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The
Christianization
Changing
of
Space
Landscape
in
along
the
Suburbs
the
Via
of
Appia:
Rome
LUCREZIA SPERA
indiscriminately referred to as "Suburbium" or
"Campagna Romana."2In addition, studies of the
suburban area of the city have often treated the
evidence of funerary areas and residential sectors
separately. Finally, there has been markedly little
interest in the evolution of the suburban landscape in the Medieval period. This paper is intended as a contribution to our knowledge and
understanding of this question in its synthesis and
analysis of the archaeological evidence relating to
the Christianization of space between the third
and seventh centuries along the Via Appia, one of
several main roads connecting the city to its immediate hinterland.
I have chosen to focus chiefly on the Via Appia as
it is one of the few suburban areas of the modern
city in which intensive development has not taken
place, resulting in a largely intact archaeological
record relating to the period under study.3 As I
hope to show, the picture that emerges from the
evidence is of a suburban landscape profoundly
changed as a direct result of the Christianizationof
the urban core.
Abstract
This article examines the changes caused by the
Christianizationof the area along the ViaAppia between
the third and seventh century and its implications for
our knowledge and understanding of the evolution of
the suburbanlandscape in the LateAntique city.During
the mid-Imperialperiod this area was characterizedby a
complex systemof roads, residential districts,farms,and
funerarymonuments. Startingfrom the late second century,it wasincreasinglydevoted to the creation of "Christian spaces," first in the form of surface and subterranean funerary complexes, and later with churches and
monuments associatedwith the presence of the martyrs'
tombs. In the fourth and early fifth century, the presence of Christiancemeteries, between the AurelianWall
and the third milestone, contributed also to the growth
of secondaryaccess roads to the funerarycomplexes.*
INTRODUCTION
There has been a significant increase in research on suburban Rome in recent years geared
to achieving a better understanding of the transformation that occurred in the area beyond the
Aurelian Wall.1There are, to be sure, problems in
the definition of the extra-urbanspace vaguely and
byL'EcoleFrancaisede Rome,SoprintendenzaArcheologica
di Roma, SovraintendenzaComunale ai Beni Culturali,and
PontificiaCommissionedi Archeologia Sacra,16-18 March
2000, Rome (forthcomingproceedings include a CD with a
collectionof datafromnewexcavationsand a reanalysisof old
publicationswiththe aimto understandthe areasurrounding
the city defensivewalls). These new data have to be considered in connectionwith the publishedstudiesfocusing mainlyon the evolutionof the classicalcityin LateAntiquityand in
the EarlyMedievalperiod:see the papersin Christieand LoseAmericanJournal of Archaeology107 (2003) 23-43
23
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24
LUCREZIASPERA
[AJA107
4The conventional
edge of the suburbiumof Romehasbeen
established between the eighth and ninth miles. This conventionalsubdivisionbetween the territoryof Rome and the
LatiumVetuswasproposed for the firsttime in the plan by H.
Kiepertin CIL14(1 887) . The samemaphasbeen republished
in CIL6.8.2 (1996). The same convention has been also recently used in the LTUR(La Regina 2001, 2).
5For the
privateroads,see CapogrossiColognesi 1976, 5264, 197-221, 244-8; BeltranLlorisand ArasaGil 1979-1980.
Comunedi Roma6Spera1999,451-52 and pl. 2, y,6,K,A,o;
UfficioCartadell'Agro1988,F. 24, 559s, 700s,and F. 24, 598s.
See alsoAshby1907,pl. 1. Roadsconnectingwiththe ViaSatricanaarefoundin De Rossi1967,107;Cecchinietal.1989-1990,
115,fig. 78;Comunedi Roma- UfficioCartadell'Agro1988,F.
25, 501s.
7Spera1999,452, 456, pl. 2, e,el,o,o,T;Comune di RomaUfficio Cartadell'Agro1988, F. 24-25, 393s, 126s.
8ForHerodesAtticus,see Graindor1979;Neugebauer1934;
Rutledge1960;Dickson1997.The name "Tpioniov"
appearsin
C/G1.26,3.6280;IG14.1389-1391; C/L6.1342.Cf.Lugli1924,
94-120; Quilici1968;Kammerer-Grothaus
1974;PisaniSartorio and Calza1976, 131-41; Coarelli1981, 38-43. A summary
is found in Spera 1999, 353-5.
9Ashby1909;Ricci 1998;Paris2000.
10Manacorda1979;Giitschow1938, 106;Spera 1999, 364,
n. 126, 366.
the sixth
see Spera1999,63-4, 363;for a statioor deversoriumdX
mile, Quilici 1977,86; Coarelli1981,59; Cecchinietal. 19891990, 119.
12No clear
archeaologicalevidencerelatedto these sanctusee Spera
arieshasbeen recorded.Fora completebibliography,
1999, 50-2 (on the temple of Mars), 184 (on the temple of
;Coarelli1981,62-3 (on the sanctuaryof Hercules).
Rediculus)
13Thetombs fall into two categories:late Republicanand
earlyImperialmonumental privatetombs along the ViaAppia and a well-organizedseries of funerarybuildings lined
up along secondary roads. The latter date from the end of
the first centuryA.D. Von Hesberg 1994, 32-8, 50-5, 112230, passim;1987, 43-60. For these necropoleis, see Fasola
1984; Spera 1999, 139-55 ("dellaTorretta"), 209-25, 2389, 246 (under St. Sebastian), 266-7, 280-3 (near the circus
of Maxentius);L. Fiorelli,NSc1877, 272, 311-2; R. Lanciani,
NSc1878, 36, 67, 134-6, 164-6, 369-70; BullCom1878, 10719; NSc1879, 15-6; BullCom1880, 46-8 (ForteAppio). For
the necropolis called "ofLucina,"see Reekmans 1964, 1134; Spera 1999, 99-108, 373, 376.
14The evidenceis earlierthan thatrecordedinside the
city,
where informationfor this period is lackingor only partially
known (PaniErmini2000,withall earlierbibliography).
15FiocchiNicolai 1997, 121; 1998, 13-4.
16Hyppol.Philosoph.,9.12.14. For the open-airenclosure,
see De Rossi 1864-1877, 3:498-9;Fasola1983;1986, 176-82;
Spera1999, 111-3, 173.Forthe callistian"areaI,"see De Rossi
1864-1877,vol. 2;Styger1925-1926;FiocchiNicolai1997,123;
1998, 16-7; Spera 1999, 124-7, 378-9.
11
E.g., Caediciaetabernae(adomini . . . vocatae:Paul. 39L) or
tabernaeplurimae, near the horti Crassipedis(Cic. Q. Fr. 3.7.2;
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2003]
25
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LUCREZIASPERA
[AJA107
20Fiocchi
Nicolai1997,122-4;1998,15-24;Pergola1997,
57-64.
21Nestori
1969;Brandenburg
1984,20-1;Spera1999,2802, 371.
22Carletti
1981,287-307.
23Spera1999,219-20.
1918,48-98.ThespacewasconsideredbyRodolfo
24Styger
Lanciani(Lanciani1920)tobe a tavernforwayfarers
because
of themodestyof itsstructure.
25ICUR5.12097-13096.
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2003]
Fig. 4. The scene from the Jonah cicle in the colombarium near the Circus of Maxentius. (Courtesy of Archivio
Commissionedi Archeologia Sacra)
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27
28
LUCREZIASPERA
[AJA107
Fig. 6. The "Triclia"dedicated to SaintsPeter and Paul under the Basilicaof Saint Sebastian:plasticmodel. (Courtesy
of ArchivioCommissionedi Archeologia Sacra)
During the fourth century, the collective cemeteries of the third century, such as those of Callixtus and Praetextatus,developed in an unprecedented fashion. In both cases the areas sub divo were
enlarged with the addition of the mausolea of
wealthy families (fig. 8).30 At the same time, the
underground complexes were extended, with new
nuclei connected
30
and the Calventiiin
E.g., the mausolea of the Cercennii
Praetextatuscemetery (WindfeldHansen 1969;Rausa1997,
76-87) . These mausolea became the focal point for other
modest graves:also, in the Callixtusarea,during excavation,
De Rossifound numerousformaeand burialson differentlayersall aroundthe east trichora
(De Rossi1864-1877,vol. 3, tav.
39; Spera 1999, 109-11, 115).
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29
new ramifications and resulting in a more elaborate network. These new extensions contrasted
sharply with the uniformity of the earlier complex-
es: more grandiose architectural volumes were obtained by the excavation of the bedrock, with the
principal aim of showing off privileged social sta-
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LUCREZIASPERA
[AJA107
with the martyrsMarcus and Marcellianus. Excavations by the Trappist fathers at the beginning of
the 20th century demonstrated that the latter cemetery was located over a rural villa of the late Republican or early Imperial period.35A rural landscape can also be suggested from the archaeological evidence under the large funerary basilica
dedicated to Pope Marcus (336) and partially excavated by Vincenzo Fiocchi Nicolai (fig. 10) .36This
structure and the Basilica Apostolorum later dedicated to Saint Sebastian at the third mile of the
Via Appia are "circiform"or ambulatory basilicas,37
and their construction changed the physical landscape considerably. In both cases the land first was
terraced and leveled to create large areas for the
construction of imposing structures.38It is inter-
252-6.
34Fiocchi Nicolai 1995; Fiocchi Nicolai et al. 1995-1996
(1999).
35O. Marucchi,JV&1906,310-2; Nestori 1990, 110-1 (see
also Spera 1999, 87-9).
36Fiocchi Nicolai et al. 1995-1996 (1999), 73-5, 139-45.
37Six structureswith these characteristicsare knownin the
suburbsof Rome. The most importantstudies on them are
Krautheimer1960;Tolotti 1982;Torelli 1992;Jastrzebowska
1993.
38Quilici1968, 334-7, n. 2; De Angelis Bertolotti 1983.
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The basilica of Marcus was built in an area of irregular landforms, where substantial terracing of
the bedrock must have been necessary.40Similarly,
the Basilica Apostolorum, dedicated to Sts. Peter
and Paul in the Constantinian period, was built on
irregular terrain covered by earlier buildings (fig.
11). Here all of the earth and earlier structures
the circus.
40FiocchiNicolai et al. 1995-1996 (1999), 74-5, 142-5.
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LUCREZIASPERA
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Fig. 11. Basilicaof Saint Sebastian:plastic model. (Courtesyof Archivio Commissione di Archeologia Sacra)
near the Via Appia (on the east), which lay at a higher level, were cut away,exposing traces of the underground tunnels while the lower structures on the
west side were filled in.41The huge ambulatorybasilicas,created as collective funeraryareas,also served
as the focal points for the construction of rich mausolea, which were distributed all around them42and
influenced the position of the catacombs.
These Christian cemeteries were the principal
feature of the landscape between the Aurelian Wall
and the third milestone of the Via Appia during the
late fourth and early fifth century. New roads and
secondary lanes were created to reach the funerary
complexes. This phenomenon is particularly clear
in the area near the Via Ardeatina, on the northern
side of the cemetery of Callixtus, where the alignment of the stairsof some of the underground complexes follows that of the basilica of Marcus,which
suggests the existence of at least two new tracksthat
were used to reach the cemeteries (fig. 12).43
The rise of collective Christian cemeteries reduced the number and importance of smaller prop-
erties owned privatelyor by collegiaor different religious groups. A few are known- the Jewish catacombs44and the one dedicated to devotees of Mithras and Sabatius45(fig. 13)- but they do not seem
to have had much impact on the landscape. There
are very few burials sub divo that are not connected
to the large cemeteries,46while the number of private underground complexes, with a limited
amount of burials, is exiguous.47
Although the creation of the new cemeteries
must be considered in the light of a mass phenomenon of Christianization that included all
social classes,48 we must consider the degree to
which the new structures themselves transformed the funerary customs of the suburbs. The
evidence from the Via Appia provides a significant example of these changes. Before the Christian period both epigraphic evidence and historical sources describe the Roman desire for
commemoration in the eyes of passers-by.49Landowners often built their tombs within the limits
of their praedia,and adjacent to a major road (fig.
41
Spera 1999, esp. 229-30, 387-8.
42See
fig. 15.
43
Spera 1999, 455-6 and pl. 2, 6,91,1.
44Forthe VignaRandammcatacomb,Vismara1986,371-8;
Rutgers1990;Vitali 1994, 25-9; Spera 1999, 262-5. For the
Vigna Cimarracatacomb,De Rossi 1867;Vismara1986, 360;
Vitali1994, 29; Spera 1999, 258, 325-6; see also the historical
discussionin Rutgers1992.
45For the catacombof Vibia,see Ferrua1971, 1973
(Spera
1999, 174-5).
46
E.g.,the one whereConstantiniancoins havebeen found,
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33
Fig. 12. General map with the catacombs of Marcus-Marcellianusand Balbina at the beginning of fifth century: 1, basilica of
Pope Marcus;2, catacomb of Balbina;3, catacomb of Saints Marcusand Marcellianus. (After Fiocchi Nicolai et al. 1995-96
[1999])
50Mansuelli1978.
51
(banker) macellimagniwasburied at
E.g., an argentarius
the fourthmile of the ViaLatina( CIL6.9183), while another
manworkedin awineforum,perhapson the CampusMartius,
andwasburiedbetween the eighth and the ninth miles of the
ViaLabicana( CIL6.9182). The epitaphsof twoinhabitantsof
Rome, a crepidarius
(shoemaker) deSubura(CIL6.9284) and
a midwifeat MonsEsquilinvs
( CIL6.9721) both come fromTor
Sapienza,on the Via Praenestina,a long wayfrom the center
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LUCREZIASPERA
[AJA107
Fig. 14. Funerarybuildings along the Via Appia. (After Canina 1853)
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35
52Evidenceof
people workingin the Via Sacracomes from
distinctpartsof the Via Appia:from the necropolis near the
gate ( C/L6.9548,9935, 5287, 9212) , from the areaat the third
mile ( CIL6.9239) aswell as for the alreadycited margaritarius;
then two inscriptionsrelated to people ab aramarmorea
were
found respectivelynearPortaCapena ( CIL6.9403) and at the
third-fourthmile of the Appia (CIL6.10020).
53Canina1853, 9. E.g., CIL6.1428, 31651 (a. 241; see Canina 1853, 113-5; Quilici 1977, 70; Coarelli1981, 51). E.g., the
(CIL6.117'43)sarcophagusof L. AnniusOctaviusValerianus
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LUCREZIASPERA
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55NSc1883, 130, 420-1; 1884, 80, 104;1885, 71; 1887, 27783;1889,272;1893,33 (Lanciani1884,54;Lanciani1885,104).
See alsoLugari1890,1882,1910;RipostelliandMarucchi1908,
196-204;most recently,WindfeldHansen 1990;1996.
56See, in
general, CantinoWataghin1994, esp. 145- 6 with
bibliography.
57WindfeldHansen 1990, 1996.
58Becker 1994. For burialsin
amphoras,see Green 1977,
esp. 47; Soren and Soren 1999, 463-651 (esp. 490s).
59NSc1884, 80; 1887, 177-283; 1889, 272; 1893, 33.
60The excavationsdid not
identify the limits of the cemetery,makingit likelythat that there were more burials.The
chronologicallimitsfor this cemeteryare determined by an
inscriptiondatedbetweenAD. 365and373 (/CC/R5.15351),
a coin of Constans,a fragmentof a sarcophaguswitha crossat
either side, a transennadecoration, and a stampreferringto
the emperorsValens,Valentinian,and Gratian.For the sarcophagus,NSclSS7, 278 (Deichmannetal. 1967,n. 243, 687,
856 aresimilarsarcophagi);for the stampon a brick,probably
Fig. 16. The site on the west side of the ViaAppia (proprieta
Lugari):map of the archaeologicalevidence. (AfterRipostelli
and Marucchi1908)
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37
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LUCREZIASPERA
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Despite changes in the organization of the landscape connected with the funerary complexes of
the Christian community, the course of the Via
Appia was not affected; it continued to serve travelers, offering them a view of Rome's ancient prosperity through the preservation of many of the
monumental classical buildings.74Similar transfor-
mations, it is intuitable, mark generally the history of all Roman suburbs from Late Antiquity to the
Middle Ages; but only a careful and complete archaeological analysis will reveal exactly the features of these landscape changes. The complex
network of sanctuaries for which evidence exists
in the pilgrims' guides of the seventh and eighth
centuries is the end point of the Christianization
of the suburban areas developed here.75The ring
of sites outside the city walls in the seventh century, before the transfer of the bodies of the martyrs
to the urban churches, indicates the new ideology
defined by the diffusion of the Christian faith and
reflected in the organization of the suburbs.
The most obvious consequence of this phenomenon is the transformation of private into public
and collective spaces that combined funerary and
cult functions in a new way. Classical writers mentioned horti,praedia, and vMae sometimes in connection with sanctuaries and mausolea. In the Republican and early Imperial period, a denser network of cult spaces was found farther out, such as
the group of sanctuaries between the fifth and the
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39
Fig. 20. Cemeteryof Balbina:the small basilica probablydedicated to the Greek martyrs.(Courtesyof Archivio
Commissionedi Archeologia Sacra)
sixth milestones, where they functioned as meeting places for country people for religious festivals
such as the purification of the land and the propitiation of the harvest.76The urban population by
contrast used the public spaces inside the city.77It
is only with the diffusion of Christianity and the
acquisition by the Church of large areas outside
the walls that the suburban area acquire a new and
important "public"role.
Although it is not possible to draw general
schemes, especially for Late Antiquity, similar
trends have been recorded not only in Rome but
in other regions of the Mediterranean, especially
in Italy, Africa Proconsularis, and Gaul.78Therefore Christianityhad an important role in the transformation of cities from the third to seventh centuries A.D., in both intramural and suburban areas. In studies that have focused on extramural
sectors, such as in Milan, Carthage, or in some cities of Gaul,79important elements of this transformation have been recorded, and these data are
comparable with the information from Rome. In
all of them, the creation of ecclesiastical properties related to the presence of common cemeter-
ies and of martyrs' sanctuaries- centers of development and visitation- are two of the most important elements related to the evolution of suburban areas in Late Antiquity.
This article represents a detailed approach to a
circumscribed suburban area of Rome, highlighting that a development of new studies on the suburbs could contribute to the comprehension of
the transformations of post-Classical cities and to
the ongoing debates about the continuity or discontinuity of urban areas. Evidence presented here
from the area of the Via Appia shows the slow "destructuring" of one landscape followed by the creation of a new, Christianized panorama, a phenomenon that had started already during the Roman
empire.
76Legal995.
77
Regardingconcepts of public space in antiquity,see ZaccariaRuggiu1995.
78A
general descriptionof these townsis found in Carandi-
ni et al. 1993.
79On these cities, see Rebecchi 1993;Fevrier1993;Ennabli 1997.
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LUCREZIASPERA
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