrorist attack using 200 KG of explosives, Youm 7, 26 December
2014, http://www, .youm7.com/story/0000/0/0/-/2003479#.VksMknwrJxA

193

Instead of these years providing solutions to the sufferings of

the people, it exacerbated them. Instead of opening the way for
more freedoms, it further restricted them. The police's
oppressiveness that people revolted against is now blunter. In
2015, all of Mubarak's men were acquitted and they reconciled
with Sisi and returned to life. They are back to business. Even
the confiscation of the money of the corrupt or the retrieval of
smuggled money did not happen, as if it is known that these
people will return to use their money.
This is how the frustration escalated amongst the revolutionary
forces, putting many of them on a side away from the battles.
The door was opened to questions around the "reasons of
loss", which awaits an inspiring response.
Confronting attempts of the victorious from the counterrevolution camp to erase the memory of the revolution that
threatened and destabilized them; this document seeks,
amongst other attempts, to revive the memory by sculpting
main marks that the revolution passed through so it becomes
more difficult to erase the memory. Underneath the dark grey
sky there is another force being prepared by the current
circumstances and the contradictions. Nothing passes without
leaving its mark. Huge popular sectors have broken the
worship of the divine king. With this they broke the barriers of
fear. It is no longer possible, with new communication
technologies, to impose a curtain of silence over all the
disturbing facts. The "underlying results" will rise from
underneath the ashes of disappointment and loss to give a new
path for this dream that still haunt men of this regime, and
which until now still lightens our dreams and gives us a form
that surpasses the dream and disappointment, the form of
victory.

194

Index

Prelude

Introduction

Chapter 1: 2011 - The critical 18 Days

Chapter 2: 2012 - Bloody beginning and

end

89

Chapter 3: 2013 - The flood of the

revolution and its contradictions

111

Chapter 4 : 2014 - Blood, trials and

protests

155

195